The majority of the people is not much aware of the Vedic tradition, and apathy towards Sanskrit and Sanskritic studies can be felt in general

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473

Samiran Chandra Chakrabarti

The Vedic Tradition in Assam: The Present Situation

The article is an attempt to present a preliminary report on the investigation undertaken with

reference to the area of Cachar and Sylhet (now in Bangladesh) and the area adjoining the

Brahmaputra valley. At the present time, when the Assamese people is trying to emphasize the Assamese culture, not many are interested in identifying the traits of Vedic culture still prevailing there. The majority of the people is not much aware of the Vedic tradition, and apathy towards Sanskrit and Sanskritic studies can be felt in general.

Tradition goes that westem Brahmins from Ita (near Agra) came with their families to Sylhet

and settled there. They formed a Vedic society in Ita pargana of Sylhet. Afterwards,

Brahmins from Mithila came to this region for helping the performance of Vedic sacrifices.

The localities where they settled are also mentioned. Several gotras are mentioned in this

connexion — Vatsa, Vätsya, Bhäradväja, Krsnätreya, Käsyapa, Kätyäyana, ParäSara,

Maudgalya, Svarnakausika, and Gautama. Brahmins belonging to these families are called

sämpradäyika and said to be devoted to virtuous conduct. The land grants of Assam present

a historical, and therefore far more reliable, account of Brahmins settling in Assam.

Nidhanpur Grant alone mentions 205 Brahmins of 58 gotras receiving landgrants. The grants also indicate royal patronage behind the spread of the Vedic culture in Assam, particularly during the reign of the Varman dynasty. From different sources, published and unpublished,

names of 81 gotras prevailing in Assam have been collected. A few of them are however

mere variants.

The majority of people have no clear idea of the Vedic texts they follow (or are supposed to follow) in performance of their rites. The following paddhati works are reportedly followed:

Käleiipaddhati based on the Äsvaläyana Grhyasütra, PäSupatapaddhati based on the

Päraskara Grhyasütra, and Bhavadevapaddhati based on the Gobhila Grhyasütra. Previously, the Maithila Smrti was mostly followed. It appears that later on Raghunandana's work became

current in Bengal and from there they were introduced also in Assam. In practice one now

finds followers of both. On enquiry from some local advocates it is leamt that Däyabhäga

prevails also in Assam, and Mitäksarä applies to the outsider now residing in Assam.

According to tradition, Naraka came from Mithila, and during his reign the Maithila culture

spread in Assam and gradually influenced the earlier cultures. During the Gupta period

Hinduism flourished in Assam under the patronage of the Varman kings, who themselves

performed grand Vedic sacrifices. Reportedly, no Vedic sacrifice was performed in recent

years.

Vedic manuscripts are now rare in Assam. Jatindra Bhattacharya collected a large number of manuscripts from different sources. The collection, now in care of Jadavpur University, has not yet been duly processed.

Traditional Vedic teaching is imparted in Manikul Ashram in Gauhati. No Tol in Assam in

known to be exclusively devoted to Vedic studies. The situation is in no way better in

colleges and universities.

Several features of the Assamese rites and festivals are believed to be survivals of Vedic sacrifices. Interesting resemblances between the religious belief of the Vedic people and that of some hill tribes of Assam have also been noted. Further careful investigation is however

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essential for ascertaining the extent of borrowing or mutual influence.

Indira Y. Junghare

Dr. Ambedkar: The Hero ofthe Mahars, Ex-Untouchables of India

Dr. Ambedkar, the leader of India's ex-untouchables, was a champion of human rights. He

was a fighter for the dignity of man and a saviour of a suppressed people. Being bom as an untouchable. Dr. Ambedkar faced caste discrimination of the worst kind. He was treated like a leper. Yet, he grew in name, fame and national prominence without being lifted by a party press or party caucuses. The drafting of the Indian Constitution brought him recognition as its Chief Architect. By his efforts, Ambedkar insured that untouchability was abolished in the Constitution of Independent India. He released a suppressed people from the stigma, shackles and slavery under which they had groaned for ages.

The unique life of Ambedkar has become a new source of leaming and a new source of

inspiration for the ex-untouchables of India, particularly the Mahars of Maharashtra. A great deal of folk literature has spmng up centering around Dr. Ambedkar in which Dr. Ambedkar is not only treated as folk hero but elevated even to the rank of divinity, as an avatar, a reincarnation of Vishnu.

This paper serves three purposes. Primarily, several songs of the untouchables from

Maharashtra, collected in the Vidarbha region, have been translated from Marathi and Hindi

and analyzed in a way which reveals the several images of Dr. Ambedkar. Secondly, the

paper discusses two processes that make Dr. Ambedkar a special hero. One process is

exaltation, which can be referred to as 'ascension' through which a person is uplifted to the status of deity, and the other process is avatara or descending of a deity to the earth in the form of a human. Thirdly, the paper explores the implications of the literature of the Mahars and their making of the Ambedkar deity for their new religion, Neo-Buddhism.

The songs of the Mahars provide various images of Dr. Ambedkar: a common man who with

his stmggle rose above society; a blessed man with fame and fortune, a unique leader with

extraordinary talent; an unparalleled hero; a canonized saint; a deity, and an avatar. Finally,

through the songs Dr. Ambedkar is promoted to the foremost rank of the great divinity.

Furthermore, he is believed to be a human form of the Supreme God who came to earth to

help suppressed people. It is surprising that in such a short time, less than thiry years after his death, we have been able to see a process of deification, the phenomena of god-making.

The Mahar tradition is responsible for putting Ambedkar on a pedestal. Dr. Ambedkar

revived Buddhism, added to it some of his philosophies and created a new religion for his

community. He gave the Mahar tradition a religion. In turn, the tradition filled the void of

God, which was apparent in the religion, by making him the God. Similarly, Dr. Ambedkar

provided the tradition with the poetic inspiration, and the Mahar tradition, in tum, produced folk songs and used them as a vehicle in the making of their hero.

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475 George Kurian

Role of Christians in Initiating Social Change in Kerala, India

Christianity has ancient roots in Kerala and it is believed that St. Thomas, the Apostle of Jesus Christ preached Christianity in South India. The Kerala Christians are known as Syrian Christians as they use Syriac liturgy and also called Nazaranis meaning the followers of the Nazarene. At present, next to the Hindus they are the largest community in the state and are

one-fourth of the population of about 27 million. Christianity survived in Kerala by

developing an indigenous character. They are in practice a caste maintaining strict endogamy and have always benefited from the tolerance of Hindus.

Christians have reached a dominant position in Kerala due to their high level of education.

European missionaries, first Anglicans and then Catholics are primarily responsible for

spreading modem education from early 19th century. By 1826, Nairs the dominant Hindu

community started their first schools and have since emulated the Christians and have now

reached high level of literacy.

Women were encouraged to get education in missionary schools. By only 1876 Govemment

started giving encouragement to women's education and by 1907 there were a number of

women's schools. By 1936, 317 girls were in school. At present, co-educational schools and

colleges are the norm though there are a few women's colleges. As a result of women's

education, child marriage gradually disappeared and widow remarriage is possible. Women

are now equal participants in all professions. In fact, the first woman Surgeon General in the world was in Kerala in 1935.

Perhaps, one of the best indicators of social change is the modemization of the family. The author has made investigations periodically in Kerala in 1961, 1968, 1972 and 1984 and noted the gradual and steady modemization of the family. These studies covered various aspects of family life. Major decision making in family is now increasingly done in consultation with all adult family members rather than by the head of the family. As regards marriage, while for the predominant majority, marriages were arranged by their parents with their consent, approximately one-fifth claimed they made their own choice with the consent of the parents.

About one-fifth are also willing to allow free choice for their children.

While Kerala is one of the most densely populated areas in India, even among working class

people family planning is fully accepted and population growth has declined by 40% in the

last fifteen years leading the rest of India. Two-child families are increasingly common.

Marital stability is still the norm due to social pressures and influence of relatives. Children's education is a primary concem for the parents leading to the highest literacy level in India of over 70%.

The 1984 study of youth in Kerala showed that they have increasingly good communication with parents, retaining respect for them. As regards premarital heterosexual interactions the youth is willing to change their attitudes but in practice majority are still not exercising this

freedom. While their comments in general are a mixed bag, the move is towards more

egalatarianism.

Well developed school and post-secondary education in Kerala originally sponsored by

Christians have spread to all religious groups. As a result, people are now able to get jobs not only in Kerala but all over the world and Kerala is a model of high level of community

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health and hygiene and political awareness leading to progressive social and labour legislation unmatched in the rest of India.

Klaus Karttunen

The Country of Fabulous Beasts and Naked Philosophers — India in Classical and

Medieval Literature

Classical antiquity possessed a comparatively reliable picture of India thanks to Megasthenes and the historians of Alexander the Great. Necessarily this picture was biased and contained

many elements from purely Greek tradition, the so-called interpretatio Graeca, yet it

originated from real experience of India and included many correct observations. This picture was transmitted by such authors as Strabo and Arrian who tried to critically select the best authorities available. It survived until late antiquity, when it was already badly dated, but was

then replaced by something much worse. The new picture was then transmitted throughout

the Middle Ages and lasted more or less until the dawn of modem indology. It consisted of

several elements:

Geographically, Ptolemy's relatively correct information was completed by the curious notion of India as the country situated next to the Garden of Eden. The Ganges was accordingly identified with the Biblical Phison, a river flowing from Paradise.

The classical accounts were still read but now it was no more the real India but Indian

marvels that were sought. Thus it happened that Ctesias could displace Megathenes. The

terrible martichora and the dog-headed men became again an essential feature of the westem picture of India.

The history of Alexander had changed into a legend of Alexander, the so-called Alexander romance, and strange adventures in India and other still more fabulous eastem countries were an essential part of it.

Stories about gymnosophists, the naked ascetics of India, became very popular. There was

not much real information about their doctrines, but their severe asceticism attracted many.

They were contrasted with the warrior Alexander and used for propagating the Christian

monastic ideal. India became a land of wisdom, and philosophers of old, beginning with

Pythagoras were ascribed Indian travels. Some really did go to India in search of wisdom, like Mani.

India was also the country reputedly converted by the apostle Thomas and thus there had been no contact with them over many centuries.

This was the picture of India during late antiquity and the Middle Ages. There were no

contacts with the real India anymore, and the legend of India lived its own life in

medieval tradition. The Indian marvels were endowed with Christian symbolism and used in

literature and art. When the late Middle Ages got some fresh information from travellers like

Marco Polo and Jordanus of Severac, it did not affect this picture at all. Even after the

Portuguese had opened the direct route to India it gave way only slowly. In the 16th century even scientists were still too ignorant to abandon the Indian marvels straight away, and even later they lingered long in popular fantasy and literature. Thus we can meet most of them e.g.

in La Tentation de Saint Antoine of Flaubert in the late 19th century.

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Horst Brinkhaus

The Deseent ofthe Nepalese Malla Dynasty as Reflected by Local Chroniclers

On the subject of the descent and history of the Nepalese Malla dynasty — from about the

end of the 14th century up to the second half of the 18th century — quite a number of

indigenous historiographic documents are preserved:

— The Gopälaräjavamsävali which undoubtedly dates from the reign of Sthitiräjamalla

(completed around 1390 A.D.),

— stone inscriptions and manuscripts of genealogical contents from the 17th century,

— and chronicles in Nepali and Newari, written down in the 19th century.

These traditional Nepalese sources from the 14th, 17th and 19th centuries offer three

remarkably different developmental stages of views Nepalese chroniclers brought forth on the ancestry of Sthitiräjamalla and his descendants.

Ist stage: The Gopälaräjavamsävali as well as all other historical documents from the 14th and 15th centuries keep quiet about the descent of Sthitiräjamalla; apparently his origin was

unknown or perhaps even kept consciously wrapped in mystery. Both Sthitiräjamalla and his

sons were denied the full title of king in Bhaktapur. Sthitiräjamalla' s claims to power were based mainly on the rights of his wife Räjalladevi, the daughter of the former Bhaktapur ruler

Jagatsimha, who descended from the Karnäta dynasty of Tirhut.

2nd stage: The ignorance about the descent of Sthitiräjamalla and thus of the whole Malla dynasty was felt later on to be a shortcoming in the hereditary monarchy of Nepal under the

later Malla kings. Two diverse conceptions were developed in the 17th century in order to

eliminate that blemish.

Genealogical documents from Bhaktapur under Jagajjyotirmalla and his successors offer the

following lineage: The line of Mallas is traced back to " Jayasthitimalla" , as Sthitiräjamalla is called now; then four names are listed as direct ancestors of "Jayasthitimalla" which are

otherwise totally unknown and seem to be invented only to create a transition from the

Nepalese Mallas to the Karnäta line of Tirhut; and finally the genealogy shifts to the Karnäta king Harisimha whose ancestry is followed further back to Nänyadeva.

On the other hand, four stone inscriptions written between 1637 and 1658 under the Malla

kings of Kathmandu and Patan uniformly present the following divergent view: The Malla

line is traced back only up to Yaksamalla, the grandson of Sthitiräjamalla; then the genealogy jumps back to Harisimha and his Karnäta ancestors; and finally, all are assigned to the ancient

Indian SüryavamSa.

Thus all genealogical documents of the 17th century agree in tracing back the Malla dynasty

to the Karnäta line of Tirhut. This must be seen as the background for the remarkable

popularity which the Karnäta king Harisirnha attained in Nepal at that time: He was credited

which having introduced into Nepal the highly venerated goddess Taleju who became the

house-goddess of the Malla family. Harisirnha, who in fact never reached the Kathmandu

valley since he died while fleeing to it, was obviously by this means elevated to a worthy ancestor of the Malla dynasty.

3rd stage: A similar process once again recurred in the 19th century, but this time in favour

of the Malla ancestor Sthitiräjamalla. Chronicles of that century uniformly follow the

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Bhaktapur concept: They all trace back the Malla line via "Jayasthitimalla" and his four obscure ancestors to the Karnätas of Tirhut. In addition, however, the chroniclers of the 19th century still felt the need to corroborate this view by crediting "Jayasthitimalla" with an impressive list of accomplishments. Among these deeds assigned to "Jayasthititmalla" the

introduction of the caste system into Nepal has become most famous. Until today modem

scholars treated of this deed as of a well-testified historical fact.

That "historical fact" is open to doubt: On the one hand, there seems to be not the slightest indication of any such deed by Sthitiräjamalla in any older Nepalese source of evidence. And on the other hand, the late Nepalese chroniclers who intended to describe Sthitiräjamalla as a notable ancestor of the Malla dynasty had good reasons to assign impressive accomplish¬

ments to him who, after all, had been disputed as king during his lifedme and whose name

chroniclers of the 17th century still preferred to conceal.

Phanindra Nath Chakrabarti

Trans-Himalayan Trade (1774-1857)

Since much of the recent controversy has been centred on the India-China border issue, we

propose to undertake further investigations in this focal area. In the present paper, however, we would confine ourselves to the empirical side of the debate.

The connection between India and her Himalayan neighbours is though very old we

overlooked the strategical importance of this region until the Chinese invasion of Tibet in

1950 and the Sino-Indian confrontation in 1962 took place which kindled India's mde

awakening regarding the strategical importance of these areas.

For the first time in the history of India-China relation the act of spilling blood took place in the rough, useless Himalayan tract breaking the long silence and making the region restive.

Since time immemorial India carried on intra-Asian overland trade with her Himalayan

neighbours. But Tibet was, however, not a prospective market for Indian commodities.

Again, Tibetan goods have very insignificant demand in India.' Both Indian and Chinese

merchants had access to Tibet. They exchanged their goods reciprocally. Tibet, therefore, posed actually as a transit place for the trade between India and China.

Failed to enter into inland trade of China through Canton, the English East India Company, directed its Governor of Bengal to investigate the possibility of entering into China through Tibet.' The period from 1774 to 1857 had witnessed altogether nine official and unofficial

European and non-European missions sent by the Company to Nepal, Bhutan and Tibet.' The

Tibetans disliked the English as well as the Chinese. Inspite of this, at least two English

' George Bogle, who led the first British commercial mission to Tibet, observed that the scope of East India Co.'s trade with Tibet was very limited. Narratives of the Mission of George Bogle ...

ed. by CR. Markham. P. 162 (India Office Library, London),

^ Home Miscellaneous, Vol.219, P. 325 (I.O.L., London), Narratives, P.4 (I.O.L., London).

' Sir Francis Younghusband, India and Tibet, PP. 7-27.

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479

commercial missions headed by George Bogle and Captain Samuel Turner entered into

Tibet.'

In order to keep the English out of Tibet the Tibetans preached that Tibet was under Chinese political control.'

A close investigation of documents on Tibet, however, shows a different picture.

The Gurkhas of Nepal invaded Tibet twice in 1788 and 1791.' Tibet had no standing army.

So they sought military help from the English in Bengal.'' If Tibet would have been under direct political control of China, she could not have asked for help from the English. Refusal of the English only directed them to seek help from China. This helped China to delude world opinion. They reiterated their claim to Tibet and forcefully imposed unbridled authority in the land of the Lama.'

In 1791, the Gurkhas once again invaded Tibet.' Chinese help saved them again. The British inactivity enabled the Chinese to try to strengthen their control over Tibet leading to cut off India's commercial relation with Tibet.

The British concluded a trade agreement with Nepal promising her to help secretly against China.^ But this was a hoax. Nepal was not only not given assistance when she desperately needed it* but the role played so far by the English had been uniformly deplorable, inept, pusillanimous and treacherous.

Therefore, Nepal closed her door for the English commerce into Tibet through her. Bhim Sen

Thapa, the Nepalese Prime Minister (1806-37) envisaged a plan to build an 'Asian Front

against the growing British Colonialism.'

' Home Misc., Vol. 219, P. 375. For details see Samuel Turner, An Account of an Embassy ...

(I.O.L., London).

■ Tashi Lama's letter reached Calcutta in July 1775 in which he wrote 'As this country (Tibet) is under the absolute Sovereignty of the Emperor of China Bogle's Papers: Tashi Lama to Hastings Q.O.L., London).

' Aitchison, C.U., A Collection of Treaties, Engagements and Sanads ... Vol. XIV, P. 56.

- Ibid.

' Two Chinese Political Agents or Ambasis were 'appointed by the Court of Peking resided at

Lhasa Home Miscellaneous vol. 219, p. 385.

" Aitchison, op.cit.. Vol. XIV, P. 56.

' Ibid.

* Col. Kirkpatrick, An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal, P. 204 O-O.L., London).

' G.C. Sastri, Historical Glimpses of Modern Nepal, PP. 25-38.

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Bru B. Khare

The Constitutional Path and Indian Nationalism

The founders of the Indian National Congress, who were well-versed in Westem institutions and thought, supported the creation of a political environment as a prerequisite for nation-

building, not only encompassing all social elements of India, but working closely with

sympathetic Englishmen, and cultivating a sense of national identity. Since the early Congress movement was essentially secular, it could easily amalgamate all Indian cultures and religions.

Although it failed to bring into its fold the middle-class Muslims, eventually it succeeded in its objective of securing national independence. That eventual nationalism had to be based on liberal constitutional ideas from the West is undeniable.

As the European education spread many native peoples in the colonies began to leam about

the ideals of unification and nationalism which had dominated Europe in the nineteenth

century. In India this subject was feared and its teaching was prohibited by the British

govemment. Unknowingly, the European leaders themselves encouraged the ideals of

nationalism. For instance, the Versailles Peace Conference of 1919, along with the Atlantic Charter of 1941, declared that every nation had the right to choose its own govemment. Yet, the colonial powers did not apply these hyperbolic ideals to their own foreign possessions.

But the ideals of self-mle spread anyway. As the twentieth century progressed, there was a

contagious growth of nationalism to a large number of colonies and the stmggle for national

independence was on. In India, the ideal of national independence was formulated in

constitutional terms. The first nationalists were members of the prosperous middle class: they were British trained lawyers, doctors, teachers and joumalists. Their inspiration came from European systems of parliamentary democracy. Early nationalists created the Indian National Congress (INC), which held its first conference in Bombay in 1885. They were encouraged by several enlightened Englishmen, including a Scottish civil servant, Mr. Allan Hume, who described the Congress movement as a safety valve to allow the escape of uncontrollable

energies. The question in his mind was not if the movement was premature, but was it too

late? Could the harm brought to India through colonialism be remedied?

The end of the long road to India's independence came at least but not soon enough.

Although there were many reasons for Britain's withdrawal from India that were historical and circumstantial in nature it is also tme that as nationalist feelings along with communalism intensified, the British were quick to find a final solution. That solution was constitutional in nature, resulting in the creation of two dominions, India and Pakistan.

The commendable manner in which the last scene in the nationalist drama was played out

depended a great deal upon the sagacity and perseverence of Lord Mountbatten. It was a

fitting recognition ofhis dedicated service to India that the Constituent Assembly unanimously

endorsed the Congress proposal that Lord Mountbatten should be appointed as the first

Govemor-General of India. Mountbatten humbly responded in the affirmative and said that

not only was he proud of this honor bestowed upon him, but that he would carry out his

duties in a constitutional manner. In retrospect, it can be argued that in colonies such as India, with English-educated middle-class, the guidance received by the British sympathizers, at least in the formative phases of nationalism, helped direct the fight for independence in a constitutional direction.

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481 ViNTTA Damodaran

Working the Constitution

A Study ofthe Acceptarwe of Office under the Govemment of India Act of 1935

The period 1934-37 was a very eventful phase in the history of the Indian nationalist struggle.

It was one of fervent debate and doubt which severely tested Gandhi's strategies of political action. It was in this period that the Congress leadership decided to opt out of a policy hitherto followed of agitation, to take up a constitutional programme. The context of this debate is set within the ending of the civil disobedience movement in 1931 which created an impasse wherein both the imperial policy makers and the nationalist intelligentsia struggled to find a new equation.

When in 1935 the imperial policy makers came forward with the 1935 Govemment of India

Act the Congress was in a quandary. The Act itself conceded very little and the Congress was

vehement in its opposition to it. The Govemor-General continued to have sweeping powers

which permitted him to over-mle the elected legislature in all cases. But at the provincial level the machinery was slightly more elastic. In a situation of impasse that existed after Civil

Disobedience had wound down some elements in the Congress were attracted to the

constitutional programme. In October 1933 Satyamurthi, a Congressman from Madras formed

a provincial Swaraj party to contest elections to local bodies. Other congressmen contacted Gandhi and he tentatively gave his blessings for a parliamentary programme. Gandhi in this period did not see the parliamentary programme as being the sole programme of the Congress

which it was later to become. But as the programme gradually gathered further strength

opposition to it came to be increasingly voiced by Nehm and others who came to constitute

the Congress left. Nehm viewed the withdrawal of Civil Disobedience as a blunder and felt

that direct action alone had any validity. The Congress socialists who were organised as a

party in 1934 also criticised it vehemently and pointed out that it would degenerate into a responsive cooperation.

As the left could offer little altemative in the form of a viable programme the trend seemed

to be to continue with the parliamentary programme. An acute helplessness and absence of

policy seems to have gripped the Congress. They were in a situation where despite opposition to the Act they were drifting towards it as no other altemative to a parliament programme had

emerged. In October 1935 Gandhi appealed to Nehm to accept the Presidency of the

Congress to help evolve a consensus on the twin issues of Council entry and office

acceptance. Gandhi hoped that Nehm's links with the Socialist group would help integrate them with the Congress.

The growing parliamentary trend was reflected by the majority of provinces voting in favour of contesting elections and accepting office. As the debate continued the Council entry seemed

to become the slogan of the right wing while non-acceptance of office became the cause of

the left of the party. The main arguments put forward by the right were expressed best by

Rajendra Prasad when he said that by abandoning direct action the Congress had not become suddenly reformist and reactionary. Instead it would still be revolutionary by going to the

legislatures and pushing forward the Congress programme. The best way to combat the Act,

then, was to use it the way the Congress wanted.

The left on the other hand saw the acceptance of office as draining the vitality of the

movement, of tempering revolutionary mentality and of allying with imperialist machinery.

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As Nehru put it, if the decision was for office acceptance it would mean responsibility without power and the Congress would find itself resjxjnsible for the administration along with the apparatus of imperialism for the deficit budget and the suppression of labour and peasantry. He was prepared to allow for elections but he was against office acceptance. He

therefore suggested that the Congress go to the people and make the constraints of the

constitution clear to them and use the legislative platform to end these imperialist bodies by creating deadlocks in them.

It is interesting that the Communists took up a different viewpoint. In line with the

Dutt/Bradley thesis which had emphasised the necessity for working within the Congress the Communists opined that the left should concede to the right the issue of ministry acceptance and should not give it any ground to split the anti-imperialist ranks, but it should formulate the tactics of ministry acceptance in a way that it ceased to be a means of compromise with imperialism but on the contrary became a weapon of struggle against imperialism and against

the right. Such a programme would ensure that the right wing would either support such a

programme for fear of risking their legitimacy or be isolated. The CSP and Nehru were

correct in seeing the risks of office acceptance; they were correct in visualising that the

Congress would find it difficult to keep pace with mass demands once in office. But the

altemative suggested by them of Council entry would only create deadlocks and force the

Congress on the path of direct action almost immediately, which at that juncture it was

difficult to contemplate. The right wing were correct in seeing their political options more realistically but they did not reckon with the force of mass demands which they would have to meet once in office.

Despite the differences the Congress went ahead on the minimum consensus of accepting

office. Despite the limitations of franchise the Congres success showed that the party had generalised mass support. The question of office acceptance could not be deferred further and

as the opinion of the Provincial Congress Committees became available it was clear which

way the Provincial opinion was swinging.

The British viewed these developments with growing satisfaction. They believed that the

acceptance of office was of vital importance as thereby the constitutional elements in the Congress and the right would split with the left on this issue leaving the right to continue in office.

Within the working committee Nehm, Narendra Dev, and Patwardhan still opposed office

acceptance and Gandhi set about trying to find a solution. He himself had come around to

office acceptance although he stressed the limited role it could play. The Congress he said was going to the legislatures not to give but to take cooperation. His resolution stressed that the Congress intended to combat the Act by accepting office and coordinating activity inside the legislatures with activity outside. The only condition he laid down for acceptance was a verbal agreement in each province by the govemor that he would not use his special powers of interference. Nehm and the Socialists were forced to accept this resolution and they bowed

to the majority decision. The conditional acceptance did not require any impossible

declaration to be made. The Viceroy and the Secretary of State after some hesitation duly

made a conciliatory statement, and in July 1937 the Congress accepted office.

The whole debate on the issue had evolved as a debate over the strategies of political action to be followed at a particular conjuncture. For any nationalist stmggle participation in the

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483

constitutional experiments of the imperial policy makers was fraught with the dangers of

incorporation and co-option. The debate over the acceptance of office in 1935 hinged on this.

It was an attempt to resolve a situation of impasse wherein the national struggle was

threatened by political inactivity and where the altemative of constitutional action was

endagered by co-option into the imperial stmcture. Gandhi's solution of combatting the Act by coordinating activity inside and outside the legislature was an attempt to resolve this dilemma.

Gerald James Larson

An Old Problem Revisited: The Relation between Sämkhya, Yoga and Buddhism

(The full text of this paper has been published in: Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik (Stil) Bd. 15, 1989, p. 129.)

Karel Werner

Pratyaksa and DarSana

Indian Theories of Perception and Knowledge

The aim of the paper is to investigate the criteria the Indian mind has developed for accepting or rejecting tmth claims both on everyday and the assumed absolute level.

In virtually all Indian schools of thought, orthodox or unorthodox, the process of knowledge is understood as consisting of three mutually interdependent constituents: (1) pramätr (the

knower), (2) prameya (the object of knowledge) and (3) pramä (the process of knowing).

Pramä proceeds through specific channels of knowing termed pramänas of which three are

almost universally accepted as tme channels of knowing: (1) pratyaksa (perception), (2)

anumäna (inference) and (3) Sabda (testimony). In the cognitive process two or all three

pramärias are involved almost simultaneously or in close succession. In the verification process all three pramänas have to be employed.

Pratyaksa regarded as direct perception becomes knowledge through anumäna which relates

it to past pratyaksas and iabdas. It appears to be a kind of direct knowledge not in need of a further proof. Anumäna, or inference and judgement, is based on pratyaksas and/or Sabdas.

It results in derivative knowledge or theory. Sabda or testimony is based on someone's

pratyaksa or anumäna or even iabda. Most of our personal general knowledge (gained by

study) is a complex of iabdas. So is tradition (including revelation).

Verification of knowledge on phenomenal level proceeds by the interplay of all three

pramänas. Pratyaksa relies on anumäna for the elimination of ertors and on ^abda for further

confirmation and so, although it has a certain primacy, it does depend on the other two

pramänas. Anumärm requires confirmation of conclusion by pratyaksas and/or ^abda of the

elite or the 'best minds' of the particular culture (mahäjanas). Sabda has to be tested by both pratyaksa and anumärm, often again by proxy (relying on the felite).

Indian tradition insists on having found a direct avenue of knowing absolute tmth, an

equivalent of pratyaksa on the ultimate level, often called darpana, (in Buddhism vipaSyanä

and ultimately bodhi). Yet it also needs inference and testimony for its verification. An

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ordinary person may have a darSam only by proxy when seeing an accomplished master, but will use anumäna when deciding whether the master is genuine, together with iabda, i.e. the judgment of others, especially his betters, i.e. mahäjarms, thus applying all three pramänas.

In this way all teachers and teachings can be tested (cf. Käläma Sutta of the Pali Canon (AN 1,3,65; PTS I, p. 188) if faith is not accepted as criterion. Even so they can be accepted only on the grounds of the likelihood of their being true before own darSarm is achieved.

The verification of absolute knowledge by an accomplished master is by self-examination. He

must have darSana of ultimate reality, i.e. universal pratyaksa or bodhi, he will use

anumärm to establish that his experience is consistent (as exemplified by the Buddha's formula of paticcasamuppädä) and will receive confirmation of his achievement by other accomplished mahäjarms (muktas or buddhas and bodhisattvas).

The conclusion is that the basic epistemological pattem of three avenues of knowing, viz.

direct perception, inference and testimony, applies both to the relative knowledge on the

phenomenal level and to the ultimate knowledge of the final tmth. Subjective claims of own enlightenment outside this pattem are not acceptable.

EDELTRAUD HaRZER

Sänkhya Inference

Until recently, Säfikhya theory of inference has been a largely neglected subject. Neverthe¬

less, on the grounds of the attention that its opponents gave to the Säfikhya school, Erich

Frauwallner some thirty years ago proposed that it must have had a well-developed theory

of inference during the first centuries of C.E. He himself reconstmcted a part of this theory of the pre-classical period. The Sastitantra is apparently a representative text of the pre- classical Säfikhya. In his reeonstmction of this text, Frauwallner distinguished two forms of inference, but he did not deal adequately with Dignäga's reference to a threefold distinction.

He drew his information from Dignägas's Pramänasamuccaya, wherein the Buddhist logician

scmtinized the most important philosophical schools of his time (first decades of the 6th

century C.E.), focusing primarily on the Hindu schools. The threefold distinction of inference has been fully accepted by the Säfikhya school of the classical period, while the twofold distinction has been altogether forgotten.

Various Buddhist and Jaina texts are also helpful in reconstmcting Säfikhya inference in the

classical period. The Yuktidipikä, a commentary on the Sähkhyakärikä, which is the basic

classical Säfikhya text, provides the main supporting material. The Yuktidipikä is the only

Säfikhya commentary which contains extensive and elaborate arguments, many of which are

directed against Dignäga. Since Dignäga's Pramänasamuccaya is significant for the

background material for this topic, I intend to show how Dignäga was influential in shaping Säfikhya inference during the classical period.

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Naomichi Nakada

Word and Inference in the Yuktidipikä

We can see the comparison of word and inference in the controversy between Sämkhya

school and Buddhist, the controversy perhaps being introduced as Paddhati in the Yuktidipikä.

The background of this controversy is that Sämkhya school admits pratyaksa, anumäna and

äptavacana, and Dignäga admits pratyaksa and anumäna only. Debate on whether

äptavacana is pramäna or not is demonstrated in the Yuktidipikä on the Sämkhyakärikä v.6,

p. 45,1. l-p. 46,1.3 from bottom (in Prof. Dr. Pandeya's ed.).

Cf. Nakada: Collation of the text of the Yuktidipikä, the part discussing the problem of word and inference (The Bulletin of Taurumi College, Studies in Humanities and Social Science, vol. 19, part 4, 1986, pp. 31-30.)

Now Sämkhya school was obliged to refute Buddhist's criticism and establish its epistemolog¬

ical foundation, indicating some differences between word and inference.

Several points of the differences only as indicated in the YD may be introduced here.

1) A reliable person (äpta) can be pramätia even he may not utter the sentence iyacas) of the means {sädhana — perhaps the formulated statement of inference), for example as in the case

of niyama (which is accompanied by some restricting vidhi though not uttered). (On the

contrary, anumärm is to be expressed through sädhana in order to be understood by other).

2) The concept which has not extension as moon can not be made the object of inference, but can be made the object of word. On this topic, discussion starts with the following opponent's view.

((Depending on such an inference as mentioned below, knowledge of those, which have not

extensions, is possible)).

[REASON] As the word candra (moon) is depending on the parts (as the standard for the

meanings). — The word candra takes place among (the set of) many parts, viz. jäti (genus), dravya (individual), guria (quality), kriyä (action).

(([PRATUNÄ] so the word has the meaning,))

(DRSTÄNTA] just as the words Dittha and so on.

3) Word is depending on the speaker, but middle concept does not.

4) Conceming word, changes takes place according to districts and ages. Conceming middle

concept, not so.

A) It is seen that the original meaning of the dhätu is observed in the particular district only, and on the other hand the derivatives from the same dhätu show far deviation from the original meaning and used in some races.

B) It is found that the same meaning is expressed in mutually different words according

to the various differences of the districts.

Author of the YD knows both of A and B as shown in Bhartrhari's commen¬

tary on the Mähäbhäsya.

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5) The perceptible thing which has mark is known through the mark, but that which has

no mark is known through word. The knowledge of the one universal soul (which has

no mark) and religious duties through word as referred in Safikara on BS. 2-1-6 can be compared with this.

6) Man can use the words to apply them to the objects according to his wish, but can not

use middle concept in such a way.

7) Ability of "Word", which can be defined as being only, can set forth all meanings, but middle concept can not cause to know all the meanings.

MINORU Hara

The Holding ofthe Hair (keSa-grahana)

In the war-books of the Mahäbhärata, the epic heroes are described fighting in single combat, trying to seize the hair of each other. Once the warrior succeeds in holding the hair of his adversary, it promises him a perfect triumph. Viewed from the side of the defeated, on the other hand, the same act of being held by hair is an unbearable humiliation, for it is nothing short of a final defeat. When a warrior holds the hair of helpless women, particularly married women in a miserable situation, it is condemned as the unfair and even ignoble measure.

But the same act of holding the hair changes its aspect completely, once we turn our eye to the romantic scene of love-making. It is no more a violent action, but a tender approach to the beloved. Thus, in the legal literature, it becomes an indicative of adultery or unchastity,

when man and woman are observed as indulged in holding each other's hair. Sanskrit lyric

is full of romantic description of seizing each other's hair.

Yet, it is curious to note that even in these heterogeneous contexts of fight and love, there are some elements common to both. Not only keia-grahatia, but also the fighting nail to nail

(nakha), teeth to teeth (danta), pressing by arms (bähupldana) and striking (ähata) — all

these actions in battle are transformed into such arts of love as nakha-radana (nail-print), cumbana (kissing), älihgana (embrace) and praharaita (patting) in erotic literature. Sexual union (surata) is thus in a way the single combat (rati-rana) between male and female, where all the items in actual fighting can be applied as they are. Hence the phrase of Kämasütra:

kalaha-rüparn suratam äcaksatel

William H. Snyder

Sanskrit Consonants and Sandhi: A Description Based on Psycho-Acoustic Features

The physical limitations for the production of speech sounds define and limit the possibilities for consonant clusters. Acoustic properties of the sounds reveal factors involved in sandhi which are best explained in the light of current research in psycho-acoustics. Traditional

grammar has been based on the purely descriptive analysis of the articulatory features of

language. Phonological rules have subsequently been derived from these descriptions.

Variations in the production which are encountered in the actual speech context are

characterized by rules which are to be applied in the specific context. Thus we recognize that

Sanskrit and German have both voiced and unvoiced occlusives but the voiced occlusives

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487

seem to lose the feature of voicing in the word-final position. Similarly, final consonants in

French may be said to be lost when not followed by a vowel in the initial position of the

following word. Changes which occur in the combination of voiced and unvoiced occlusive

in Sanskrit are not, however, the result of the application of a set of extrinsic rules but are rather a consequence of the real physical limitations on the production of such sequences of sounds. This paper explores the possibility of explaining the sandhi rules in terms of their articulatory, acoustic, and psycho-acoustic features. This analysis presents a description of

Sanskrit phonology very different from that of the traditional grammars and reveals much

more valuable insight into the actual mechanisms of the phonological system.

Vit M. Bubenk

Passivized Causatives in Sanskrit and Prakrits

It is often maintained that causative constructions occur only in the active voice. This paper will demonstrate that while passivized causatives appear rather rarely in modem languages (French, Turkish, Hindi) they were quite common in Sanskrit and Prakrits. In Sanskrit drama Mudräräksasa (with extensive passages in several Präkrit dialects) the active and passive

causatives are on a par (ca. 100 occurrences of both constmctions were recorded). The

passivization on the Causee Agent appeared to be more common than that on the Goal (59

vs. 37 instances). The passivization on the Goal could have resulted in syntactic doubling with both the Causer and the Causee grammatical ized by the instmmental:

(1) visakanyayä räksasena ... ghätitas tapasviparvatakah (Mudr. 1.14.4-5)

'unfortunate Parvataka ... has been killed by Räksasa by means of a poison-girl' The assigning of the Subject function to the Causee Agent results in a passive constmction with the Causer Agent realized as an agentive phrase:

(2) sa mayä ... sakhyam grähitah (Mudr. 1.15.16-8)

'That person was made by me to form friendship ..."

In jussive sentences, either the Goal or the Causer Agent may remain unexpressed. The

second option is seen in:

(3) yo 'yam aparah ... Mam äropyatäm (Mudr. 1.20.35-7)

'and that other man ... should also be impaled'.

The only verb whose passivized causative was found to occur in both types of constmctions was likh 'write':

(4) Sakatadäso 'pi tapasvi tam tädr^arn kapatalekham ... mayä lekhitah (Mudr. 7.8.6-7)

'Poor Säkatadäsa, also, was made by me to write that forged letter'

(5) äryacänakyena ... lekhito ... lekhas (Mudr. 5.1.3-4)

'the letter ... which was caused to be written by his Honour Chänakya'.

In other instances this potential ambiguity of the passive causative participle was avoided by activizing it (by the suffix -vant):

(6) esa räksasaprayuktayä visakanyayä parvateSvararn vyäpäditavän (Mudr. 2.18.10)

'He (= the Jaina mendicant Jivasiddhi) killed ParvateSvara through the agency of the A. Wezler/E. Hammerschmidt (Hrsg.): Proceedings of the XXXII Intemational Congress

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poison-girl employed by you (= minister Räksasa)'.

In non-modal contexts the passive finite forms were used rarely in the present tense; in the past tense, on the other hand, the passive non-finite forms (the participle in -ta) represented

ca. 70% of all the instances. In modal contexts (commanding) the dichotomy of the active

(imperative) vs. passive causative (imperative and gerundive) implements the distinction between neutral and more polite directives:

(7) praveSaya (Mudr. 5.5.11)

'bring him in!'

(8) sa tvayä praveSayitavyah (Mudr. 5.3.6)

'Let him come in, please'.

The active causative imperative grammaticalizes the Causer Agent but not the Causee which

is obvious from the extralinguistic context; the causative gerundive, on the other hand,

grammaticalizes the Causee and (optionally) the Causer Agent. However, neither of these two constructions grammaticalizes the Goal which coincides with the addresser of the command.

The valency changes in a monotransitive causative verb passivized on the Goal may be

summarized as follows:

Active Passive

Causative Causative

DO (Causee) Agentive phrase

The valency changes in a monotransitive causative verb passivized on the Causee Agent may

be summarized as follows:

Active Causative

SUBJ (Causer)

DO (Goal)

DO (Causee)

Passive Causative

- Agentive phrase SUBJ

DO^

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489 Colette Caillat

The constructions 'mama krtam ' and 'mayä krtam ' in Asoka's Edicts

The starting point of this paper is the article by G. Cardona, Language, 46.1 (1970), p. 1-12, on "The Indo-Iranian construction mana (mama) krtam, in which a genitive form "used to denote an agent" occurs with a past participial form. In this paper the Asokan data is examined (only those (pro)nominal forms which are unambiguous are taken into account).

1. Normal construction type (19 x): the agent is in the instrumental form (Cardona's type

"F"). 1.1 the pp. is from a simple stem (11 x): cf. Major R(ock) E(dict) V Gi(mar) (D), mayä bahu ka(l)länarn katarn, "by me many virtuous deeds have been performed" (Hultzsch, Cll I), "I have done much good". 1.2. the participle is from a causative base (8 x): I Gi (A), iyam dhamma-lipi I.I rä(n)hä lekhäpitä, this rescript /./ has been caused to be written by king /./" (Hultzsch). — Two variants with the agent in the genitive seem inconclusive; one

in Sh(ahbazgarhi) I (A), raho likhapitu (but, in such statements, Sh is not immune from

Iranian influence); the other at the end [compare 2.2] of IV (K) Dhauli only, läjine /./likhite [simple stem! but Gi, etc., rä(n)nä /./ lekhäpitarri].

2. The "agent" is in the genitive (Cardona's type "H"). 2.1. the participial form has an

"atemporal" instead of a past reference (cf., especially, those from the roots meaning "wish, know, honour", compare Pänini 3.2.187-188; 2.3.67); the edicts have six occurrences of

-mata (ife; even -matatara), five of which are in RE XIII. — The other is in I, Gi (E),

eka(c)cä samäjä sädhu-matä /./ rä(h)flo, "some festival meetings /./ are considered right according to ~ by the king".

In some occurrences, the pp. seems equivalent to a substantive: XIII Sh (I), pratibhagarn ca /./ savra-manuianarn guru-matam ca devanampriyasa, "the tribute of all men and the grief of His Majesty", cf also, XIII Ma(nsehra), etc., (S), devanapriyasa dhrama-vuta.

2.2. With verbs other than those meaning "to know ...", the construction with the "agent"

in the genitive is not usual (3 x, two of which occur in RE XIII; -I- and two inconclusive variants supra 1).

In the construction type mama krtam, the emphasis is not on the agent but on the action and its result: thus, clearly, XIII Sh (Q), so [seil, dharnma-vijaya] /./ ladho devanampriyasa, "His Majesty has gained, achieved, the victory of the Law". In the opening sentence of XIII, the gen. has a comparable shade of meaning (cf. U. Schneider, Die großen Felsen-Edikte ASokas, p. 117, 140, "als der König /./ acht Jahre geweiht war, wurde Kaiinga erobert"), Sh (A), athavasa-abhisitasa /./ raho Kaliga vijita, "the king had Kaiinga conquered, as a conquest";

again II (A) insists on the achievements of the king and details the various projects which have actually been "completed by the king", Gi, (etc.) rä(fl)no /./katä (gen.; except Dh- Jaugada, instr.).

Thus, in ASoka's inscriptions, the two constructions mayä krtam and mama krtam apparently express different shades of meaning: an opposition seems more or less in force between the

common expression of the preterite (with the "agent" in the instrumental) and the

specialization of an otherwise existing pattem (with the genitive; cf. Oertei, Zu den

Kasusvariationen in der vedischen Prosa, Sitz. Bay. Ak. Wiss., Philosophisch-historische Abt., 1939, 6, p. 3ff ) to express the perfect.

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Claus Vogel

The Preliminary Work Done by H. Roth (1620-68) on a Sanskrit-Latin Dictionary

In 1967, while working in the National Central Library at Rome, A. Camps rediscovered two

long-missing manuscripts once owned by the German Jesuit Heinrich Roth (1620-68), who

had lived as a missionary at Agra for ten years. One of them contained a thitherto

unrecognized copy of Venidatta's PancatattvaprakäSa (a 17th-century synonymic lexicon)

transcribed by a native hand but provided with numerous interlinear and marginal glosses

from Roth's pen, which appear to have been preparatory to a Sanskrit-Latin dictionary

intended as a supplement to his Sanskrit grammar (the oldest European one of its kind). Out of a total of 912 lexical units found in the PancatattvaprakäSa, as many as 644 (or 70.6 p.c.) have been furnished with such glosses, which may be classified as under:

(1) Glosses referring to two or more articles together, such as "necklace" (mälä) for the terms pearl necklace and flower garland (I 99cd).

(2) Glosses referring to a single article as a whole and applying to all synonyms listed in it.

(3) Glosses referring to a single word within an article and not applying to the other

synonyms listed in it, such as "window" (fenestra) for gaväksa "netlike texture" (19d) and vätäyana "silk cloth" (I Ila).

(4) Glosses referring only to part of a word within an article and not applying to the

synonyms listed in it, such as "maternal uncle" (mamu) for mätula- in mätulabhü

"matemal uncle's son" (I 58c)

It goes without saying that the glosses of the first, third, and fourth types were primarily meant for Roth's own orientation, and that merely those of the second type were suitable for lexicographical purposes. Hence it is but fair that only they are subjected to a critical examination, which reveals the following kinds of error:

(1) Amalgamation of articles, such as "back" (tergum) for the terms backbone and back a 84ab).

(2) Confusion of words, such as "brother's daughter" (filia fratris) for bhrätrjäyä

"brother's wife" rather than brätrjä (I 51c).

(3) Misinterpretations, such as "grass-eating animal" (herbatica) rather than "agriculturist"

for kseträfiva "living on field (crop)" ( I 212b).

(4) Incongmities, such as "flea" (pulga) rather than "nit" (I 134ab).

(5) Oversights, such as "tiger" (tigris) rather than "lion" (leo) and vice versa (I 122).

(6) Inexactitudes, such as "adulteress" (adultera) rather than "lustful woman" (I 42cd).

In order to obviate any misunderstanding, it must be emphasized that the bulk of the glosses gives rise to little or no criticism. Their provisional nature, on the other hand, follows from the fact that there is no unity of language in them: 46.0 p.c. are in Hindustani, 43.3 p.c. in Latin, 8.7 p.c. in Portuguese, 0.9 p.c. in German, and 1.1 p.c. in a medley of Hindustani

or Portuguese and Latin, the choice of idiom being not govemed by logic. Hindustani words

have been written in Roman characters according to Portuguese pronunciation.

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491

A more detailed German version of this paper has been published in: Vicitrakusumäüjali.

Volume presented to Richard Othon Meisezahl on the occasion of his eightieth birthday.

Edited by Helmut Eimer. Bonn 1986. (Indica et Tibetica. 11) Pages 131-146.

Michael C. Shapiro

'Sporadic' Sound Change and Hindi Historical Phonology

In the evolution of modem Hindi from its Old and Middle Indo-Aryan progenitors there are

numerous examples of so-called "sporadic" phonological change. As compared to some other

branches of Indo-European, the history of the Indo-Aryan languages, and of Hindi in

particular, has involved a relatively large number of anomalous or "unproductive"

phonological changes. "Sporadic" change may be of many different types. It can consist of

a phonological development that is limited to a very small set of forms, one that is

phonologically "unnatural" in some way, or one that is an irregular exception to some more regular or "productive" phonological development.

In this paper I will attempt to provide an inventory of the types of "sporadic" change that have occurred in Hindi. I will distinguish those changes for which a phonological explanation can be provided from those where no such explanation is possible. The historical reasons for the prevalence of "sporadic" change in the history of Hindi will be discussed. It will be shown that some, but by no means all, instances of "sporadic" change are related to

altemations introduced into Hindi as a result of language contact and as a result of the

simultaneous existence in Hindi of vocabulary items representing different historical stages in the development of the Indo-Aryan languages. The paper will conclude with some general remarks on the undesirability of carrying out the study of Hindi historical phonology only in terms of unidirectional and exceptionless sound laws.

Etienne Tiffou

In collaboration with H. Berger,

D. L. R. LoRiMER(t), Y. Ch. Morin and

Nasir Uddin Hunzai

Towards an Edition of Hunza Bundaski Proverbs

The authors intend to give an edition of proverbs, formulas, and riddles of Hunza. Mrs. E.

Lorimer provided H. Berger with manuscript notes of her husband containing around 170

proverbs. During his field work, H. Berger gathered around 150 proverbs. Finally, when he

was in Montrdal as associate researcher, Nasir Uddin worked with Y. Ch. Morin and E.

Tiffou on these corpora and provided them with 300 others, some formulas and 30 riddles.

With his help, it has been possible to decipher Lorimer's notes. Excluding a substantial number of doublets, the corpus consists of around 600 entries.

The followed classification is formal: assertive proverbs, interrogative proverbs, precepts, comparisons, formulas and riddles. It is intended to indicate other types of classification (s.

M. Kuusi: Towards an intemational type-system of Proverbs. FF Communications, CCXI,

Helsinki, 1972 and W. Nieder: Intemational Proverb Bibliography, New York, 1984) which

may be indicated in appropriate indexes.

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Almost all the proverbs which have been gathered have to be explained, for their meaning is rarely transparent or refers to particular feature of civilisation. The following implicit comparison gives a good example:

imi guöhäbä

his mother she is in bed

literally 'his mother is in labour', but which really means 'he is gorging himself. As a matter

of fact, when a woman gives birth, the neighbours bring food, which the children of the

house snatch away immediately. That is why, when in a gathering a man eats a lot, one says 'his mother is in labour'.

But the edition of such proverbs does not involve only problems of understanding and

interpretation. It is also important to know to what extent the symbolic meaning remains the

same in Buruäo culture and in ours. For example, the donkey, which we perceive as a f)oor

or stubborn animal, is sytematically seen as bad and perverse. This is also the case in

proverbs of other civilisations (e.g. Beamese proverbs).

However, the main reason which, from the very start, led Y. Ch. Morin and E. Tiffou to

undertake such an endeavour, was the linguistic value of such texts. In fact, these present a great value both from the point of view of vocabulary, morphology and syntax. For instance an expression such as

Sapiime isk

?.GEN young/child

is understood as an expression used to greet holy and great persons, in which, however, the

meaning of sapiime is no longer known. The Buruäaski suffix -as is considered as a

morpheme of 'nomina agentis'. This must be partially rejected on the basis of constructions such as

Sumä (sis) tikar mälas apäy,

good person earth.DAT fall. N0M5 NEG.it is

yenis sämulo balüuyas api,

gold sand.in lose. N0M5 NEG. it is

'Good men can no more fall on earth than gold can be lost in the sand' . It is clear in this text

that balüuyas cannot mean 'the loser', but 'what is lost'. Other proverbs give valuable

information on the relative constructions:

Sei yam thäane tanös

needle prick. N0M5 place. GEN mortar

'Where the needle pricks, there will be a mortar'. The relative verb must be a nominal 4 or 5, while the semantic relation between the postcedent and its trace in the relative has to be induced from the context (cf. Basque gizon den etxea ederra da 'the house where is the man is beautiful').

But overall one can expect the publication of such material to contribute to the survival of a civilisation and of a culture which deserve to be better known.

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493 K. L. Chattopadhyay

Radical Trend in the Brahmo Reform Movement in Bengal

Brahmo Reform Movement in 19th Century Bengal was the mother movement to which

almost all modernising efforts at popular level owed their origin. Its contributions towards popular awakening outshine its ultimate eclipse.

The movement progressed though four distinct, though overlapping phases. The central

figures of the first three phases were, one after the other, Rammohan Roy, Debendranath

Tagore and Keshab Chandra Sen. During the fourth phase — the phase of Sadharan Brahmo

Samaj, the incipient radical trend in the movement reached its high noon.

Female upliftment was the central aim of early reformers. Agitation for abolition of Sati, polygamy and child marriage; agitation against debauchery and drunkenness, among menfolk;

campaign for female education, widow remarriage and prof)erty right for women marked the

widening range of female upliftment movement.

At the beginning, it was felt that modem education, the key to national regeneration, was

possible only through the English medium. Later on, there was an increasing advocacy for

the vemacular medium.

Early leaders like Rammohan and Dwarkanath were zealous patrons of indigo cultivation. But

as the oppressive nature of the system became evident, Debendranath and Akshaykumar

opposed it and espoused the cause of indigo cultivators. This change of front reflected a

change in the social composition of the Brahmo movement; aristocratic elements were being out numbered by recmits from the urban middle class.

A new dimension was added to the movement during the third phase by Keshabchandra Sen.

He tried to give the movement an All India character and enlist the support of toiling masses.

Two items of his reform programmes were indeed original, publication of low priced

newspapers and training of the distressed in industrial arts.

Keshab began with a great promise which somehow was not fulfilled. His growing reliance

on official patronage, his gradual withdrawal from radical reform activities, the Coochbehar marriage scandal, his ostentatious style of living, afflication of a fell disease and lapse into mysticism reduced him to a lonely and pathetic figure.

The break of radical Brahmos with Keshab was therefore inevitable.

From 1876, Brahmo Reform Movement flowed in three distinct lines. One line spearheaded

by Keshab was the line of anachronistic mysticism and soon ended in a blind alley. The

second line, the line of political agitation represented by Sivnath, Anandamohan, Surendranath and Nabagopal found its fulfilment in the establishment of the Indian National Congress. The

third line of socio-economic reforms, sponsored by Sasipada, Dwarkanath, Krishnakumar and

others represented the most vital line along which the movement continued for some more

time. The last two lines converged at many points.

Dwarakanath Ganguly succeeded in bringing the wretched condition of tea plantation

labourers of Assam to the public notice. Pioneering activities of Sasipada Banerjee in the

industrial suburbs of north Calcutta proved to be the seed-bed of Indian trade union

movement; with Krishnakumar Mitra began the period of peasant rallies on peasant demands.

A. Wezler/E. Hammerschmidt (Hrsg.): Proceedings of the XXXII Intemational Congress for Asian and Norüi African Studies, Hamburg, 25th-30üi August 1986 (ZDMG-SuppI. 9).

(22)

Finally, under the twin impact of growing political agitation and resurgent Hinduism, the Brahmo Reform Movement gradually lost its distinct identity and merged, almost impercepti¬

bly, into broad national stream.

S. A. A. Rizvi

TTie Role ofthe Süfis and Khänqähs in the Urbanization of Medieval India

The Muslim conquerors of India, as was the case in other parts of the Islamic world, founded new towns and made modifications in old ones in order to meet their military, strategic, administrative, political and commercial needs but the life-span of some of these was very

short. Towns founded by the Arab conquerors such as Mansüra, can be unearthed only by

archaeologists but the towns which developed around süfi khänqähs came to be more stable

and prosperous. Uch, where Shaykh Safi u'd-Din Gäzirüni settled in the eleventh century,

developed into the capital of Sind. The repeated Mongol invasions could not undermine the

importance of Multan because of the infiuence of Shaykh Bahä'u'd-Din Zakariyya (d.

661/1252) and his successors. The tomb of Bäbä Farid (d. 664/1265) made Ajodhan (Päk

Pattan) a prosperous town. A large number of pilgrims were always attracted to Sehwan

because of the tomb of La'i Shahbäz Qalandar. Although Delhi Sultans and the Mughal

emperors constantly changed the sites of their capital in Delhi, the tombs of Khwäja Qutbu'd-

Din Bakhtiyär Käki (d. 633/1235), of Shaykh Nizämu'd-Din Awliyä' (d. 725/1325) and

Shaykh Nasiru'd-Din Chirägh-i Dlhli (d. 757/1356) made the expansion of Delhi very unique.

From Peshawar to Sylhet in Assam and from Kashmir to the Deccan, the süfi khänqähs and

tombs gave rise both to the establishment of new towns and to the growth of the old ones.

The pilgrims who moved from one khänqäh to the other closely interlinked the towns with

each other. Besides the families of the keepers of the khänqähs and tombs, artisans, craftmen and merchants also settied there. The merchants engaged in overseas trade and commerce also stayed in khänqähs both for reasons of piety and protection. They deposited their surplus

goods and money with the keepers of the khänqäh. The influence of khänqähs was

responsible for the remission of innumerable urban taxes. The urban taxes remitted by Sultän FFrüz Tughlaq (752/1351-790/1388) can be analysed more adequately in the light of the süfi influence on him.

The religious and cultural activities of khänqähs made a very deep impact on the social and intellectual life of the towns. Eminent scholars who settied there for peaceful and pious life delivered advanced lectures to keen scholars and encouraged them to produce scholarly works on different branches of knowledge. Consequently towns which were predominantiy strategic or administrative centres also encouraged süfis to settie there and to promote the spiritual and cultural life of their inhabitants.