The attempt has been made to present a general view: description of the most important topics

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Elisabeth Finckh

Some Characteristics of Tibetan Pharmacology

A very large part of Tibetan medical literature is concemed with pharmacology. Of course

it is impossible to present the large field of pharmacology in a short paper. The attempt has been made to present a general view: description of the most important topics.

(1) Books: the highly esteemed medical works of bsTan hjin phun dhogs.

(2) The standard work rGyud bzi must be the starting point for any study. Pharmacology is

described: part II, chapters 19, 20, 21, and part IV, chapters 3-19. Right at the start it is vital

to determine the medical terminology from this source. The terms of the most important

topics are derived from these texts, preceding the translations.

(3) Classification (classic division into eight parts).

(4) Tastes of the medicaments (sweet, sour, saline, bitter, pungent and astringent = 6)

(5) Potency of the medicaments (heavy, oily, cool, dull, light, rough, hot and sharp = 8).

(6) Preparations: It was possible to make quite clear that in these passages not only the

preparations but also the taste and potency of the medicaments are related to the threepart division of Tibetan medicine.

That means treatment is govemed by the patient's constitution. It is obvious that without a recognition of the type, treatment is impossible.

An application of Tibetan medicaments in the West is likely to mn into some difficulties because of the new pharmaceutical laws in Westem countries.

The presentation of this paper should serve to broaden the theoretical foundations in a

systematic way.

Very careful examination of the rich store of Tibetan medicaments is necessary in order that the West may benefit from the precious Tibetan medicaments.

Cai Jingfeng

Towards the Early Developmental History of Tibetan Medicine

It has long been a predominant notion, both at home and abroad, that the Tibetan system of

medicine is originated from Ayurveda, the ancient Hindu medical system. Actually this is not the case. Through a penetrating study on historical and medical literatures, it is obvious that the above idea belittles the creativity of the Tibetan people. This paper draws the conclusion

that Tibetan medicine is primarily the experience of the Tibetan people themselves,

accumulated through the long course of history in the struggle fighting against diseases, though they did assimilate considerable amount of medicine, theoretical and practical, from

Han people in inland China and Indian medicine. Viewing from historical documents, the

earliest Tibetan medical classic, sMan-dpyad Chen-mo {Medical Encyclopedia) was of entirely Chinese provenance, being translated from Chinese medical classic, while the second earliest

medical classic, 'Mi-Jigs-pa'i mTshon-cha {Fearless Weapon) was compiled on the basis of

a tripartition, Chinese, Indian and Persian. The earliest extant medical text, sMan-dpyad Zla- A. Wezler/E. Hammerschmidt (Hrsg.): Proceedings of the XXXII Inlemational Congress

for Asian and NorUi African Studies, Hamburg, 25th-30th August 1986 (ZDMG-Suppl. 9).

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ba'i rGyal-po {Medical Investigation ofthe Lunar King) is also an evidence of this medical

system of a tripartite origin. The paper also cites many modem authors for supporting this

viewpoint by verifying that the most important ancient Tibetan medical text, rOyud-bZhi {The Four Medical Tantras), is not a pure duplication or translation of ancient Ayurvedic work, instead, it is evolved on the basis of the above ancient classics. Although there are some chapters carrying contents quite similar, some even identical, to that of the extant Sanskrit

Ayurvedic classic. However, this does not necessarily support the strong evidence for the

hypothesis that Tibetan medicine has a pure Indian origin. Ironically, there are also many strong evidences, opposing the said hypothesis such as theories of viscerology, sphygmology, drugs that cannot be found in South Asia or that are even taboo to the Buddhist disciplines.

Though the Four Medical Tantras does carry an Indian title, bDud-rtsi sNing-po Yan-lag

brGyad-pa gSang-ha Man-ngag-gi rGyud ces bya-ba bzhugs-so, yet, it is in no case another

evidence for the aforesaid theory, for in a region like Tibet where Buddhism is prevalent, the mantle of a buddhist title or any form used to be adopted by a buddhist canon means nothing but aiming at the easy distribution and popular acceptance to the secular sector. It is not plausible that, should there exist an important original Sanskrit Four Medical Tantras, the great encyclopedia of Ancient Buddhist Canons, either in Tibetan or in Chinese, composing

of two parts, bGahjur and bsDanjur, doesn't carry any material, even a single sentence of

this Sanskrit work. Nor can anyone find trace or clue of such origin in the Canon. That is

why some authors who insist in the hypothesis of Indian origin sighed: "The availability of such a text not even heard of in India either in the past or in the present."

Liselotte Petersohn

Chinese Medicine is more than acupuncture

Chinese medicine is more than acupuncture, it is a total healing system based on the same

principles like Chinese art and culture, architecture, geology, building cities, painting, and music.

The "three teachings" of Daoism, Confucianism and Buddhism, and many other religious and

intellectual movements have been influencing the Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM) and

are forming a living development, the end of which cannot be forseen yet, also by the

influence of occidental science and medicine.

Both in the orient and in the Occident the healing systems from their first start were based on

philosophic theoretic comprehensions: understanding the human being as a whole but yet as

a part of the universe, closely linked (related) to sacral things, to the super rational, these are the common roots of the healing systems.

Especially during the last century in the Occident the monistic comprehension of all things and forces to be an undivided whole was given up. This led eventually to the dualistic philosophy,

the separation of macrocosm and microcosm, spirit and matter and with the analytic

"measuring" of the state of health to the static consideration of the substratum.

In the orient, however, the watching ofthe state of health, the dynamic judging of functions, is still the unchanged principle in the traditional healing system.

The energetics of the Qi, the vital original power with its bipolar qualities of Yin and Yang A. Wczlcr/E. Hammerschmidt (Hrsg.): Proceedings of the XXXII International Congress for Asian and North African Studies, Hamburg, 25lh-30lh August 1986 (ZDMG-Suppl. 9).

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with the lawfulness of the evolutive phases (wuxing) and the functional orbs (zangxian) is the

foundation of the TCM. A very special diagnostic following the eight guiding criteria

(bagang) form the basis for the therapeutical concept with its many kinds of therapy like

medicine, diet, Qi exercises (Qigong, Taiji chuan) physical treatment and acupuncture, and

moxibustion (zhenjiu) as well.

The theoretical outsets like they have been extracted since decades by Prof. Dr. M. Porkert

on behalf of the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (German Research Association) are a

distinct and clear concept for every physician for a Chinese diagnostic and the subsequent use of the therapeutical methods. This makes the Chinese medicine practicable, the diagnostic conclusions can be performed, the treatment and its effects are reproducible.

Of course, occidental medical diagnostic and therapy could (or should) be used either as a

first step or accompanying and thereby supplementing the therapy, as the case may be.

Like in China, also here in the Occident, both, physician and patient, should be aware of the possibilities and the limits of both healing systems.

Dealing objectively with the TMC, a thorough education and a further research must be

aimed at and philosophical thinkings — both oriental and occidental — must also be

incorporated like the modem results of occidental science and technology, so that eventually oriental and occidental healing methods, enjoying equal rights and supplementing each other, can be used throughout the world.

Judith Magee Boltz

The Rites of Wang Ling-kuan: Legitimation ofa Local Healing Cult

Two major power stmggles lie at the heart of the legend of the local deity who came to be

known as Wang Ling-kuan and the Taoist Master Sa Shou-chien (fl. 1141-1178?). One

conflict is among the most commonly recounted in Taoist writings and the other is an intemal combat that otherwise remains fairly well concealed. The predominant stmggle illustrated in the saga of Wang and Sa is that between shen and kuan, that is, the classical battie between local deity and state religious figures of authority. According to hagiographie lore. Master

Sa took it upon himself to destroy the shrine established in honor of Wang when he

discovered patrons were offering blood sacrifices. The disenshrined wayward spirit initially

sought revenge but, in the end, Sa's irreproachable conduct led Wang to pledge devoted

service to the Master. Inherent in Wang's legitimation as a guardian of the Tao is the

understanding that institutional authority had the right to proscribe and redefine or civilize any religious practice deemed socially unacceptable, primarily in the interest of reinforcing local allegiance to the state.

In addition to the celebrated theme of the etemal battie between the forces of good and evil,

the story of Master Sa's victory over Wang also seems to embody the fragments of a myth

designed to settie a critical stmggle for power within the preeminent Taoist patriarchy

popularly referred to as T'ien-shih or Celestial Master. Upon abandoning an unsuccessful career as a physician, Sa reportedly received instmction in therapeutic ritual techniques from

three practitioners of the Tao, one of whom conveyed a letter which, when handed over to

the seat of the Celestial Masters at Lung-hu Shan (Kiangsi), was recognized as a composition A. Wezler/E. Hammerschmidt (Hrsg.): Proceedings of the XXXII Intemational Congress for Asian and North African Studies, Hamburg, 25th-30th August 1986 (ZDMG-Suppl. 9).

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of the 30th-generation patriarch Chang Chi-hsien (1092-1126). A similar episode conceming Sa's encounter with the avatar of the 30th patriarch is recorded in a genealogy of the Celestial Masters where it is dated to the year 1141. Here Sa's timely appearance with a communica¬

tion from the apotheosized Chang Chi-hsien would seem to have been evoked when the

succession of the patriarchy apparently faced a critical challenge. Both the genealogy and

topographies of Lung-hu Shan suggest there was indeed some question as to the right of the

31st patriarch Chang Shih-hsiu (1080-1140) to succeed his nephew Chang Chi-hsien.

Hagiographers seem to have found in Sa the prophetic spokesman for the confirmation of a

collateral line of succession which was likely to have been contested even as Chang Shih-

hsiu's son, Chang Shou-chen (d. 1176) took office as the 32nd patriarch in 1140.

A late devotional scripture reiterates the narrative of the hagiographie lore and emphasizes

the role of both Wang and Sa in restoring order to a realm overtaken by daemonic forces.

Intemal evidence seems to link the scripture of Wang Ling-kuan to a Taoist Master named

Chou Ssu-te (1359-1451), military adviser to Ming Ch'eng-tsu (r. 1403-1424) on his northem expeditions. During his reign, shrines of the two deities served principally as tokens of loyalty

to the state. By 1603, Teng Chih-mo expanded upon the hagiographie records, producing a

novel that immortalized popular perceptions of Wang and Sa. Variant ritual codes in the name of Wang Ling-kuan, moreover, inspired Taoist exorcists for centuries in their battles with possessing spirits. Such is the legacy of this reformed local deity that even today, in his

assignment as guardian of Taoist temples, Wang Ling-kuan is thought to continually rise

above his own defeat in warding off baleful forces.

Erika Platte

The State of Nutrition in China

Research on nutrition has not been fully revived since the Cultural Revolution during which

this science was condemned as a study for the benefit of the bourgeoisie. Therefore, a

shortage of nutritionists and a lack of general knowledge of nutrition are currently

exacerbating China's nutritional problems.

Nevertheless China has come a long way to attain a nutritional status where caloric deficiency has been eliminated and chronic nationwide malnutrition has become a thing of the past. Since the late 1970s, the average consumption of calories in the Chinese diet has been adequate although severe malnutrition would probably still exist in certain localities of a country as vast as China were it not for a redistribution of food crops. China's level of energy availability

now exceeds those of the low-income countries and even surpasses those of some of the

middle-income countries.

The composition of the Chinese diet is in the process of changing in that the consumption of

non-staples has been on the increase. While this development was slow up to 1978, meat

intake has risen by about 50 per cent during the past few years. Especially in the cities, the Chinese are gradually tending towards high protein and low fat and a reduced consumption

of cereals. With record grain harvests China can now afford to shift the focus away from

agriculture to animal husbandry. There is also a trend for energy and proteins derived from fine grains to grow at the expense of coarse grains.

However, consumption levels of animal products are still low by intemational standards.

A. Wezler/E. Hammerschmidi (Hrsg.): Proceedings of ihe XXXII Inlernalional Congress for Asian and Nonh Afncan Sludies, Hamburg, 25lh-30lh August 1986 (ZDMG-Suppl. 9).

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Chinese nutritionists are not keen on emulating the North American or Westem European diets, which are higher in calories, proteins and fats, as they consider it as a possible cause for the high incidence of degenerative diseases and obesity. Nutrition is to be improved through vegetable protein development without neglecting animal protein production.

China's diet remains predominantly vegetarian and thus low in protein and certain essential

minerals and vitamins. Therefore, the prevalence of mild to moderate malnutrition in the

qualitative sense is still frequent in many parts of the country. Rickets, anemia, Keshan

disease and goitre represent the major micronutrient deficiencies resulting from insufficient dietary intake of specific minerals. In addition, rickets and pellagra are the most widespread manifestations of lack of certain vitamins. These disorders cannot be prevented until China

attains a more balanced diet in terms of protein sources. On the other hand, while in the

developed world obesity is perhaps the most important nutritional disease, it represents a

fairly recent phenomenon in China, especially among children in urban areas.

Given the limited natural resources and the huge population, China still has to go a long way to achieve a higher nutritional level. According to Chinese researchers, it will take at least another one hundred years, provided agriculture and animal husbandry will have grown three- and-a-half times larger, until a population of between 650 and 700 million can be guaranteed adequate daily protein requirements at consumption levels currently obtaining in the Westem world.

Sarojini Ajwani

The Philosophical Gleanings in the Medical Works of Caraka and Susruta

Caraka and Susmta, the Indian encyclopaedic medical treatises on the philosophical and

science of life (Jeevan Darshan) not only refers to the concept of Pumshartha (Karma) but

also refers to the protection and rejuvination of a sound health, immunization from illness,

their systematic diagnosis and their medication. An attempt has been made in the present

paper to cast down a birds eye view on the various philosophical gleanings in these medical

works. While refering to philosophy of life unlike all Indian system of philosophy these

medical works are also based on the legistical approach to the Ayurveda philosophy, hence, the present paper deleneates on the conceptual and theoretical aspects of abstract philosophical notions in relation to the preservation of health. The mind-matter relationship evolution and hereditary concepts, humeral theory. An epistemological theory based on tmth, knowledge, logical dedication towards Moksh realization, physiological processes i.e. logevity nutrition and diet and lastly the rejuvination therapy are some of the salient features of the paper. In addition, the following contributions of Caraka and Susmta towards philosophical gleanings in relation to Indian system of philosophy, deserves special mention:

a) Believing in the testimony of Vedas these two works are known as the major works of

Ayurveda and thus can be clubbed together among the heterodoxical system of Indian

philosphy so far as they refer frequently to the Indian system of Philosophy.

b) Certain non-heterodoxical concepts likt Trishna, ego, etc. of the Indian System of

Philosophy are also mentioned in the Caraka and Susmta.

c) Like Vaisheshika system, the Caraka accepted the six substances. But here the concepts of A. Wezler/E. Hammerschmidt (Hrsg.): Proceedings of the XXXII Intemational Congress

for Asian and North African Studies, Hamburg, 25th-30th August 1986 (ZDMG-SuppI. 9).

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the generalized and specific attributes of substances are developed out of the utilitarian nature of Ayurveda rather than by any philosophical stand point. While classifying the qualities

(Gunas) Caraka and Susruta referred to body, spiritual and general qualities. This is a

significant contribution of Caraka and Susruta in the world of Indian philosophy.

d) The classification of Dravya in the form of Rasbhedha, Antbhedha effect of its kinds

Aaharbheda, Yonibedha etc. are again a unique contribution of Caraka and Susruta.

e) The concepts of hell, heaven, Loka, Parloka of Caraka and Susruta are common to the

Indian beliefs of various systems of philosophy.

f) Caraka and Susruta of Ayurveda is based on knowledge which also not only refers to the

intuition but also mind, heart and ego attributes: Mind is the root cause of pleasure and pain.

The effect of Raja and Tama gunas leads to the stable or disturbed mental conditions. Karma is variously defined in the Vaisheshik system of philosophy.

g) While referring to the worid and its annihilation Caraka and Susruta mentioned the theory

of causation (Karyakaranvad). The world is treated as Prakriti and Purusha of the

Sankhyayoga system of Philosophy. The Caraka ideas on the world are based on six elements and four cyclic orders which indubitably signifies its special characteristics.

h) The concept of Pumshartha, physical amd mental training through exercises and proper

dietry system leads to the mental and physical equilibrium. This leads finally towards the

rejuvination of life.

i) The mind body relationship is inseparately demonstrated by the Caraka and Susmta, which are the common feature of all the heterodoxical system of Indian philosophy.

j) They refer to the Parloka, hell and heaven moksha and ways of attaining Moksha. This is

also a unique contribution where material welfare is mingled together with the spiritual

achievements.

k) They refer to the hell and heaven and recommend an ethical way of life to lead. Whenever the Tridoshas are disturbed, it leads to pain, untimely death, etc.

Naomichi Nakada

Several Ayurvedic Views as Referred ro in Some of the Early Mahäyäna Buddhist

Texts and so on

Sadahga and tridosa in the early Mahäyäna texts are to be discussed. As space is limited

here, what reported on tridosa at ICANAS is not presented but sadafiga is discussed. What

has been read at ICANAS is going to appear in the Joumal of Indian and Buddhist Studies,

for 1986.

In the Saddharmapundarikasütra, it is mentioned that both Tathägata and men on the way to

the enlightenment get into the state in which neither body nor mind moves.

(1) Saddh P. Kern's ed. p.5,11.7-11, (2) op. cit. p.l9,l.ll-p.20,l.l, (3) op. cit.

p.20, 1.15-p.21,1.4, {A) op. cit. p.24,11.15, (5) p.l58,1.13-p.l59,1.7, (6) Hirofumi

Toda: Saddharmapundarikasütra Central Asian Manuscripts Romanized Text,

Tokushima 1981 Kyöiku Shuppan Center, part one Kashgar Manuscript, VII

A. Wezler/E. Hammerschmidt (Hrsg.): Proceedings ofthe XXXII Intemational Congress for Asian and North African Studies, Hamburg, 25th-30th August 1986 (ZDMG-Suppl. 9).

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pürvayogaparivartah 155b, 11.1-3. "m(o) cäntare käya kadäci cälito na(m) hastapä- do'pi na cäpi grrivä cittam pi te iämtigatam susamsthitam anirnj (y) abhütafm) sthitä

aprakampikafm) naiv'äsi viksepa kadäci tubhyam (m) tyamta (iänta) sthitä tvam

anäsravam ".

Body, which does not move, is explained in detail, in the text given as (6) above. "Body is never moved at the trunk. Hand and foot are not moved, either. Neck is not moved, either."

This way of counting each part of the body may be compared with that as found in the

Carakasamhitä, Särirasthänam 7,5, which runs thus: taträyarn iarirasyähgavibhägah;

tadyathä--dvau bähü, dve sakthini, ürogtivam, antarädhi', iti sadahgam angam/

What is said as antare in the text (6) may be compared with antarädhi in Carakasarnhitä mentioned just above. This text of Carakasamhitä can be compared with the Astäfigahrdayam,

Särirasthänam, 3,1, which gives antarädhi. It can be compared with Cakrapänidatta on

Carakasarnhitä, Sütrasthäna, 30,4, which gives antarädhi, too.

Madhya^ is mentioned for antarädhi in Cakrapänidatta on Carakasamhitä, Sarirasthäna, 7,5,

... antarädhih mädhyam. (Trunk means the middle part.)

Antara as found in the Saddharmapundarikasütra, mentioned in (6), may mean the trunk as

the part of the body, antara is mentioned at the top in the detailed explanation on the body (käya), which is motionless. "Trunk being the most motionless among the parts of the body (käya), it is referred to at the beginning of the explanation of the motionless body." This last idea is influenced by a hint given by Prof. Dr. P. Thieme.

' antarädhi is translated as 'trunk' by P. Kutumbiah, in his 'Ancient Indian Medicine', Bombay etc. 1962 Orient Longmans, p. 7. On anga, see Meulenbeld, 'Mädhavanidäna', Appendix.

- Cf. madhya as found in the Susrutasarnhitä, Särirasthänam 5,3. "taccanadahgam—SäkhäS mädhyam paflcamarn, sastham Sira iti ".

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Masao Mori

On the "säkiz adaqli'y barim " in the Yenisey Inscriptions

1) The expression "säkiz adaqli7 barim" appearing in the three Yenisey Inscriptions signifies

"the eight-legged horse."

2) "The eight-legged horse" was "the shamanic horse par excellence" or the "typically shamanic" horse.

3) The narration by the deceased using the first person in the Yenisey Inscripfions is based

upon the custom or tradition of having a shaman or shamaness as a necromancer narrate in

a trance the words of the deceased through his/her own lips.

4) The reason why "the eight-legged horse" is enumerated together with many properties which the deceased owned while he was alive is probably because the remnants of a narration by a shaman or shamaness in which the shaman or shamaness menfioned "the eight-legged horse" which was "the shamanic horse par excellence" or "the typically shamanic" horse as

his/her own property, have been preserved as they were, thus making it seem to be the

property of the deceased.

5) The reason why only in the case of "the eight-legged horse" the word barim meaning

"property" was used, not "at" or "yunt" or "yilqi", is probably because "the eight-legged horse" was considered to be sacred as "the shamanic horse par excellence" or the "typically shamanic" horse, while "at", "yunt" and "yilqi" were "tabooed words." In short, barim must have funcfioned as a substitute for "at", "yunt" or "yilqi."

E. Esin

On a Tamgha Attributable to the Western Branch

ofthe First Kök-Türk Dynasty (ca 550-658)

The coins which could have belonged to the first Kök-Türk dynasty (ca 550-634 in the east,

659 in the west), were found in the areas ruled by both branches (the charismafic land of

Otüken, in present Mongolia and Turkistan). They are disringuished by inscripfions including the fitle qaghan, qaghanlar, without however the addifion "TürgiS", usual on coins of that

dynasty (659-766). They show neither the tamgha of the A-shi-na horses, nor that of the

second Kök-Türk dynasty, nor those usual on TürgiS coins.

The coins found in the eastem region bore an inscription in Kök-Türk characters, diversely

read, the last word of which was tentively deciphered as qaghanlar (The Qaghans) by Dr

O.N. Tuna. The Turkish inscription had been stamped on a Chinese coin of the Han period.

One of the Qaghan coins from Turkistan, also in Chinese style, showed an inscription in

Soghdian characters, the epithet of which was read either in Soghdian, by Mrs O.I. Smirn¬

ova, or in Turkish, by Dr O. Sertkaya, as "Bögü Qaghan". The other coin from Turkistan,

with the inscription Qaghan, displays however a bow-shaped tamgha. This form appears to

have been an insigne of power, not particular to a single dynasty, but also accepted by the Turkish qaghans. It has sometimes been interpreted as a crescent, or as the homs of a bull,

all of which themes have semantic connections in Inner-Asian astrology. In a Kök-Türk

context, the crescented shape of a letter could be read, either as ay (moon), or as ya (bow) A. Wezler/E. Hammerschmidi (Hrsg.): Proceedings of Ihe XXXII Iniemaüonal Congress for Asian and North African Sludies, Hamburg, 25lh-30th Augusl 1986 (ZDMG-SuppI. 9).