It tumed out that many of the Mongolian words of the glosses were transliterations of Arabic astronomical terms

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Herbert Franke

Mongolian Glosses in a 14th Century Arabic Manuscript

The Arabic astronomical tables of ca. 1365-1366 (MS Ar. No. 6040, Bibliothfeque Nationale,

Paris) are being studied by Professor E. S. Kennedy (Frankfurt). When Prof. Kennedy

showed me last year the photostat copies of the documents in connection with the Arabic

orthographies of Chinese solar terms and lunar mansions I noticed that on many folios

marginal glosses in Uighur-Mongolian script have been written. Further research showed that

the existence of Mongolian glosses had been noticed before but apparently no attempt at

deciphering them had been made. It tumed out that many of the Mongolian words of the

glosses were transliterations of Arabic astronomical terms. The assistance of a scholar

competent in Arabic astronomy was therefore indispensable and I am grateful to Professor Paul Kunitzsch (Munich) for his help in elucidating the Arabic original terms. In not a few cases we find transliterations of Arabic terms linked by Mongolian morphological suffixes.

For example, qamar un tadil, where qamar is Ar. "moon" and tadil Arabic ta dil

"equation". Mongolian is only the genitive suffix un. In the gloss tabun garaq un qas-a the word qas-a renders Ar. hässa "value, argumentum of a planet", whereas tabun garaq is Mongolian, "the five planets". The words for solar and lunar eclipses are in Mongolian, naran bariqu and sara bariqu respectively. In a table for determining the first visibility of the

new moon the Mongolian gloss reads sara üjegdekü quöin naiman ars un. Again un is the

Mongolian genitive suffix without, however, a following noun, ars is a rendering of Ar. ard

"latitude". The whole passage therefore means "moon visibility of the thirty eight latitude (gen.)". Indeed the tables can be shown to refer to the geographical latitude of 38° 10'. On

folio 29v of the manuscript the names of the months are given in Arabic and Persian. To

these have been added in a minute dbu-med script the transliterations of the Arabic and

Persian names in Tibetan. The patron to whom the tables were dedicated is a Mongol prince, a descendant of Qubilai Qan's fifth son (see Paul Pelliot in Louis Hambis, Le chapitre CVII

du Yuan Che, Leiden 1945, 145-147). The name ot the place where he resided is given in

the manuscript as QQ|iü. This is a rendering of Chinese Ho-chou, a prefecture in the Tibetan borderlands of Kansu province.

A full version of the paper will be published in the Joumal Oriens.

HIDEHIRO Okada

Dayan Khan in the Battle of Dalan Terigün

Ming Chinese sources report that in 1510 the Little King (hsiao wang tzu) of the Mongols

attacked Chiefs A-erh-t'u-ssu (Ordos) and I-pu-la (Ibrahim) and the latter, defeated, sought refuge with their tribesmen in Kansu. Comparison of the Chinese accounts with information found in Mongol chronicles establishes that the battle was the famous one fought at the place

called Dalan Terigün in Inner Mongolia, and that the Mongol chiefs who took part in that

battle were Batu Möngke Dayan Khan who was called the Little King by the Ming Chinese,

Mandulai Aqalaqu of the Ordos tribe, and Ibarai Tayisi of the Yöngsiyebü (of Uyighud) tribe

respectively. All Mongol chronicles agree that the battle was fought between two wings of

the Mongols and that the civil war was won by the Left Wing commanded by the Mongol

Khan himself. They also agree that the war was triggered by the assassination of the Khan's

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son Ulus Bolad Jinong who had been enfeoffed as the lord of the Ordos Myriarchy (tiimen)

in the Right Wing. Circumstances leading up to the violent death of the prince differ

considerably among the Mongol chronicles, but they are unanimous about the resulting flight

of another son on the Khan, Barsubolad, who had married into the Monggholjin (or Tümed)

tribe. This flight became a memorable historical event because two young sons of Barsubolad, Gün Bilig and Altan, had also to be taken to the safety of the camp of their grandfather,

Dayan Khan, at the same time. Altan was to become later Khan of the Tümed tribe, famous

for his conversion to Tibetan Buddhist faith. Dayan Khan, bent on avenging the death of his son, took field with his amy consisting of the three Left-Wing Myriarchies, the Caqar, the

Qalqa and the Uriyangqan, against the enemy forces consisting of three Right-Wing

Myriarchies, the Ordos, the Tümed and the Yöngsiyebü at Dalan Terigün. The result was

a complete victory for the Khan. The Battle of Dalan Terigün was the most outstanding event

in the reign of Batu Möngke Dayan Khan who reunified the fragmented Mongols after a

period of the Oyirad supremacy and thus reestablished the leadership of the Chinggisid house all over Mongolia.

JUNKO Miyawaki

Did a Dzungar Khanate Really Exist?

History of the Oyirad (Kalmyk) people from the early-seventeenth to the mid-eighteenth century is commonly regarded as a period in which they formed a tightly-knit nation-state

called the Dzungar Khanate. Nothing could be farther from truth. They were known as the

Four Oyirad as they originally consisted of four great nomadic tribes of northwestern

Mongolia, the old Oyirad, the Barghud, the Naiman and the Kereyid, who, after the fall of

the Qubilaid Yüan Empire in China in 1368, formed an anti-Yüan, anti-Mongol alliance, the

Four Oyirad tribal federation was later joined by the Xoäüd, a tribe from eastem Mongolia, in the days of Toghon and Esen, the great leaders of the Oyirad Empire in the mid-fifteenth century. Thereafter the resurgent Mongols drove the Four Oyirad tribes farther and farther away into the northwest, until the tide tumed in 1623 when joint forces of the Four Oyirad

chiefs defeated and killed Ubasi Qong Tayiji of the Qalqa Mongols, who was known to the

Russians as the first Altyn Tsar' . In those days the chief 'taisha' in all Kalmyk land was Dalai

Tayisi of the Dörböd, not a Dzungar. Then it was Bayibaghas Khan of the Xoäüd, who

commanded the largest number of troops in the battle of 1623. The first Oyirad chief to take on a title of Khan upon himself in the seventeenth century was this Bayibaghas, a descendant

of Chinggis Khan's brother. After the death of Bayibaghas the Khanship passed to his

younger brother Güüäi. GüüSi Khan of the Xoäüd, upon his conquest of Kokonor and Tibet,

granted the title of Xong Tayizi in the sense of viceroy to his aide, a Dzungar chief Batur Xong Tayizi, in 1636. From that time on Xong Tayizi became a title inherited by the tribal

chiefs of the Dzungar, while the title of Khan remained in the Xo§üd. The only Dzungar

chief who was able to style himself Khan was Galdan, a son of Bätur Xong Tayizi, and it was

because he was bom by a Xoäüd princess. After Galdan's death in 1697 the Dzungar chiefs

all styled themselves Xong Tayizis, not Khans. Even in the last half-century of the Dzungar

power, the tribe was no more than a member group in the Four Oyirad tribal federation, and

the title of Xong Tayizi signified the chiefdom of the Dzungar tribe, not a leadership of all Four Oyirad tribes. We also should not disregard the fact that, away from Dzungaria, there

were other factions of the Four Oyirad tribes also on the Volga and in Kokonor who did not

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acknowledge a Dzungar supremacy in their tribal federation. After all, there never was a Dzungar Khanate, in name or in reality, that can be regarded as a nation-state of the Oyirad people.

Jiro Ikegami

The Element 'n' in Some Indicative Forms of Tungus Verbs

The Nanai and Olcha indicative first person singular form of the present II, bürdmbi 'I give', can be analysed into a verb-stem and the aorist (or imperfect) ending in -ra and the element -m and the first person singular ending, viz. bü-rd-m-bi. The element -m in this verb-form is regarded as a combinatory variant of the verb formative -n before the labial consonant b.

This formative was probably *-n at an earlier stage as well.

It is noteworthy that this -n accompanies the aorist ending -ra in this verb-form. This aorist ending which was originally *-ra, appears as -ra in many of the Tungus languages, but takes different forms in some other Tungus languages, such as -ja in Negidal. The aorist ending -

ra is not accompanied by any formative in the negative construction of Tungus verbs.

However, it is accompanied by various formatives when some verb-endings or verbal-noun

formatives are formed as follows:

The verbal-noun formatives Even -n, Negidal -ji, Uilta -ri and others, which form verbal

nouns, result from the amalgamation of the aorist ending *-ra and the formative *-gi, as

J. Benzing assumes.

The endings Evenki -raki, Solon -rki and Uilta -rai, which form conditional converbs, consist of the aorist ending -ra and the formative -ki.

The Nanai, Olcha and Uilta imperative ending -ru probably results from the amalgamation of the aorist ending *-ra (or *-ri such as Uilta -ri) and a formative ending in the vowel u.

In addition to these, we have the sequence -ra and -«, with which we are concemed here.

This -n seems to have served originally to form an indicative form (a finite form) of a verb rather than a verbal noun. N. Poppe assumes the -n in Solon to be the formative praesentis imperfecti and K. Menges considers the -n in Evenki as a temporal element.

Benzing assumes two original paradigms and their intermixture in the aorist forms of the

Tungus languages. One paradigm includes the formative -n, whereas the other includes the

formative -ra. However, for the early stage of Tungus, I would posit a system of indicative verb-inflection in which the indicative present forms are composed of the -ra-n accompanied by the personal endings in the first and second persons, but not accompanied by any personal ending in the third person. Further, it is assumed that a number of indicative present personal

forms lost *-ra, *-n or both, or were formed on a second system of the indicative verb-

inflection, in which *-n, a verbal-noun formative (not accompanying *-ra) is followed by a

personal ending in the first and second persons but by no personal ending in the third person,

or were formed on a third system in which *-ra (without *-n) is also accompanied by a

personal ending in the first and second persons but by no personal ending in the third person.

If some indicative present forms belong to the latter inflection systems, the indicative present paradigms of Tungus languages would be a mixture of forms belonging to different inflection systems.

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Lajos Kazär

Japanese-Uralic-Altaic Word Comparisons:

Contact, or Genetic Relationships?

The provenance of the Japanese people and language is still a vexing problem. It is clear that several waves of immigration or intrusion have occurred into the archipelago from the south and southwest as well as from the west and northwest.

As far as structure and basic vocabulary go, the Japanese language cannot be classed with the Austroasiatic and/or Austronesian languages. The fact that no genetic relationship has been demonstrated between Japanese and "Altaic" (Turkic, Mongol, Manch-Tungus) either,does not mean that Japanese is an isolate. Although suggested for over a century to be linked with

Japanese, the Uralic language family (Finno-Ugric-Samoyed) has not been seriously drawn

into the picture yet, mainly because people, especially in Japan, have thought that "Altaic"

comprises Uralic as well. A second factor has been the distance between Japan and the

present habitats of the Uralic peoples, which are found as far west as Finland, Estonia, and Hungary.

The complex method of searching for erstwhile links among peoples that may have been

related in contiguous areas but subsequently migrated far from one another in various

directions employs, in addition to linguistics, archaeology, history, ethnology, anthropology, etc. Archaeology and cultural history have shown that Japanese connections are traceable as

far west as southem Russia and westem Hungary.

The recentiy published research results of Prof. Hideo Matsumoto conceming the distribution of the (immunoglobulin) Gm st gene marker, typical for the northem Mongoloid populations,

clearly link the Japanese to the northem Mongoloid peoples among whom the Buriats in the

northem Baikal region show the heaviest occurrence of the Gm st gene marker. So far as

descent of blood relationship goes, this finding means a breakthrough. However, it does not solve the origin of the Japanese language. In fact, Japanese-Mongol comparative linguistic research has yielded only good structural similarities, but no similarly good results in essential vocabulary. However, the tuming of many researchers in Japan toward Central Asia is a good indication. It should be followed up by applying the complex method of research. The Uralic

and Altaic languages could and should be considered together again, now from the point of

view of Japanese, and the auxiliary disciplines should be linked with this effort.

Conclusions: While it is not likely that the phonologies of reconstmcted Japanese, Uralic, and

Altaic can be harmonized and, say, primitive Ural-Altaic can be reached, the structural

parallels already established and the evidence of word similarities which can be produced will probably show that:

a) Japanese is linked to both Uralic and Altaic; detailed comparisons involving the the

whole systems indicate that Japanese stands closer to Uralic than Altaic;

b) comparison among Japanese, Uralic, and Altaic is not only rewarding to all three

fields, but also indispensable because they complement one another.

(The present paper included samples of Japanese-Uralic-Altaic word comparisons — with

reference to the author's book Japanese-Uralic Language Comparisons. Locating Japanese

Origins with the Help of Samoyed, Finnish, Hungarian, etc.: An Attempt. Hamburg, 1980.

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Lode Talpe

A Buddhist Cosmological Work in Mongolian A Preliminary Study

The aim of this paper is to introduce briefly a Mongolian Ms. brought from Ordos by Rev.

A. Mostaert. The work bears the title Abidarm-a-yin youl-un yertinöü-yi üjügülügdi Sastir

orusiba, "Treatise showing the Central world of Abhidharma". (Serruys H., J.A.O.S. 95.2 (1975), p. 196 nr. 37). This work is based on an unknown translation probably from Tibetan and its content corresponds to known Buddhist cosmological works; (Lokaprajfiapti).Trom the linguistic features we may deduce that the Ms. is of the latest period, although it preserves

features representative of the XV-XVII Cies. There are also examples of pre-classical

language: ex. addition of yod. asuru-a (=esuru-a) 30b3, 31b3; orun-a (=örün-e) 28b4; Gen-

Acc -U7an: urtu qarsi-U7an (9a4) and even Common Mong. "döteger" (Pre-Class. dötüger

WM dörbedüger) to name only a few. Besides the language seems to reflect the spoken

language: ex.: üjibesü (=üjebesü) passim, Conv. Cone, -baöu, coll. -badi: ex. bolbaöi

(24al); küitkübedi (21b2) etc.

This cosmological work belongs to the larger Lokaprajflapti-texls which exist in Sanskrit,

Chinese and Tibetan, cf. Heissig, Sagaster (1961), nr. 289, Lalou M. (1933), p.43.

One of the important sources of the Abidarm-a is the Bodhi mör-ün ferge in which we find

hell-fragments. Besides we find a large quotation from Ihe Altan Toböi Nova (1655) and the

Öqula Keregleä (written after 1607) (Heissig, 1984), but which has been reworked. In the

last lines Namai Köke is identified with Säkyamuni. Cinggis qayan and Altan qayan ofthe

Tümet (1507-1583) are called cakravartin.

This work needs further investigation and will be compared with the other Lokaprajfiapti versions (Tanjur, 2 Mss.) so that this can contribute to a better knowledge of the text.

Tatsuo Nakami

Prince Güngsünnorbu and Inner Mongolia in Transformation

Güngsünnorbu (1871-1930) was a well known Mongol prince of QaraCin Right Banner of

Josutu League in Inner Mongolia. However, contradictory appraisals has been made of him;

a traitor to the Mongol independence of 1911; a reactionary feudalistic opportunist; a pro- Japanese and Ch'ing loyalist; and a forerunner of "modemization" in Inner Mongolia. I will reassess him by examing his activities, depending on historical materials of several languages.

Firstly, we have to give attention to his birth place and home background to find a clue to understand his political activities. In the late Ch'ing, the majority of Qaraöin habitants were

the Han Chinese, while the Mongols were the minority. Güngsünnorbu 's lineage was tied

with the Ch'ing royal family.

The first big problem he was faced with was the Boxer Rebellion in 1900. To preserve his

land and political power, he had to improve the administrative organ of his Banner. In 1903,

Güngsünnorbu was invited to visit to Japan. Then, he was strongly impressed by the

"modemization from the upper side" in Japan. After his retum to China, he founded schools

and established a factory and a trading company and set up publishing a newspaper in

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QaraCin. For these new organizations, the strong financial base was indispensable. He asked for loans to the foreign banks and Chinese usury. However, in the latter half of 1900s, for the redemption of the overdebt, he abandoned all his enterprises except for a Mongol school.

His failure was resulted not only from financial difficulty but also from his lack of managerial ability. In process of earring out his plans, huge amount of money, people and information rushed into a little Qaraöin, which made the social balance of his Banner in confusion.

About that time, the Ch'ing govemment initiated a drastic reform of its machinery. As a part of the reform, it examined its Mongol policy. Making use of this opportunity, Güngsünnorbu

demanded several points conceming to the Ch'ing policy toward Mongolia, that became the

keynote of new policy. However, the princes and lamas of Qalq-a Mongolia regarded this

new policy as one that threatened to destroy their independent social structure. Thus, the Mongol image among Qalq-a leaders was so different from that of Güngsünnorbu's.

The Chinese Revolution in 1911, for Güngsünnorbu, meant the collapse of the very system

he had depended on. He had to search for new prospect. Güngsünnorbu first attempted to

effect a political consensus, assuring integrity for a new political age among the princes in

Inner Mongolia, or at least in East Mongolia. Since he recognized that his political and

military ability was insufficient, he tried to make it up with foreign aids. Then, Kawashima Naniwa, a Japanese expansionist, offerred his service as a mediatior between Güngsünnorbu

and Japan. For Güngsünnorbu, Japan was the only foreign power that gave him any aid,

although Japan attached a different meaning to it. However, all of his attempts collapsed. The

Mongols in Inner Mongolia could nothing but respond separately to the social upheaval.

Güngsünnorbu was obliged to go to Peking to show his loyality to the President, Yüan Shih- k'ai and was appointed Director of the Bureau of the Mongol-Tibetan Affairs. The affiliation with Yüan was the only way left for him to maintain his "feudalistic" rights and position.

Slawoj Szynkiewicz

Ethnic Boundaries in Western Mongolia.

A Case Study of a County in the Mongol Altai Region

Ethnicity and ethnic relations in nomadic societies conform to specific mles as compared with sedentary ones. The following rules are drawn from the author's field research in the Bulgan

county of SW Mongolia inhabited by some 8.000 people comprising two Mongol peoples of

the Oyirad branch (the Khoshut and the Torgut) and the Kazakhs.

1. Ethnic differences, in most general terms, are historically determined. Thus, the

Khoshut and the Torgut have constituted particular ethnics for centuries, differing in dialect, culture and symbols of identity. These have been preserved in spite of close

contacts in the areas of coexistence: Xinjiang, Volga Kalmucks. Always the ethnic

identity has been supported by own political authority and administrative

distinctiveness.

2. Once created ethnic identity is reproduced notwithstanding historical adversities, being coded into the society's information system based on genealogical memory, of which most important is the genealogy of the mling line. The Bulgan Khoshut testify to this regularity. They have arrived in the Torgut territory as a small group devoid of their

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ruler but preserving genealogical memory. They survived in spite of conditions strongly favouring acculturation and dissolution in the Torgut milieu.

3. Cultural unity is secondary to administrative unity in creating and supporting ethnic-

type identity. The Torgut, although recognizing their cultural homogeneity, are

divided into groups deriving their particular identites from previous administrative divisions. They had formed two separate fiefs ruled by their own lords, operating on a particular territory and employing own symbols of unity, separate names including.

It has resulted in their separatedness still continued 60 years after the old

administration was abolished and the territory united under a new administration.

There exist minor differences in culture of the two groups which are, however,

disregarded.

4. Political separatedness as a criterion for creating the ethnic cohesion operates in

conditions of the tribal-like or feudal-like administration symbolized by easily

recognizable signs of unity. These are: territorial boundaries and the aristocratic ruling

line as opposed to modem administration consisting of symbolically neutral

individuals.

5. Administratively created groups or political societies tend to social and cultural

isolation. Thus arises the local cultural specificity, as well as reluctance to merging with taxonomically equal groups. Hence, in the past, the Torgut were ready to absorb

the Khoshut who were then representing an amorphous crowd of immigrants, while

the latter — aspiring to administrative independence (finally restored) — felt equal and refused to merge.

6. Hierarchical organization of nomadic societies, actual or potential, enables merging

with higher units or makes possible a federation of equals for the purpose of creating

a higher unity. Thus, the particular Torgut groups were ready to admit their

Torgutness and act accordingly. They have accepted as equals (i.e., a symmetrical unit) the recent Torgut migrants from the Chinese Tarbagatay to form a third ethnic¬

like Torgut group in Bulgan. For the same reason the Khoshut, once bitterly anti-

Torgut, now are ready to mix with the latter for they have accepted the idea of the all- Mongol unity within the Mongol state. For the same reason alike all Bulgan Mongols continue to consider the Kazakh neighbours as strangers because they are too far apart to be able to form one nation.

The above specified mles seem to regulate ethnic relations in the studied region and perhaps in other nomadic regions.

Ruth I. Meserve

Mongol Horse Care, Training, and Management

Among the major texts on Mongol hippological methods are select passages from the Yiian

shih, the Ta Yiian ma cheng chi, two manuscripts in the Mongolian collection of the Royal

Library (Copenhagen), and modem Mongol descriptions on animal husbandry which provide

an historical perspective on Mongol horse training, care and mangement over the centuries.

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Emphasis has been placed on two neo-Classical texts from Chakhar in the Royal Library of Copenhagen.

A. Mori temege-ii ebedäin-i fasaqu ary-a anu (MONG. 62) contains material on veterinary medicine, presenting various symptoms and the treatment for some diseases that afflict horses (lr-13v). The lack of symptoms sometimes makes it difficult to pinpoint the exact disease as known by veterinarians today, but the ailments of horses fall roughly into the following categories: 1) respiratory problems, 2) tumors or swellings, 3) viral infections, 4) nervous disorders, 5) intemal ailments, including catarrh of the digestive tract, 6) "evil spirit"

diseases, 7) mouth ailments, 8) lameness, 9) spinal problems, and 10) mange.

B. Mori temege-ii soily-a neilegülfü uyaqu qauli biöig (MONG. 90) is an incomplete

manuscript containing a decree issued by the Yung-cheng emperor (r. 1723-1735) in 1727,

goveming the regulations for horse care (lr-6v). What is most interesting is the reason that this decree was issued: namely, it had been observed that soldiers as a class no longer knew

how to put their horses and camels into proper condition and it was the Mongol way, not

Manchu methods, that is presented in the decree with instmctions that officers teach the

soldiers how to care for their animals in the various seasons. Comparison of this manuscript with Chinese observations found in the Meng ta pei lu (1221) and the Hei ta shih liieh (1237)

bears out the importance of seasonal differances in horse care. This Mongol manuscript

provides much greater detail and takes into consideration both the body condition of the horse (thin, medium or fat) as well as the question of exercise (ridden hard and not ridden for any length of time) with special attention to the highly important use of tethering for the proper condition of horses.

This would seem to present a picture of great emphasis and concem for horse training, care, and administration. It is, perhaps, almost more important to notice what has not been talked about: reproduction, foaling, the whole idea of breeding stock. Coupled with other evidence, particularly that from eye-witnesses (ambassadors, travelers, missionaries, naturalists, military men, adventurers etc.) another, less favorable, picture emerges. The quantity of horses that were raised often hindered the quality of any attempt to improve the breed until recent times.

It is almost a classic example of the Inner Asian using the environment, but not changing it to his advantage to improve his life, his very civilization.

Maria Salga

New Phenomena in Contemporary Mongolian Literature

The position of those outstanding representatives of folk poetry — they can be termed official folk poets — has been taken over by the aesthetics, verse-teaching and genre theories of well-

known poets striving for their own individual voice. The world of Mongolian poetry has

spread: it has become capable of expressing various more complex feelings, moods and

opinions. New tendencies and aesthetic categories have appeared (e.g. peculiarities).

The various temporal phenomena at the same time appear in juxtaposition e.g. the

psycologically motivated realistic novella, partially stmctured and composed in great detail, experiences its prime, but already the special genres characterizing the decline of the novella genre have appeared, namely the satirical novella fairytale, blended into a uniform essay-like style, anecdotic short-stories and the most modem mini-novella.

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There are still such sonnets in which the four-line stanza of folk songs are disguised as a quartett, and there are, indeed, all the forms of the sonnet, namely the complete one, the shortened one, the sonnet cycle, the strict form of the sonnet circle (first and last lines alike), even the sonnet in the novella. Mongolian poetry is now experiencing its sonnet period.

The literary trends enabling complete free association do not occur.

Just as in world literature, Mongolian literature also tends towards psychologizing. Authors prefer to portray psychological changes than the outside world and, instead of events, their mental projections.

The mode of language of the poetry has also changed. As well as sentences ending at the end of the line, there are also all the various forms of line-jumping (e.g. free verse).

The texture of the text has become more closely-woven and the pictures have been drawn in

greater depth thanks to the multi-compound word structure, but without the fashionable

exaggerations of European literature.

The pictures in general contain symbols but many poets are striving for non-symbolism.

Mongolian poetry has therefore reached the post-symbolic period.

Reality therefore takes care of the pictorial material of poetry just as it does that of prose.

The pictures show sensitive individual observations.

In addition to the landscape pictures, the idol, macro, cosmos and plant cultivating pictures have appeared. The two levels (the picture and poetic observation) follow each other in the poems or are intertwined. The new verse structure, namely intertwining, suggests a new idea:

the outside world and I are identical.

Most recently, in some poems, waves of thoughts follow each other in quanta, intensifying closer to the climax.

The metaphorical style has appeared and at the same time the non-metaphorical, pure,

aphorist poetic language.

The poets seize the traditional themes at a higher level, philosophically or carried by the

mood. Decadent phenomena also appear e.g. New Romanticism. The poets take on the poetic

attitude of European poets. They, the chosen loners, profess to being able to find a way to their fellow-humans by means of their poetry.

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JÖRUNDUR HILMARSSON

An East Tocharian Reduction Rule

With Stray Notes on the Interrogative Pronominal Stems

On the basis of the unexpected correspondence Toch. A wärkänt: Toch. B yerkwantai

(obl.sg.) "wheel, circle", representing Common Toch. *w'cErkänt- < I.-E. "Hulrg^nt-, a special reduction rule is proposed for East Tocharian, i.e. that in this language an a in the position before a tautosyllabic resonant was reduced to ä. Further examples are introduced and examined. Thus B tronk "cave, hole" is explained as reflecting Common Toch. trcenku from I.-E. *dhronghu-, an u-stem also found in Germanic, cf. Icel. dröngull "monolith, icicle" to drangr "rock". The corresponding East Tocharian tränk can then be explained in terms of the proposed reduction rule, i.e. A *trahku > tränk before w-umlaut had the chance to operate. Furthermore, the occurrences of a variant A wänt to A want, Byente "wind" are discussed as possible instances of such a reduction. Also, A kärksirn "bond, chains" is considered as having an equivalent root structure to that of the cognate B kerketse. Finally, the interrogative and relative pronominals A äntannene, äntäne are compared with their West Tocharian equivalents erue (inte), *entsu (imsu), for which a reduction rule might also find its application.

The second half of the lecture was dedicated to some speculative remarks conceming the

formation and etymology of these and some other Tocharian pronominal and adverbial forms.

The view was expressed that Tocharian k was not palatalized in Tocharian. Van Windekens' examples of such palatalization were discussed in a footnote and found to be unconvincing.

Only in two cases did palatalization really seem to occur, but in both instances altemative explanations were possible. First, the palatalization before the optative sign ; might be seen as a generalized morphological trait. Second, the form ByneS "evidently" could represent I.- E. *en-ok -en, i.e. an /i-stem locative.

Thus, there would be no obstacle to deriving the interrogative pronoun B küse, A kus from

I.-E. *kf's-so. The gen. sg. of this pronoun A ke can (with Lane) be derived from I.-E.

*k -ops (cf. Lat. cuius), whereas the corresponding B kete cannot drive from such a

preform. An explanation was proposed by assuming a preform *k *o-to-, i.e. the

interrogative stem plus an adjectival (possessive) -to- suffix, as seen in Olcel. hvadan

"whence" (< *k''o-to- -I-). Furthermore, the modal conjunction AB kos "how much" is

derived from I.-E. *k -o-suö through Common Toch. *kw(sswkö > *kosu AB kos (cf. Gk.

irc5c).

Finally, there follows a discussion of the Tocharian pronominal forms beginning with ma-1 mä-, i.e. B. mäkte "how", mäksu "who", makte, A mättak "ipse" and the forms in initial

Common Toch. *ant- (B ent- I int- I ints-, A änt- 1 änts). Through the assumption of the

existence of I.-E. *me- and *m- (as seen in Gk. n^xpi and cJxpi "until". Arm. merj "near")

in the initial syllable ot these Tocharian pronominal stems, they can be understood as

reflecting I.-E. *me-k-id-tod, *me-k-is-so and *rn-k'id-tod, *rn-k-is-so resp. through

Common Toch. *mäkwättce, *mäkwässce and *CEnkwätta, *cenkwässa > *mäkte, *mäksce

and *CEnktcE, *cehksce with subsequent loss of interconsonantal -k-, insertion of -t- (already in Common Tocharian).

The full text of the second half of this paper appeared in Tocharian and Indo-European Studies, I, 40-48, Reykjavik 1987.

A. Wezler/E. Hammerschmidt (Hrsg.): Proceedings of the XXXII Intemational Congress for Asian and North African Studies, Hamburg, 25th-30th August 1986 (ZDMG-Suppl. 9).