So far, research on the TPC has been mainly of the "context analysis&#34

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Chi-yun Chen

The Taoist "Scripture of Ultimate Equilibrium" (T'ai-p'ing Ching) A Content Analysis

The T'ai-p'ing ching (TPC) is one of the largest as well as one of the most controversial

collections of documents in the Taoist Repository (Tao-tsang). The collection has been

variously ascribed to the revolutionary writing of the T'ai-p'ing Tao movement and the

Yellow Turbans uprising of the 2nd century, the conservative work of the T'ien-shih Tao of 3rd-4th centuries, the scriptures fabricated by the followers of the Mao-shan Taoist, or the patchwork of some irresponsible Taoists in early T'ang (7th century).

So far, research on the TPC has been mainly of the "context analysis" type. A schematic reading of the TPC reveals that:

(1) There is considerable discrepancy between the ascribed titles of the TPC scriptures

and the actual contents of these scriptures. Sometimes, a continuous text is arbitrary

divided into two or three scriptures with different titles (TPC 98:156 and 157;

111:180, 181, and 182). Oftentimes, the title ascribes a magic power to the scripture but the actual text makes no mention or claim of such power. It appears that those who manufactured the titles of these scriptures had a poor knowledge of these texts, and that the text material had come from an untitled or differently titied corpus-writ in existence long (probably 100-200 years) before such titles were added to it.

(2) There is a sizable amount of duplicating material around several major themes. Two

of these themes deserve our special attention:

(i) The theme developing the concem about cheng-fii (C), a wellknown karma-like

concept;

(ii) The theme elaborating the concem over the excessive bulk of existing scriptural writings, wen-fan or wen-shu i-to (W), and the urgency of testing the efficacity of these writings and eliminating the spurious ones.

Theme-C and Theme-W are intertwined. Theme-W is expressed clearly in 24 scriptures and

opaquely in 17 more (some 30% of the total number of TPC scriptures), and Theme-C is

figured conspicuously in 9 scriptures, in 6 of which Theme-W is also figured, and less

conspicuously but still remarkably in 34 other scriptures, in 18 of which Theme-W is also

figured. All in all, the intertwined C/W-themes appear in 59 scriptures, forming a C/W group of TPC scriptures.

The developmental nature of the C/W-themes indicates that the C/W group of texts cannot

be produced by one person nor in a short time; nor can it be gathered from totally disparate sources. It must be derived from a coherent, cumulative corpus-writ of an evolving movement

or devolving tradition lasting over a long period of time (200-300 years). Examining the

development of the C/W-themes, one may distinguish the earlier, the middle, and the latter layers and the relative dates of the C/W group of TPC texts.

A. Wezler/E. Hammerschmidt (Hrsg.): Proceedings of the XXXII Intemational Congress for Asian and North African Studies, Hamburg, 25th-30th August 1986 (ZDMG-Suppl. 9).

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Margaret J. Pearson

Biography and Historiography:

Fan Yeh's Assessment of Wang Fu (FL AD 150) as a Source

When Fan Yeh compiled the standard History of the Later Han Dynasty (Hou-Han shu), he

included abiography (chuan) of Wang Fu. In it, he quoted at length from Wang Fu's Ch'ien- fu lun and justified this inclusion with the remark that Wang Fu's work was "sufficient to

provide a view of the customs and govemment of that time." However, this 'biography' contains very little about Wang Fu's life.

We know that he never held office, that he lived on the north-west frontier, and that he had four eminent friends: the scientist and poet Chang Heng (78-139), the exegete and teacher Ma

Jung (89-166), the father of Emperor Shun's favorite Honorable Lady, Tou Chang (d. 144),

and the calligrapher and prefect Ts'ui Yuan (77-142). Beyond this, we know little: There is

only one anecdote. In it Wang Fu barely apfiears: he said nothing. We do not know his

father's name, how he supported himself, or whether he had a family. Nor are we given

substantiation for two key assertions by Fan Yeh: the high assessment of his worth as an

historical source and that the reason for his political failure was his 'uncompromising integrity,' which made him refuse his friends' assistance in attaining office.

However, Fan Yeh did provide references linking Wang Fu's biography to other portions of

the Hou-Han shu. I have used data gleaned from these related biographies in an effort to

make what I hope are educated guesses about Wang Fu's life and the insights he may have

gained through his friends' experiences in and out of govemment. In the process, I have

found substantiation for Fan Yeh's assertions above.

Tou Chang held high offices in the central govemment throughout the reign of Emperor Shun

(126-144), who favored his daughter. After her death, Tou Chang lost one position to Liang Shang, but continued in other offices, and was promoted even after the death of Liang Shang.

From these positions, he could appoint officials; he helped Ts'ui Yuan in this way. Chang

Heng, the greatest scienfist of his age, was made Prefect Grand Astrologer three fimes. He

became so close to Emperor Shun that envious eunuchs forced him into a difficult (and

distant) Chancellorship, which he held for three years. Ma Jung, scion of a consort clan, was

an official for thirty-eight years, and served as Grand Administrator in at least two

commanderies. His criticism of members of powerful factions forced him into a life of

scholarship and teaching. In his first post, Ts'ui Yuan was tried for malfeasance and

convicted, because of factionalism. He refused many appointments, but was an effecfive

prefect for seven years.

These men could have given Wang Fu informafion about the polifics of commanderies,

prefectures, central govemment, and of the harem. Although we do not know how long these

friendships lasted, the informafion in their biographies supports Fan Yeh's assertion that

Wang Fu could have received an appointment through his friends and provides partial

substantiation of his high evaluafion of the Ch 'ien-fu lun as an historical source, by revealing the diverse careers of these men.

A, Wezler/E. Hammerschmidi (Hrsg.): Proceedings of the XXXll Intemational Congress for Asian and North African Studies, Hamburg, 25th-30th August 1986 (ZDMG-Suppl. 9).

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Rafe de Crespigny

History, Anecdote arui Fiction in the Records ofthe End of Han

Two of the standard histories of China, the Hou Han shu of Fan ye and Sanguo zhi, provide the bulk of our information for the period of the fall of Han and the establishment of the

states known traditionally as the Three Kingdoms. As is generally known, the main text of

Sanguo zhi, compiled by Chen Shou in the third century, is vastly supplemented by the

commentary of Pei Songzhi of the early fifth century, which quoted frequenfiy and

extensively from general, local and family histories and other documents compiled in the

previous two centuries.

Later understanding of the history of that time, however, has been seriously affected by the distortions of later story-cycles, dramas, and the celebrated novel Sanguo yanyi, "Romance of the Three Kingdoms", which emphasize the achievements of Liu Bei, ruler of Shu-Han,

and his associates, notably Zhuge Liang, contrasting those heroes with the fascinating

wickedness and ambition of Cao Cao, founder of Wei.

On the other hand, in the stories preserved by Sanguo zhi and its commentary, there can also

be discemed traces of whole cycles of romance and local legends. These items need to be

read with great care, and with constant questioning as to how each may be fitted to the real events of the time — or whether, perhaps, the story as told in the history is no more than an imaginative reeonstmction or perhaps deliberate fiction.

There are numerous examples which may be cited, but I can refer in this summary to only

a few of them.

With regard to Sanguo yanyi and the later romantic tradition, it may be interesting to observe that the celebrated mse of the "empty city", which according to the novel was played by Zhuge Liang against Sima Yi of Wei, is recorded in the earlier history as a tactic used against

Sun Quan of Wu by the Wei officer. Wen Ping. And the trick of "borrowing arrows with

straw-covered boats", ascribed by the novel to Zhuge Liang at the time of the Red Cliffs

campaign, may well be related to an anecdote conceming Sun Quan on another campaign

along the Yangtse.

Again, the novel, and the third-century work Xiandi chunqiu quoted in the commentary to

Sanguo zhi, describe a campaign launched by Sun Quan against the region of Sichuan. By

both accounts, the expedition was forced to turn back through the opposition of Liu Bei and Zhuge Liang, and in the novel this appears as the culminating incident in the rivalry between

Zhuge Liang and the Wu general Zhou Yu. It is my interpretation, however, that the

campaign never in fact took place, and both the early source and the later fiction have sought to give reality to a plan or scenario which was considered and then abandoned as impracti¬

cable.

As final example, I cite the celebrated campaign of the Red Cliffs in 208, and I argue that

the actual events which took place have been grossly exaggerated by later writers. At the

time, Cao Cao probably intended no more than a swift probing attack to see if he could divide his newly-allied enemies and take further advantage of his recent string of successes. The setback he received was later exaggerated, partly for propaganda purposes, and partly as its significance was realised; but this "decisive" battie was perhaps not so complex or so bloody, nor did it necessarily appear so important at the time.

A. Wezler/E. Hammerschmidt (Hrsg.): Proceedings of the XXXII Intemational Congress for Asian and North African Studies, Hamburg, 25th-30th August 1986 (ZDMG-SuppI. 9).

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In conclusion, I argue that the records must be studied in most careful details, with particular attention to the context of the events in the real world which they purport to describe. In many respects, however, the difficulties of analysis are more than matched by the delight of

discovering Sanguo zhi and the commentary of Pei Songzhi as refKJsitories for notable

material of literary romance.

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A.N. Balslev

A Philosophical Appraisal of l-Conscioumss in the Context ofthe No-Self Doctrine of Buddhism

The issue of I-consciousness as one of the most challenging tasks for any systematic enquiry of man had drawn the attention of the ancient Indian thinkers already at an early date. The philosophical treatment of this many-faceted issue gave rise to distinct conceptual models in the history of Indian thought.

This paper focuses on the diversity of views regarding this question in the different phases of Indian Buddhism. To begin with, reference will be made to the scholarly disputes centering

around the question of anätma-väda as the ultimate import of the Buddha's teachings.

Different interpretations of Anatta-lakkhana sutta and Brahma-jäla sutta will be alluded to.

The question of I-consciousness will be shown to acquire a novel dimension as the Buddhist thinkers deal with the subject, beginning with the Nikäya literature. The different versions of the accounts of I-consciousness will be noted in the analysis of the ideas of citta and

vijnäna, the doctrine of paüca-skandha, the pudgala-väda of the Vätsiputriyas, the mano-

vijüäna of the Vijfiäna-vädins etc. The development of the Buddhist ideas will be evaluated

in the context of Indian thought in general. An attempt will also be made to situate the

conceptual models in an inter-cultural framework.

Robert Robbins

The Concept of Anattä in Early Buddhism

Since earliest times, the mainstream of Indian philosophico-religious thought has been directed toward separating the essential from the non-essential, the self from the not-self. As set forth

in the Pali Nikäyas, early Buddhism provided its own interpretation of this imperative

launching a revolution in our thinking about ourselves and our place in the universe.

One of the most unique features of early Buddhism is the no-self (anattä) doctrine. Despite its eentrality, however, a comprehensive and consistent analysis has yet to be forthcoming.

Scholars have tended to take sides — generalizing upon particular applications. Despite the rather straightforward style of these texts, closer inspection reveals stratification in a number of ways, i.e. (1) as a chronicle, they span almost half a century of Gotama Buddha's life; (2)

by variations in style, syntax and formulation of doctrine; and (3) anattä is itself a

multifaceted concept operative on more than one level of discourse carrying epistemological, ontological, psycho-ethical and soteriological import.

In early Buddhism, the concepts of self, not-self, self-reference and personality are

intertwined. In the Nikäyas, these two concepts interrelate in various ways. At times, they are identical, contradictory and asymmetrical. While attä has currency in both conventional and philosophical discourse, anattä has currency only in the latter. There are two aspects to the

attä concept: (1) the conventional self — which Buddhism does not deny; and (2) the

metaphysical self — to which the meaningful ascription of a referent is not possible — at

times, either because unverifiable or else unintelligible.

A. Wezlcr/E. Hammerschmidt (Hrsg.): Proceedings of the XXXII Intemational Congress for Asian and Nonh African Studies, Hamburg, 25th-30th August 1986 (ZDMG-Suppl. 9).

So far, research on the TPC has been mainly of the &#34;context analysis&#34

So far, research on the TPC has been mainly of the "context analysis&#34