Tsugunari Kubo
The Central Concept of the Bodhisattva Practice
in the Lotus Sütra
1 . The Lotus Sütra has been historically accepted as a whole despite the
discussion of the possibility that it was compiled in different stages.
The contents of the Sütra should thus be examined as a totality, especially
the textual development from Chapter One through Chapter Twenty. The
Sütra's uniqueness is revealed through its references to previous concepts
of bodhisattva practice.
2. The Nidäna Chapter sheds light on the contents of the following chap¬
ters and figuratively explains the stance of the Sütra towards bodhi¬
sattva practice. The bodhisattvas first referred to are not necessarily
followers of the Lotus Sütra.
3. The teaching begins in Chapter Two. Säriputra asks in his first request
to the Buddha, "How shall we fulfill the practice?" The Buddha's reply
manifests the Buddha's purpose, including the märga he advocates for the
sentient beings aspiring to buddhahood.
The idea that all human beings can enter the path of a buddha is suc¬
cessively expressed by the references to easy practices carried out by
sentient beings in the past, by the references to the heirs of the Buddha,
and by the predictions of future buddhahood given to all the people.
4- In its concept of the dharma-bhänaka , the Sütra treats equally men and
women, as well as renunciants and the laity. However, in the age in
which the Sütra was compiled, it is doubtful that lay men and women or nuns
were actually among the dharma-bhänaka practitioners.
The Sütra explicitly requires the practices of accepting, reciting,
expounding, copying and honoring the Sütra of its practitioners, although
it does not completely disavow the practices of the six päramitäs and of
the stüpa cult.
S. Chapter Nineteen comes at the conclusion of the teachings in the core
part of the Sütra. The bodhisattva in the story is described as being
the previous life of Säkyamuni, thus stressing the value of his practices.
In this story, Sadäparibhüta Bodhisattva addresses everyone, saying, "I
dare not belittle you. You must all practice the bodhisattva path and you
will become buddhas."
The story focuses on the practice of the bodhisattva before he encoun¬
ters the Lotus Sütra, thus showing that the Sütra advocates the philosophy
behind his behavior regardless of whether or not he was one of its fol¬
lowers. The Sütra thus stresses that a positive attitude of trust is neces¬
sary for human action.
A subtle intention of the Sütra is revealed when it says that those
who despised and threw stones at Sadäparibhüta Bodhisattva are the lay
bodhisattvas, nuns and lay women who are in the assembly and who have
already attained anuttarä samyak-sambodhi . It is probable that renunciant
dharma-bhänakas put such a reference in the text in an effort to overcome
the actual inequality - i.e. the prejudice against women and the laity - of
the times.
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6. The practice of Sadäparibhüta in Chapter Nineteen and the philosophy
behind the story reveal the necessary attitude with which one must do
the practice of reciting and expounding the contents of the Lotus Sütra.
The story shows the fundamental importance of connecting one's actions to a
spiritual function.
[a full text is to appear in the commemorative volume dedicated to
Professor Jikidö Takasaki (Tokyo]
Akira Yuyama
Miscellaneous Remarks on the Lotus Sütra
In this paper I have in the first place introduced some important recent
research works on the Lotus Sütra - newly discovered source materials as
well as publications, which necessitate a full revision of my bibliography
published from the A.N.U. Press (Canberra) in 197o. Then I have shown a few
examples of textually interesting readings gleaned from the Lotus Sütra,
with special reference to the so-called Kashgar Manuscript and Kumärajiva 's
Chinese version. The Central Asian recension of the Indic text offers a
number of important variants and will certainly throw light on the question
of the transmission of the Sütra. It is of particular interest to compare
it with the Chinese version translated by Kumärajiva in 4o6 A.C. Some cases
may seem to be trivial, but often turn out to present serious problems from
the philological point of view:
1. Chapter XII "Devadatta" in Kumärajiva's version (see Taishö No. 262,
Vol. IX p. 34b23: colophon) is supported at least in the Kashgar MS
(folio 255b5-7; cf. 246a3-4 for Chapter XI), and most probably in the
Farhäd-Beg fragments. Whether this tradition is of Indian origin or not, is
a problem which remains to be solved.
2. It is noteworthy that the readings in Kumärajiva's version correspond to
the Central Asian recension in many cases. A number of proper names, in
particular, offer confirmation.
3. There is a verse found only in the Kashgar MS (folio 2l8b3-S) and Kumä¬
rajiva's version (Taisho IX 31bl4-15)' The Sanskrit text can easily be
reconstructed in Tristubh-Jagati (Chapter X, verse l6):
bhaisajyaräja prativedayämi ärooayämi aa punah punas te /
bahu sütra vividhäni prakäSitäni sarvesa tesäm ayam agra khydyati //
4. One prose example compels us to admit different transmissions of the
Sütra together with some misunderstanding on the part of Kumärajiva
(Kern-Nanjio 73-2-3 / Taishö IX 12b24-25) .
5. A serious example of different transmissions is to be found in Chapter I
verse 22 (Kern-Nanjio 11.13-14 / Taishö IX 3al8-19).
NOTE: Those who are interested in such examples are cordially requested to
refer to a full text to appear in English in the commemorative volume
dedicated to Professor Jikidö Takasaki (Tokyo: Shunjüsha).
Takao Maruyama
Concepts of the Buddha:
Chinese Lotus Sutra Commentaries
Even in early Buddhist canons we find the seven Buddhas including Säkya¬
muni. In the Lotus Sutra, one of Mahäyäna sutras, the Buddhas in the ten
quarters in the past, present and future are expounded and unified into
one. They are classified into two, three or more Buddha-kdyas and systema¬
tized theoretically in Chinese Lotus Sutra commentaries. We elucidate con¬
cepts of the Buddha in them, especially in Chi-tsang ' s .
Nägärjuna (c. 15o-25o) explains the concepts of the Buddha in his
commentary on the Great Wisdom Sutra (the Ta-chih-tu-lun). (1) The Buddha
has two sorts of Buddha-bodies; one is the Fa-hsing-shen and the other is
the Fu-mu-sheng-shen . (2) The Buddha has two sorts of bodies; one is the
Chen-shen and the other is the Hua-shen.
Vasubandhu (c. 4-5 C.)'s commentary on the Lotus Sutra is the earliest
of all that are systematic and coherent commentaries on the sutra in
existence. He explains three sorts of Buddhas and each enlightenment of
them based on the sutra. (1) The enlightenment of the Ying-hua-fo. (2) The
enlightenment of the Pao-fo. (3) The enlightenment of the Fa-fo is shown,
because it means Tathdgata-garbha (Ju-lai-tsang) .
Chi-tsang (549-623) is the first commentator on Vasubandhu's com¬
mentary mentioned above. At that time various concepts of the Buddha were
interpreted and explained in China, based on many sutras and their commen¬
taries. Chi-tsang tried to harmonize them with his concept of the two
bodies of the Buddha. He especially tried to connect the concept of the
three bodies of the Buddha with his own and to harmonize them.
1. His concept of two bodies of the Buddha consists of the true body of the
Buddha [Shen-ahen-shih) and the expedient body of the Buddha {Shen-fang-
pien) . He interprets and explains the sutra based on the theory of
"ultimate aspect of truth and secular aspect of truth," or "real wisdom and
provisional wisdom."
2. The concept of three bodies of the Buddha is connected and harmonized
with his own concept based on the theory mentioned above, (i) The
Fa-shen is not provisional but true, (ii) The ying-shen is divided into two
aspects. One is inwardly corresponding to the Fa-shen, so it is not
provisional but true. The other is outwardly born in the Pure Land respond¬
ing to Bodhisattvas, so it is not true but provisional. When he explains
the Pao-shen (Sambhoga-käya) quoting Vasubandhu's commentary, he interprets
that the Pao-shen is equal to the Ying-shen, because the word Pao means
the reward of practices, and the word Ying means respondence or correspond¬
ence to somebody, (iii) The Hua-shen is not true but provisional. [Cf.
Vasubandhu's concepts (1)].
He divides the Fa-shen into two aspects. When it is concealed, it is
named Ju-lai-tsang (Tathdgata-garbha). When it is revealed, it is named
the Fa-shen. Thus we realize that he is greatly influenced by Nägärjuna
and Vasubandhu .
1. Maruyama, Takao, Hokke-kyögaku-kenkyü- josetsu: Kiahizö-ni-okeru-juyö-to-
tenkai (Kyoto: Heirakuji-shoten, 1978), pp. 227-259.
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Yün-hua Jan
The Chinese Critique and Assimilation of vijüänavädin Ideas:
A Case Study of Tsung-rai
Since the beginning of this century till very recent times, scholars often
pointed out the failure of Vijnänavädin doctrine, the Consciousness Only in
China. As the terra of Chinese Buddhism is larger and complicated, it is
impossible to have a comprehensive discussion on the topic of Vijnäna¬
vädin 's impact or failure in China. This paper is a case study of Vijnäna¬
väda in the thought of a very systematic Chinese Buddhist thinker, Tsung-mi
(780-841), thus pointing out in what way and to what degree, the Indian
ideas failed to impress its Chinese audience; and in what way and to what
degree the Vijnänavädin had impact upon the Chinese thinker.
Part one of the paper will study the Chinese thinker's critique of the
Vijnänavädin teaching as implicit, dependent and discursive. Implicit re¬
fers to the fact that the main goal of religious salvation, namely the Mind
or Buddha-nature, is not spelled out explicitly. Dependent, means that the
Vijüänavädin theory of Consciousness is dependent upon the Buddhanature for
its manifestation. Discursive indicates that the teaching attaches too much
to the characteristics of phenomenon, at the expense of absolute truth.
Part two of the paper will examine Tsung-mi's appreciation of Vijnä-
navädins doctrines and teachers, and his creative use of the Vijnänavädin
teachings in his own philosophy. As far as his appreciation is concerned,
the Chinese Buddhist thinker considers that the Vijnänavädin doctrine con¬
curs with the intention of the Buddha, and the doctrines are useful, and
even essential, to certain kinds of people in their quest for salvation. He
also respected Vi jfiänavädin masters as holy sages.
Tsung-mi's adoption of Vijnänavädin concepts in his own system of
philosophy are in three aspects. 1. He used the Indian Buddhist logic in
his criticism of Ch'an Buddhism, and considered that some branches of Ch'an
Buddhists failed to verify their knowledge from perception and inferences
in accordance with the pramänas of scripture and commentary. 2. He used
the Vijnänavädin criticism of the theory that "Isvara created the world
through His own inconceivable power", in the critique of the Taoist theory
on natural creation made by the Chinese thinker. 3. Tsung-mi borrowed cer¬
tain terms and concepts from the Vijnänavädin and assimilated them into his
own concepts of the True Mind (ohen-hsin) .
The study concludes, that while it is true that the Indian Buddhist
teaching of Consciousness-only failed as a school in China, it attracted
some criticisms from Chinese Buddhists. But this negative response is only
one side of the story, and a positive image also existed in China. This
positive side has remained unnoticed for a long time and this should be
corrected .
This case study of Tsung-mi and his assimilation of the Indian doc¬
trine is aimed precisely at this point.
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W. Pachow
The Omnipresence of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva in East Asia
Throughout East Asia Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva has been one of the most
popular divinities in the Mahäyäna pantheon. He is known as Kuan yin in
Chinese, and Kwannon-Sama in Japanese. We shall concentrate our discussion
in the following chapters.
1. The origin of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva
Regarding the origin of Kuan yin, the Sütra on the Prophecy concerning
Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva indicates a combination of mythical and myste¬
rious elements. It is stated that he was a spiritual contemporary of Säkya¬
muni Buddha and there was communication between the bodhisattvas of the
Pure Land and the presiding Buddha of India. Further it is indicated that
he would eventually succeed Amitäbha Buddha.
2. Avalokitesvara in Buddhist philosophy
The Mäyopama-samädhi-Sütra, Lotus Sütra, and the Heart Sütra provide addi¬
tional insight into the philosophical significance related to Kuan yin.
These texts enunciate the Maliäyänic virtues of perfect wisdom and compas¬
sion. Symbolically then, Kuan yin becomes the embodiment of these ideals.
In his infinite wisdom and compassion he takes on a universal status
transcending temporal and cultural boundaries.
The historical sources and sacred sanctuaries
Based on the translations of Sanskrit works such as the Lotus Sütra and the
Sukhdvati-vyüha-Sütra , it is evident that from the second to the fifth
centuries the worship of Kuan yin began to gain popularity. Later when
Fa-shien and Hsüan-tsang visited India it is recorded in their writings
that many shrines and sanctuaries were dedicated to Kuan yin. In addition,
during the sixth century the famous Mount P'u-t'o shan (Potala) in China
became a famous spot of pilgrimage associated with Kuan yin. Similarly, the
official residence of the Dalai Lama in Lhasa is also known as Potala in
his honor.
4. The interaction of psychology and religion
Generally humans are faced with numerous struggles and uncertainties such
as natural, social, and biological dangers. During such crisis, faith in
the saving power of Kuan yin can give one the necessary strength and hope,
thus making a suitable solution possible. It is in this interaction of
faith and positive thinking that the interplay of psychological and reli¬
gious concerns is achieved.
5. Kuan yin in Asian Art
In India the bodhisattva was depicted in masculine form while feminine
images are a distinctly Chinese creation. With the development of Tantric
Buddhism around the fifth century the artistic presentation about him be-
Ccune more sophisticated. Eventually there evolved a system of seven Kuan
yins: 1. Arya Kuan yin, 2. Eleven-headed Kuan yin, 3- Kuan yin with a thou¬
sand arms, 4- Kuan yin with a lasso, 5- Kuan yin with a wishing gem and
wheel, 6. Chundi Kuan yin, and 7- Horse-headed Kuan yin. The traditional
human form, however, is usually preferred by the masses.
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6. Kuan yin in Folk Religion
The formation of a folk religion centering on Kuan yin was dependent on the
establishment of Buddhist beliefs and practices. Therefore, Kuan yin in
feminine form cannot be dated earlier than the fifth or sixth century. A
number of instances of the folk aspect of Kuan yin are discussed. These
include Kuan yin with a fish basket, Tärä in Tibet, and Kuan yin's revela¬
tion to Chüjö Hime.
Conclusion
Our examination of the mythical, historical, religious, philosophical,
psychological and artistic aspects of Kuan yin has indicated that he was a
symbol of compassion and wisdom. Throughout the centuries he has captivated
the minds of the masses, a trend which we believe will continue in the
future .
Makato Ozaki
Nichiren's Concept of Bodhisattva
The return to the Buddha Säkyamuni as the origin of Buddhism entails at the
same time, for Nichiren, the future development of the hidden teachings
which had been transferred to the eternal Bodhisattva from the Buddha, who
was imaged as the practical agent to come after the Buddha's passing. The
future form of the eternal One Buddha is necessarily described as a
Bodhisattva subordinate to the Buddha, for the future effect has not yet
been attained in actuality, but is still to be attained. This is the reason
why the eternal Buddha takes a form of Bodhisattva in the future, despite
his own accomplishment already. The most inner essence of the Buddha Säkya¬
muni, henceforth hidden, is now at last reached, to be fully manifested
through the historical process in which the antecedent Buddhas are inte¬
grated into the final point, which is also the ultimate root origin in
eternity. The eternal Bodhisattva, called ViSistacärltra, or the Supreme
Conduct, is no less than the anticipatory preappearance of the eternal
Buddha who will appear with full reality in the future Mappo era.
The self-developing movement of the eternal Buddha is not completed by
the historical Buddha Säkyamuni, but is furthermore extended to, and is
finally accomplished by the unseen future figure, and is simply anticipated
as the imaginary Bodhisattva springing out of the eternal origin. Although
both the eternal Bodhisattva and the original Buddha are different in
expression, they are not different in essence, but in appearance. Their
difference is made from the perspective of history and eternity; the
original Buddha is seen as acting in the dimension of space and time, while
the Bodhisattva is seen as the original Buddha in terms of eternity. With
the attainment of the historical event, the Old Buddha, situated as the
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Bodhisattva in action, is replaced by and changed into the actualized
Buddha in fact, and is therefore eventually identified with the historical
entity, Nichiren.
There is a direct connection between the Buddha Säkyamuni and Nichi¬
ren, despite their historical as well as geographical distances. The re¬
appearance of the Buddha must supersede the preceding one and exhaust the
latter's potential essence in actuality by reverting to the original root,
i.e., the eternal Buddha from whom all historical Buddhas are manifested.
Hence, Nichiren turns to be the reappearance of the eternal Buddha, whose
prototype proleptically occurred in the form of Bodhisattva prior to his
historical realization. The identification of a historical figure, Nichi¬
ren, with the Buddha means the self-completion of the eternal Buddha
through a chain of appearances of a successive variety of names and forms.
The farther the Buddha goes on to advance into the future, the deeper he
also retreats into the past. The consequence of the Buddha's self-realiza¬
tion is a way of retroacting to the ultimate origin in eternity, and this
discloses the personal identity of the Buddha and Nichiren in the end. The
Buddha's continuous self-returning movement from the eternal beginning ends
perfectly, without exception, with a historical figure, Nichiren, and never
remains any more than him.
Roy C. Amore
Merit in the Zen Tradition
The presentation argued that merit theory and practice are more important
in Zen thought than one might think from the usual treatment of the Ch'an/
Zen school as anti-ritual and anti-merit.
An examination of the theory of merit in early Indian Buddhism suggest¬
ed that the early Buddhists placed a strong emphasis upon merit as a quali¬
ty (of mental purity) rather than as a quantity.
The Buddha taught the goal of getting "beyond merit": "Whoever in this
world, having put aside punna and papa, wisely leads the Brahmacariya life,
he is accurately called 'Bhikkhu'." [SN i.l82]
The idealization of "doing merit" emerged in the popular stories of
the fifth Nikäya, where even a single merit-act done on earth will yield a
corresponding, multiple reward in a heaven. The "beyond merit" position of
the Buddha taught that even winning heaven was suffering because the wheel
of rebirth would turn again. In contrast to this, the "doing merit"
position of the Vimänavatthu glorifies the goal of going to a heavenly
mansion and talks as if one's stay in heaven would continue almost inde¬
finitely.
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The second section of the paper considered the famous story about
Bodhidharma telling King Wu that all the king's pious activities had creat¬
ed no merit whatsoever. This was not taken as a rejection of Buddhist merit
practices, but as a radical rejection of the popular tendency to quantify
merit. The Lankävatära Sutra, said to have been important to Bodhidharma,
presupposes the standard karmic worldview and the usual Buddhist merit
practices, but it teaches that the essence of the Buddhist experience is to
attain a higher wisdom which goes beyond morality.
Hui-neng's Platform Scripture teaches that ordinary merit works (chant¬
ing, building temples) are useless. Real merit comes from the "wisdom of
salvation," for persons who can see their own nature and enter into the
calmness of wisdom are praised as having "an infinite number of merits".
The third section of the paper, based upon recent interviews in Japan,
considered whether contemporary Japanese Zen rejects or embraces the merit
making practices of other Buddhists. It concluded that the Japanese Zen
laity do not normally call their good works "merit", but they do good deeds
similar to the merit practices of Theraväda Buddhists.
The Zen tradition emphasizes beyond merit more than Theraväda does,
but Zen's teaching is consistent with the "higher wisdom" position of Thera¬
väda. So, there is a good basis for understanding between Zen and Theraväda
on merit.
K. T. S. Sarao
Early Buddhist Attitude towards Women
In the ancient world the course of women's lives from birth to death, was
set by men, especially husbands - the male citizens who formed governments
and raised armies. Buddhism, an institution which was predominantly male
and patriarchal, played an important role in perpetuating subordination of
women. Buddhist literature emphasizes male characters, male themes and male
fantasies. The presence of few and isolated "women worthies" did not have
any positive influence worth the name. Buddhism like most religions with
ascetic ideals showed utter obsession with celibacy. Sexual life was
considered as causing impurity of soul and body and hence total contempt
for women who caused "defilement even in sanctified souls" (J.IV. 468). To
Buddhism women are biologically determined to be sexually uncontrollable
and deadly for Brahma-ta.ring (BD.V.356). Aganna Suttanta holds women re¬
sponsible for the fall of human race and death of the spiritual being. They
are seen as the anti-thesis of religion and morality, whose "nature ... is
very hard to know" (J.V.446) and who are "pearl of sea-monsters" (GS.II.
129), ending their life unsatiated and unreplete with "intercourse, adorn¬
ment, and childbearing" (J.III. 342; GS. I. 77). In fact rejection of house¬
hold life by Buddhism was nothing but rejection of woman herself.
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Acceptance of women into the Sangha was neither an invention of
Buddhism nor unique to it. Early Buddhist bias against woraen becomes clear
from the fact that after having reluctantly adraitted woraen into the Sangha,
Gautama accorded them a degraded status and further perpetuated the notion
that women are inferior beings. Bhikkhunis had to pay all sorts of respects
even to far junior Bhikkhus (Vin.V.52) and their votes did non count
(SBE.XVII. 269). It may not be wrong to say that by according an inferior
status to women in the organisation, Gautama sanctioned the view that women
are inferior to men. If Brähmanas degraded woman in her house. Buddhism
went a step further by doing it outside. It appears a complete travesty of
facts to call Gautama a champion of women's cause. As a Bodhisatta, he took
pride in being called "a woman-hater" (J.IV.469).
At more than one place women are called treacherous, ungrateful, un¬
trustworthy, degraded, vile, lustful, envious, greedy, uncontrolled, fool¬
ish and profligate (GS.II. 93; KS. 11,146; J.II.Ill, 285; III. 474, 478, 527;
IV. 125-125). In a Jätaka ( J . II. 115-121) the Bodhisatta relates how he offer¬
ed his thirsty wife his own blood to drink, who in turn tried to kill him
and started living with a criminal. Women are seen as bent upon losing
their honour and to "prove" this the Bodhisatta seduces a bride for a king
(J .VI. 235-236) and helps a student "successfully" to seduce his own mother
( J .1.285-89). The Bodhisatta as a child bore such hatred against woraen that
his mother had to "dress as man to give him the breast" (J.IV.469).
According to Gautama bad days will come when "men will leave everything at
the disposal of their wives" (J.I. 342) because women are weak in judgement
and should not be allowed to "sit in a court of justice ... (or) ... embark
on business." (GS.II. 93).
In Buddhism prostitution finds not only sanction but even a word of
praise and rates charged by prostitutes are mentioned prominently (J.III.
435, 475). Kings, priests and ministers had their harems full of women as a
reward for past good deeds. Husbands couls sell, lend, borrow or pass on
their wives to others like any form of property. A king is praised for his
generosity because he gave his wife to a man to enjoy for seven days
(J.III. 337). In fact more than once the Buddhist monks exploited women so
much that they were deserted by their husbands to fend for themselves
(Vin.IV. 79). Opinion of women upon themselves was not from their own sense
of direct observation of the subject, but from the attitude toward it of
the opposite and more articulate sex. A princess says "... till the sixth
(birth) is past 1 shall not be free from my female sex." (J .VI . 238-39).
Though we have many examples of sex-change from one birth to another [Anan¬
da himself was born as a female (J.VI. 255)], the Bodhisatta prefers without
exception to take birth in the Jatakas as male be it an animal, human or
any other form.
Only those women were accepted in Buddhism who were rootless and had
already fractured out of the morality of the society. Others had to gain
permission of their overbearing fathers/husbands (Vin.IV .334-35)• The insti¬
tution of nunnery and fall from "high spiritual ideals" of some nuns must
have further restricted women's freedom. Undoubtedly, during the early
Buddhist period the marriageable age of girls was being gradually lowered.
Early Buddhism clearly practised sexual castism and propagated it to the
hilt in its canon. Nowhere do we see Gautama making favourable comments on
women's property rights, choice of husband, female education or against
their being ill-treated. Buddhism infact became an instrument through which
woriian ' s biological inequalities and differences were crystallised into
social meanings. Gautama himself applies the yard stick of overwhelming
evaluation of the wife as a producer of male-heirs to her husband's proper¬
ty (KS.II.l66) and the maltreatment of a (presumed) sterile or exclusively
daughter-producing wife.
There is no doubt in the fact that early Buddhism sees women as de¬
structive, elusive, mysterious, treacherous, sensual and not much higher
than animals. Association with her is shown as deadly and polluting. She is
seen as a threat to religion, culture and the society at large. And, hence,
she must be suppressed, controlled and conquered by man. Such a logic was
clearly used as a justification for relegating a common woman to a marginal
existence. Everywhere one-sided respect and service was expected from her.
Brij B. Khare
Church-State Dichotomy in Buddhist Thought:
The Case of Japan
Buddhism is based on a philosophical rather than a theological view of the
human condition, and it conceptualizes the solution to problems in society
in terms of incremental growth, characterized by our collective existence,
and guided by the need for propagating these teachings in both theory and
practice. In Buddhism there is no conscious plan in behalf of the Sangha
for social change, but the conversion of the political ruler to the
attitudes entailed in the Buddhist conviction is regarded in the scriptures
as highly conducive.
Yet it is wrong to concentrate on merely the philosophical precepts of
Buddhism; it is not only about high moral principles. Great concerns are
encompassed within it for the welfare of the people. In the West, a great
deal of emphasis is placed on its traditional strength, i.e., its monastic
order, called Sangha, which together with the Buddha and his doctrine,
dharma, comprise "the Thi'ee Jewels". Buddhism stresses the meditative life,
but the Buddha did not remove life from its socio-economic and political
context; he looked at life in a wholistic framework.
According to the Nihonshoki , Buddhism reached Japan in 552, during
Emperor Kimmei ' s rule, who was the twenty-ninth mikado of Japan. This Bud¬
dhism was similar to that which flourished in Northern China. In other
words, it was not monkish and hence it was not confined to a few. The lay
Buddhists played a significant role in its development. It was the Buddhism
of laity, therefore, which evolved into the national religion.
Inspite of the fact that Buddhism lacked its impact at the individual
level in the early monasteries, its role had a great potential nonetheless.
Unlike its initial growth in China, Buddhism in Japan was able to merge
with the religious beliefs of the North Asiatic tribes. In that context it
presented itself to Japanese society as a fait aoaompli , of course not
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without a protracted dialogue. The outcome of these verbal exchanges led to
the conversion of the two uji no kami (deities) of the Soga - Iname and
Uraako. These dialogues and conversions turned the religion of the immi¬
grants into one of the foundations of Japanese religious psyche. The
process of psychological transformation achieved through these dialogues
was characteristic of Japanese society. Therefore, major changes were
achieved within the uji no kami themselves; however, not among the lower
stratum of the uji (lineage). All the members of the uji were tuned-in to
the religious convictions of their leaders.
Even then, the dream of an ideal relationship between Buddhism and the
State, with Emperor as the head of the Buddhist hierarchy, was never truly
realized. The Buddhist hierarchy that began by supporting the State ended
up as a frightening counterbalance to it, and they in fact caused out of
the emergent Buddhism-State coalition a Sangha-State deprecation, discon¬
tent, and slow-burn. In the end, during the second half of the sixteenth
century, it was left upto Oda Nobunaga to harshly dismantle organized
Buddhism in Japan.
Upendra Thakur
Some Eminent Buddhist Missionaries in China
The first contact between India and China seems to have taken place before
the Christian ear, and scholars generally believe that Buddhism formally
entered China during the reign-period of Ming-ti (58-75 A.D.) of the Han
dynasty, who accorded royal welcome to Buddhism in his capital, Lo-yang,
which also finds corroboration in the Records of the Lineage of Buddha
and Patriarchs by Chih-pang (A.D. 1127-128o). It was after this epoch-mak¬
ing event that great Indian sages and scholars came to China and learned
Chinese monks and scholars travelled to India in large numbers in different
times carrying on the real work of cultural exchanges through the medium of
Buddhism.
In the present paper we have tried to discuss in detail the activities
of some of the eminent Indian missionaries who passed on foot through Cen¬
tral Asia and crossed difficult deserts, dense forests and snowy mountains.
Besides, they had to encounter terrible animals and face hunger and cold
and after years of hardship they could reach their destination. But, these
terrific trials and hardship could not in any way discourage these ancient
sages who were inspired with the sublime ideal of universal love, and were
possessed of indomitable courage and untiring missionary zeal. And, it was
these bands of missionaries who fostered intimate relationship between the
two great nations in the past, the like of which we shall never see again.
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Hubert Durt
Remarks on the Concept of Worship in the
Ta-chih-tu-lun
Although the Prajnäpäramitä texts are largely philosophical in content, we
must keep in mind that they were used by monks. It is no surprise, then,
that the Prajnäpäramitä literature contains numerous references to monastic
life, devotional practices, and particularly to places of worship and of
other monastic activities.
We can see, for example, that in Kimura Takayasu 's recent publication
in book form of the second and third parts of the Panaavimäatisähasrikä
Prajnäpäramitäsütra (Sankibo, Tokyo, I986) much emphasis is placed on reli¬
quaries (stüpa, pp. 56.23-67.16, p. 87.16-22) and on relics (Sarira, pp.
87. 23-I01 .13). In both cases, the merit of erecting stupas and of filling
the universe with relics is exalted as a "fair-valoir" in order to show how
much greater is the merit earned from the worship of, or even better, the
diffusion of, the Perfection of Wisdom. A comparative scale of merit is
established. In Ta chih tu lun, Kumärajiva uses the term chiao liangjpf^k
to refer to this comparative evaluation.
Kumärajiva translated both the PancavimSati (T. 223) and the commen¬
tary on it known in Chinese as Ta chih tu lun (T. 15o9). The Sanskrit
text he translated was slightly different from the recast version in eight
abhisamaya of which Nalinaksha Dutt published the first part (Calcutta
Oriental Series, No. 28, London, 1934) and Kimura the second and third
parts (Kimura is said to be preparing the remaining five parts). The Chi¬
nese terminology used by Kumärajiva is more uniform for the doctrinal por¬
tions of the Ta chih tu lun than for the passages related to more con¬
crete things, particularly those concerning monastic places and activities.
This probably reflects the fact that the organization of monastic Buddhism
in China was still primitive during Kumärajiva's era, i.e., the early fifth
century .
As part of a collective study of sacred space in the Far East, a pro¬
gram under the aegis of the French School for Far Eastern Studies (E.F.E.
0. ), I have investigated a few terms related to sacred space in the Ta chih
tu lun and will present here, in a much shortened form, a few provisional
conclusions .
1. Vihara is generally translated as ching she-)^-^' , perfect or pure
abode, a term that has a Classical Chine_s^ connotation. For place of
meditation, Kumärajiva combines tso ch'an^%'S , seated meditation, and
ching she or just s/2e (T. 25, 77c4, ll8c2o). Later, however, the term
tso-ch'an ching-she^^-^(^j^f^ seems to have fallen into disuse, and the
term used for "meditation ?oom" is tao ah'ang^^i^ . This term appears
in the Ta chih tu lun only in reference to the Boahimanda , the sacred area
where the Buddha reaches his enlightenment.
2. Ssu"^ , a much-studied term that has a non-religious origin, is rarely
used in the Ta chih tu lun and occurs mostly in a compound with t 'a
■f)^ , stüpa: t'a ssuX^"^ .; It is found also in the compound wang ssu
> räja-vihära (T. 25, l65a26), referring not to a royal palace but to
a royal monastery of Kashmir that holds a Great Assembly (mahd-parisad , ta
huir ).
B
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© 1992 Franz Steiner Veriag Stuttgart
3. For stüpa, Kumärajiva usually uses t'a but occasionally employs the
archaic transcription fo i . This transcription and others,
similar but even more antique, were used both for Buddha and for stüpa.
They have been extensively studied (see Höbögirin, s.v. Butsu, and more
recently F. Bernhard, quoting Dschi An-lin, "Gändhäri and the Buddhist
Mission in Central Asia," Anjali Wijesekera, Peradeniya, 197o, pp. 55-
62). In the three instances in which Kumärajiva uses fo t'u, it seems that
he is trying to convey an impression of remote antiquity. Fo t'u appears in
two popular tales (T. 25, 15oc2o, 7o5al) and in an enumeration (T. 25,
176b23) where it refers to the sanctuary of a god, t'ien shen^^X^ . Used
instead of the more common t'ien ^z'Mjt^^, it also has a popular flavour.
Pol Vanden Broucke
The Yugikyö (Taishö ed. XVIII no 86?)
1. Textual information
The Chinese title in full of the Yugikyö is Chin-kang-f eng Lou-ke I-ch'ieh
Yu-chia Yii-ch'i Ching'^<^i\%j(^^^ \,-^^^ia^^^^ . It is a Chinese
translation from the T'ang ■T-^'*^dynasty (,6l8-9o7 A.D.T of an esoteric Bud¬
dhist text of which there i? no Indian nor Tibetan original. The literal
Sanskrit translation of this title might be Va jrasekhara-vimäna-sarvayoga-
yogi-sütra, which means: "The Scriptural Text of the Ascetics of all Yogas
of the Palace on the Vajra Peak". As this text is highly revered in the
Japanese esoteric Buddhism known as the Shingon school^ , founded by
the Japanese monk Kükai*^^!^ (774-835 A.D.), posthumously called Köbö
Daishi , it is usually mentioned under its shortened Japanese
title Yugikyö^Jfß^^^g or Yugayugikyöf ^J^^lJ^^^-^^l^^ .
The Taishö edition of the Yugikyö consists of two volumes containing
twelve chapters, that is to say eight chapters in Volume I and four in
Volume II.
The author is unknown to us. There is a great deal of confusion wheth¬
er the text was translated by Vajrabodhi (Chin. Chin-kang-chih^(fj'J ,
Jap. Kongöchi, 671-741 A.D.) and Amoghavajra (Chin. Pu-k'ung* \J? , Jap.
Fukü, 7o5-774 A.D.).
The Yugikyö is not mentioned in any Chinese Buddhist catalogue dating
before Kükai (774-835 A.D.), who introduced the Yugikyo in Japan. This text
is first listed four centuries after its introduction in Japan, in the
sixth chapter of the Chih-yüan-lu , a comparative Chinese-Tibetan
catalogue, compiled in Peking between 1285-1287 A.D. But in Japan, there
are a number of catalogues which mention the Yugikyö, because this text has
been brought to Japan by several monks after Kükai.
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2. Contents
The most striking characteristic of this text, in fact of esoteric Buddhist
texts in general, is the lack of coherence between its twelve chapters. But
if we roughly schematize, we can discern a preacher, usually Vairocana or
Vajrapäni, dwelling in some samädhi or transforming, and explaining some
teaching, ritual, mandala, etc. to his audience. In each chapter we find
explanations of mantras and mudräs, and some chapters also explain the
representation of certain deities. For example, Chapter S is the base of
the common iconographical representation of Rägaräja*^^^ (Chin.
Ai-jan Ming-wang, Jap. Alzen Myö-5), represented here witn six arms and one
head; Chapter 8 explains Daishökongö ( Ti^fl^-'^lfi'J > literal Sanskrit trans¬
lation Mahäjayavajra) , etc. J'-
3. The importance of the Yugikyö in Japan.
The text which, according to the tradition in Japan, is thought to belong
to the Tattvasamgraha tradition, is one of the basic texts of the Shingon
canon.
A number of important rituals, such as the Yugikanjö (ffji) ^^^.^5
Chapter 11) and the ritual of Aizenmyö-ö (Chapter 5), are based on the
Yugikyö .
The Yugikyö has also an iconographical importance. Besides the de¬
scription of deities, this text is also the base of the pictqrial^^r^-
sentation of some mandalas. For example, the Butsugenmandara ('('Ip Sß^lP'^^ft)
Chapter 9), the Godaikoküzömandara ^ KS-^^^i ^J^^^_ > Chapter 9), the
Daishökongömandara ^v^i^-^^^'J^,^«]^ > Chapter 8), etc.
Kükai named the collection of temples on Mt. Köyai^^^ after the
first Üiree characters of the full title of the Yugikyö, namely Kongöbuji
^^'Ufr^ , "Temple of the Vajra Peak". Within the temple complex of Mt .
Köya are two pagodas, the Konpon Daitö ^^^^^■^■fc^ and the Yugitö ,
of which the layout is said to be based on the Yugikyö.
Finally, the Yugikyö is one of the basic texts for the Tachikawa-ryfl
.^•''IJ^ j an heterodox school founded by the Japanese monk Ninkan^^*-«'
(1057-1123 A.D.). xJ
Hideaki Kimura
The Mandala of the Mäyäjälatantra in Chinese Version
The Mäyäjälatantra (MJT), a yogatantra, may be situated betwe_en tlie Tatt^va-
sarngraha and the Guhyasamäjätantra . Its Chinese version (■^%%ii^{'f7VA^Li-'^
T. Vol. 18, no 89o) was translated by Hokken, Dharmabhadra (^to ) in 995
A.D. There are two Tibetan versions, namely an old translatiorr^ and a new
one (11th cy.). The new translation (Pek. no lo2) corresponds to our Chi¬
nese version.
MJT explains the mandala with 41 deities, namely 5 Buddhas with Vairo¬
cana as the central deity, and 4 goddesses in the first circle, 8 goddesses
in the second circle, l6 bodhisattvas and 8 krodhas in the third circle.
The Nispannayogävall (NSP, written by Abhayäkaragupta in the twelfth
century) no 2o explains the Manjuvajramandala . It is mentioned there that
this mandala comes from the MJT. We can find quite some correspondence
between these two mandalas, however 1) the central deity changes from Vairo¬
cana to Manjuvajra (i.e. Manjusri), 2) two krodhas are added as the protec¬
tors in the zenith and the nadir, and 3) there are differences in the ap¬
pearances of Ratnasambhava, Amoghasiddhi, Maitreya and Padmäntaka.
Although the mandala of the MJT is obviously derived from the Tattva¬
samgraha, it is close to the mandalas of the Guhyasamäjatantra, especially
to the mandala of the Arya school, which is explained in NSP no 2. The
central deity of NSP no 2 is Aksobhya. The mandala of the MJT can be situ¬
ated between the mandalas of the Tattvasamgraha and of the Guhyasamäjatan¬
tra. As the mandala develops from the mandala of MJT to NSP 2o and NSP 2,
we see a tendency in the appearance of the deities to gradually standardize
to three faces and six arms.
In^the Chinese canon there exists another short MJT ( £0'{lilJ^t^'^v^tl
'f/Jo^t/S'/^flSi^i/^ > 1- Vol. 18, no 891), which was translated by Hokken
in 994 A.D. It only explains ten krodhas, eight of which correspond with
the other Chinese and Tibetan MJT. More exactly, the description of eight
krodhas of this text more closely correponds to the Tibetan version than to
the Chinese version of MJT.
For Padmäntaka, who is one of the eight krodhas, we can find a short
Sanskrit text in the Sädhanamälä. The Sädhanamälä (SM) no 259 closely cor¬
responds to the description of Padmäntaka in Tibetan MJT and T. 891. SM 259
might be recognized as a part of the original of these two texts. The
Tibetan version and T. 89I could be a literal and accurate translation.
Our Chinese version is fundamentally the same, but in detail of expres¬
sion we can find some difference between the Chinese MJT and SM 259. But
both the Chinese MJT and T 89I were translated by Hokken within 2 years.
Therefore we may assume that the difference between the Chinese and the
Tibetan version of MJT is mainly caused by the difference of their Sanskrit
originals .
From our research into the whole mandala of the MJT, we might also
conclude that the Chinese version is at least as reliable as the Tibetan
version .
*4^^fl^%.
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Biswanath Banerjee
Buddhism and the Kälacakra system
Vajrayäna is the general appellation given to the later form of Buddhism,
the Tantric Buddhism, which developed with much emphasis on various rituals
and ceremonies, meditational practices etc. Brahmanic gods and goddesses
along with mantra, dhärani, japa, jäpa and such other concepts have chang¬
ed the complexion of the Buddha's religion so much beyond recognition that
scholars have been provoked to criticise and brand Tantra-Buddhism as Hin¬
duism of the Buddhists or Hinduism with a garb of Buddhism. This criticism
of the Tantra-Buddhism does not appear to be a correct one inasmuch as this
phase of Buddhism has not lost its essence of Buddhism in spite of its
interfusion with brahmanic ideas and beliefs.
The incorporation of Hindu gods and goddesses into Buddhism reached
its maximum limit with the development of the Kälacakra system. The most
important factor for the increase of the compromising attitude of the Bud¬
dhists towards different brahmanic sects may be traced in the change of
Indian situation with the advent and infiltration of Islamic religion and
culture. It is learnt from Kälacakra texts that the Buddhists were faced
with the social problem of the overpowering infiltration of the Semitic
religion and to resist the growing infiuence of the foreign culture they
offered to join hands with the followers of the brahmanical religion. It is
said that the purpose of introducing the Kälacakra system has been to
prevent the people from being converted to Islam. In order to stop the
inroad of the alien culture the leader of the Buddhists proposed inter-din¬
ing and inter-marriage among the Buddhists and the Brahmanic sages and to
assemble under the banner of the one Lord Kälacakra who might have been set
up as a non-sectarian God to make it possible for all the warring elements
of different religious groups to unite and fight against the foreign
culture. With a view to offering a united resistance to the impending dan¬
ger of the Semitic penetration an endeavour was made to bring the followers
of different sects of Brahman, Visnu, Siva and such other sages united in
one family, the Vajrakula, - all differences in race, class, creed, customs
were sought to be removed. The Kälacakra system and the concept of the
Kälacakra are two important examples of the process of cultural fusion as
going on in India since long.
The Saiva, Vaisnava and even Säkta ideas and Yoga elements are notice¬
able in a large measure in the principles and doctrine of the Kälacakra
system. Some traits of the system have sometimes led scholars to misunder-
satnd this system as fully Vaisnava in origin and character. It is true
that Vaisnava elements are there but to call it a Vaisnava work is to
ignore textual materials.
In fact Vajrayäna reached its extreme development with this form of
Buddhism. It is a system which true to the principles of the Tantra and
Vajrayäna attempts to explain the whole creation within this body. An ela¬
borate system of yoga-practices with the control of the vital winds in the
body has been regarded as an important factor in realising the truth.
The Vaisnava, Saiva and Yoga principles must have influenced, along
with other forms of Indian and foreign ideas, the formation of the Käla¬
cakra system at some time or other. It is certainly a syncretic system
particularly in its meditational principles, it is nevertheless out and out
a Buddhist system in origin, spirit and character. It is essentially Bud¬
dhist in its ideas, theories and propensity.
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Arvind Sharing,
Are there two Buddhist Doctrines of Karma?
If one examines the references in the Pali canon to the doctrine of Karma
one soon discovers that these references by themselves do not constitute a
single monolithic doctrine but are capable of being interpreted and inte¬
grated in somewhat different ways. In the context of modern thought these
references are capable of generating and indeed have generated two distinct
undestandings of the doctrine: (1) that the doctrine of Karma constitutes a
moral law and (2) that it constitutes a natural law. This double understand¬
ing of the doctrine of Karma can not only be identified in the traditional
explication of Theraväda Buddhism, it can also be located in the writings
of modern exponents of the Theraväda tradition. Thus, for example, Bhikku
Kantipalo seems to present the doctrine as a moral law in his book entitled
Buddhism Explained (Bangkok: Thai Watana Panich Press, 197o). Walpola Sri
Rahula, on the other hand, seems to expound the doctrine as if it were a
natural law in his book entitled, f/hat the Buddha Taught (New York: Grove
Press, Inc., 1974).
Reasons can be adduced for favouring the latter interpretation over
the former by utilizing the distinction between pure science and applied
science. Atomic physics is a pure science. It is its application to produce
the atom bomb or generate electricity which provides a moral dimension to
the issue. Similarly, anatomy is a pure science but its use to either cause
or cure diseases provides it with a moral dimension, a dimension which as a
pure science it does not possess. Thus, whereas at the level of pure
science both atomic physics and anatomy partake of the character of natural
laws, as when dealing with fission or fusion or the circulation of blood,
at the level of applied science they acquire a moral dimension by virtue of
the use that is made of the principles discovered in the realm of natural
law.
It can now be argued that the doctrine of Karma by itself represents a
natural law - namely that what we do to others ultimately happens to us.
Whether this law is true or not is not at issue at the moment - what is at
issue is the fact whether, irrespective of its truth or otherwise, is it
akin to a natural law or a moral law? The statement that what we do to
others happens to us is a value-neutral statement by itself. It is a
natural law. It is when the further understanding is developed that
therefore one should perform good deeds rather than bad that it acquires a
moral dimension. But this is a case of the application of the law, this
moral dimension does not belong to the law as such.
The question posed in the paper was: Are there two Buddhist doctrines
of Karma in Theraväda Buddhism, one akin to a moral law and another akin to
a natural law? The answer proposed in the paper is that the understanding
of the doctrine of Karma as a natural law is fundamental and primary and
corresponds to pure science and that its understanding as a moral law is
derivative and secondary and corresponds to applied science.
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Mahesh Tiwary
Process of Death in Early Buddhism
1. The present paper is intended to make an enquiry into a problem myste¬
rious in nature, universal in character, and unavoidable in procedure.
It starts with the springing up of the process of life and continues to
exist in making uninterrupted way-faring till the Xomma-generated life-
circle revolves in one form of existence or the other. What is it? We name
it death (maoau) .
2. Life in the human world (manussa-loka) begins from the moment of Pa¬
tisandhi. It is the first moment of the present life which unites one
state of existence with the other. It starts with the arising of a Pa%-
sandhi-aitta (uniting consciousness); being one of the nine types of re¬
sultant consciousness of sensuous sphere, namely, one investigating con¬
sciousness moral resultant and the eight great resultants, potential to do
so due to the force of the accumulation of the fruition of the moral and
immoral actions. The same Kammic force acts simultaneously in generating
the Seat of consciousness, (hadaya-vatthu) , the subtlest form of the
material qualities. The two, though of diverse nature, are united together
by the relation of co-born (sahaj'dtapacaaya) and being so, emerge into a
physio-psychic form of the personality of a man. With this there preceeds
the life.
3. What is death then? It may be presented in two ways - conventionally and
truely. Conventionally, it has several names like - maoau, mdra, yama,
antaka, namuai, marana, etc. Its taking place is presented by the expres¬
sions like - fall out of a state (auti) , the dropping out of it (oava-
natd) , the dissolution (bhedo), disappearance (antaradhdnam) , the accom¬
plishment of the life term (kälakiriyä) , the breaking of the groups
(khandhdnam bhedo), the laying down of the body (kalevarassa nikkhepo), etc.
Really speaking, it is purely a psycho-ethical phenomenon - intrin¬
sically psychological and functionally ethical. It is the arising of a
consciousness known as Cuti-aitta (Dying consciousness). It is any one of
the nine types of resultant consciousness, namely, one investigating con¬
sciousness moral resultant and eight great resultants of sensual sphere of
consciousness. Each of these nine types of resultant consciousness has the
potentiality of appearing as Cuti-aitta. Arising in this way it makes the
total exhaustion of the mental and material life-force (näma- jivitindriya
and rüpa- jivitindriya) and puts a stop of the generation of material
qualities. As a result of that the body falls flat on the ground just like
unconscious wooden log. We name this state as Death.
4. Arising of a Cuti-aitta presupposes an object on which it arises.
According to the tradition, there are three objects of the dying-con¬
sciousness. They appear individually. They are the Karma, Kamma-nimitta ,
and Gatinimitta.
Kamma is the conceptual representation of the sum total of moral and
immoral actions done by the dying one in whole span of life . Kamma-nimitta
is the manifestation or the symbolic expression of the means through which
one performs the actions. Gati-nimitta is another symbolic manifestation
of the destiny-sign which awaits him. It should also be known here that the
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Kamma always expresses itself in the form of a concept because of its being
the expression of the past deeds. It presents itself at mind-door. Kamma-ni¬
mitta may appear at any one of the six doors according to the situation.
Gati-nimitta, being the physical, appears before the mind-door as a dream,
a vision or a pleasant or fearful appearance.
See for details:
Khuddaka-Nikäya, Patthäna, Sarnyutta-Nikäya, Digha-Nikäya, Abhidhammatthasan-
gaha.
Mantosh Chandra Choudhury
The Decline of Buddhism in Eastern India
India has been the glorious cradle of Buddhism, as of many other religious
systems. It is also well known that E. India was the last most important
stronghold of Buddhism marked, as it was, by such eminent Buddhist uni¬
versities as the Nälandä, the Vikramaäilä and the Jagaddala Mahävihäras . It
has, however, not been exactly ascertained as to how and why, in spite of
its remarkable services and humanism, Buddhism gradually lost its hold on
the Indian mind, so much so that at last, it had to seek what may be called
a sort of religious asylum in countries beyond the borders of the Indian
Peninsula .
Several theories have been put forward by scholars to explain the
decadence of Buddhism as a living force in India, one of the commonest
being the Brahmanical persecution "till Buddhism was overpowered and hound¬
ed of the land of its origin." But the few instances cited in favour of
this hypothesis cannot by any means outweigh the large mass of evidence
indicating clearly the high degree of Brahmanical tolerance of Buddhism.
The next cause of the decline of Buddhism is said to be the corruption
in the Buddhist Sangha. I-tsing (7th century) speaks of the relaxation of
the rules of monastic discipline, of a depraving luxury, of indulgence to
wine and woman, and of gluttony. But we have many counter-evidences too in
this regard, and the accounts of Dharmasvämin and Täranätha mention many
names of venerable monks and nuns even in the 12th century. Hence something
more plausible should be sought for the decadence of this religion.
Buddhism, it is again conjectured, was gradually enfeebled by the
absence of a central episcopal authority which could prescribe uniform
catechism and prevent schism {Sanghabheda). Here it must be remembered that
in spite of the absence of any such ecclesiastical heads, and notwith¬
standing great differences in principles and practice, the various Hindu
sects did not suffer any decline in the way the Buddhists did towards the
close of the twelfth century A.D.
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© 1992 Franz Sleiner Verlag Stuttgart
The Moslem conquest, although another grave factor, has also been
over-emphasised by scholars. In fact, to ascribe the fall of the religion
to the demolition of Nälandä, etc., would be, to say the least, an utterly
simplistic theory. That the Hindi temples "could withstand centuries of
neglect and active persecution, only lends strength to the belief that
Buddhism (in India) was already an exhausted volcano, whose smouldering
ashes were incapable of rekindling a new fire."
Thus, all the above hypotheses have failed to explain satisfactorily
the phenomenon of the decadence of Buddhism in India.
An attempt is therefore made in this paper to examine the question
critically from a historical perspective. A close study of the evidence -
both archaeological as well as literary - clearly indicates that the
foremost cause of the collapse was the steady imperceptible absorption of
Buddhism, by degrees, into Puränic Brähmanism or, more specifically, Brah¬
manical Täntricism.
Siglinde Dietz
Remarks on a fragmentary list of kings of Magadha
in a Lokaprajnapti fragment
In the Proceedings of the Thirty-First International Congress of Human
Sciences in Asia and North Africa, Ed. T. Yamamoto, Tol<yo I984, pp. 217-18,
Sudha Sengupta dealt with a unique list of kings in a fragment that she had
not yet identified.
In the present paper this topic will be taken up again. The reverse
folio (5[l]r) with the list of kings belongs to six folios of Lokaprajnapti
fragments from Gilgit in the Library of the Scindia Oriental Museum at
Ujjain. The Lokaprajnapti is an Abhidharma work of the Sarvästivädins in
which the cosmological and cosmogonical ideas of the Hinayäna are de¬
scribed. Three complete versions are available:
1. The Chinese translation of Paramärtha from the year 558 (Taishö No.
1644).
2. The Tibetan translation 'Jig rten du bzag pa, most probably from the
time of king Khri sroü Ide btsan.
3. The Päli Lokapanfiatti that is dated by its editor Eugene Denis (Paris
1977, I, pp. II-X) to the llth-12th century.
The Sanskrit fragments and the Tibetan translation are recensions of the
same school, i.e. the Mülasarvästiväda.
The fourth fragment starts with the final portion of a record of
kings. The names of the kings together with their years of reign are as
A. Wezler/E. Hammerschmidt (Hrsg.): Proceedings of the XXXII Intemational Congress for Asian and North African Studies, Hamburg, 25th-30th August 1986 (ZDMG-Suppl. 9).
© 1992 Franz Steiner Verlag Stuttgart
follows: Prasenajit (7 yrs.), Nanda ( lo yrs .), Candra (1 year), Parvata (1
year), Candragupta (25 yrs. + 7 months), his son Bindusära (25 yrs. + 5
months), his son Asoka (36 yrs.), his son Sabhämpati (l8 yrs.), Drdhadhanu
(15 yrs.), Satadhanus (14 yrs.), Brhadratha (13 yrs.), PunyaSarman (24
yrs.), Punyamitra or Pusyamitra (24 yrs.).
Already from the first words of the folio it can be guessed that the
list is fragmentary and from the concluding sentence of this genealogy we
see that the names of the kings who ruled during 35o years before Pra¬
senajit are missing from the text. However, the great divergences of the
available part of the record from other sources show the difficulty or even
impossibility of reconstituting its lost portion.
The concluding sentences of this record run as follows: "Immediately
following Punyasarman, Pusyamitra became king. He is the Brahmin king who
dethroned the Mauryavamsa and took possession of Pätaliputra himself. He
ruled for 24 years. So 54° years [had elapsed] when Pusyamitra dethroned
the Mauryavamsa and took possession of Pätaliputra himself. This [was] the
series of kings when the world had developed."
Since the record of kings is fragmentary, we do not know from which
event the 54o years were counted. This record is not contained in the Ti¬
betan version of Lokaprajnapti and is inserted at the end of chapter 11.
There the description of the era of destruction of the world and its re¬
constitution afterwards is concluded by a genealogy of the Säkyas that
begins from Mahäsammata and ends with Rähula the son of the Buddha. After
him the lineage of Mahäsammata became extinct. To this genealogy of the
Säkyas another list of kings was added in Lokaprajfiapti (Sanskrit).
This insertion in just this chapter could be motivated by the wish not
only to attach the genealogy of the Mauryas to the Säkyas, but also to
place the kings of Pätaliputra in a family relationship with Säkyamuni and
the offspring of Mahäsammata, the first king of the present world-age, a
practice that is well-known from Tibetan and Mongolian historiography.
Oskar von Hiniiber
Thalpan: A Buddhist Site in North Pakistan
Until very recently the only source of information on Buddhism in the North¬
ern Areas of Pakistan were the Gilgit manuscripts and those bronzes called
"Kashmir" bronzes, for the better part erroneously instead of "Gilgit"
bronzes. During the past few years, however, at least some 2ooo mostly very
brief inscriptions written in Brähmi script have been discovered along the
river Indus mainly on a stretch of about 6o km between Shatial in the west
and Chiläs/Thalpan in the east, to which a considerable amount of inscrip¬
tions written in Kharosthi script and further in Iranian languages, first
A. Wezler/E. Hammerschmidt (Hrsg.): Proceedings of the XXXII Intemational Congress for Asian and North African Studies, Hamburg, 25th-30th August 1986 (ZDMG-Suppl. 9).
© 1992 Franz Sleiner Veiiag Stuugart
of all Sogdian, may be added. Among other prominent find spots such as
Shatial, Thor, Ashibat, Hodar or Chiläs, the site of Thalpan is of special
importance because of the numerous Buddhist inscriptions found there. These
form a unit together with part of the Chiläs sites on the south bank of the
Indus, designated as Chiläs I. Here, in Thalpan/Chiläs , not only inscrip¬
tions, but numerous rock drawings of unusually high artistic quality have
been discovered as well, which are frequently accompanied by inscriptions
mentioning the respective donors. Consequently it is possible to separate
three different groups: Exclusively on the south bank of the river, Sinhota
and Gamanasüra (or: Samana") have been active. Part of their contribution,
still seen and partly photographed by Sir Aurel Stein in 1942, has been
destroyed while the Karakorum road was built, which cuts right through this
group comprising drawings of bodhisatvas such as Lokesvara, Mamjusri or
Maitreya and tathägatas such as Säkyamuni or Vipasyin. However, the most
important donor in the area was Kueravähana (that is Kubera ), whose son
Devavähana, too, is known from a single inscription, who sponsored the
drawing of stüpas, jätakas and scenes from the life of the Buddha, among
which there is the tiger-j'dtaka seen but not photographed by Sir Aurel
Stein. The headline of this jätafea-drawing runs: vryärghyäni dharmardyam.
The reading of the ending of the first word is not beyond doubt, and the
meaning of the second word occurring once again in an inscription in
Thalpan, is unknown. However, the Dardic metathesis of liquids in vrydrgh
is of some significance, as it is found in the same word in the tiger-j'ata-
ka told in the Khotanese Jätakastava as vrvdghraja str>£ya and vrrdgri
"tigress" corrected by the editor into vyd in both instances and thus
-covering up an interesting linguistic as well as literary link between
Gandhära and Khotan. The stüpas donated by Kueravähana are conspicuous by
the beams fixed on top of the anda to support the ahattrdvali , and by
figures depicted as standing next to them, parallels to which seem to be
hard to find elsewhere so far. The third group of donations found again on
both sides of the Indus consists of very delicately drawn, rather small
stüpas , only exceptionally accompanied by minute inscriptions incised deep¬
ly into the rock, and difficult to decipher. Here the donors Varunesvara
and Vicitradeva are mentioned. Further, not only in Thalpan, but elsewhere,
too, rare and complicated names of tathägatas and bodhisatvas have been
discovered. These have been studied in greater detail in a volume of
collected articles giving the first results of the recent epigraphical
discoveries in North Pakistan, which will be published by the Academy at
Heidelberg: Buddhistische Inschriften aus dem Tal des oberen Indus, and:
Brahmi inscriptions on the history and culture of the Upper Indus valley;
further: Zu einigen iranischen Namen und Titeln aus Brähmi-Inschrif ten am
Oberen Indus, in: Studia Grammatica Iranica. Festschrift für Helmut Humbach.
Münchner Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft. Beiheft (Neue Folge) 13. München
1986.
