This paper seeks to depict the role of the Muslims in the modem polities of Burma and Thailand within a comparative framework

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Omar Farouk Shaek Ahmad Bajunid

TTie Political Integration of the Muslims in Burma and Thailand A Cross- National Analysis

Historically, geographically and culturally Burma shares some of Thailand's peculiar traits, however, in the more recent times, the impact of colonial rule in Burma on the one hand, and Thailand's continued political independence on the other, and their consequential adoption of different political methods and strategies in meeting the challenges of the tasks of nation-

building in the post-Second World War period have contributed to make these states

economically, ideologically and politically distinctive from each other. Both Burma and

Thailand, as modem nation-states are multi-ethnic in character although this seems much

more so in the case of the former. Both countries are Buddhist and have attempted at one

point of time or other to use Buddhism as a unifying religio-cultural force but Buddhism has almost invariably been overshadowed by political and ideological considerations in these two

states. In Burma, Buddhism has been used to legitimize the Marxist-Leninist ideology with

the conceptualization of the Burmese Way to Socialism. In Thailand, the development of

constitutional politics has ushered in an unresolved tussle between the proponents of liberal

democracy on the one hand and the advocates of bureaucratic and in particular military

hegemony on the other. Both these states have a substantial and significant Muslim minority population which has had to grapple with difficult problems of readjustments following the abovementioned developments.

This paper seeks to depict the role of the Muslims in the modem polities of Burma and

Thailand within a comparative framework. The current status of the Muslims in present-day

Burma is first described and the heterogeneity of the Muslim community highlighted. The

evolution of the community from the traditional period through to the post-colonial era in the case of Burma and from the traditional through to the constitutional period in the context of Thailand is assessed. It is argued that in the traditional period the Muslims co-existed

harmoniously with their Buddhist counterparts in Burma and Thailand, for the most part.

Colonial mle in Burma created gulfs between the Muslims and the Burmans in particular. In

the case of Thailand, the modemization of its polity as a consequence of the impact of

colonialism in the region began to sow the seeds of political trouble. The role of extemal variables both in Burma and Thailand has threatened to internationalize the political problems of the Muslim minorities in both these states much to their chagrin.

The dislocation of liberal democracy in Burma affected the Muslims severely. The isolationist

measures undertaken by the military leaders of Burma and the espousal of socialist goals

translated in Buddhist terms became unnerving for the majority of the Muslims, particularly

those who cherished a strong Indian identity and conservative Islamic way of life. But for

those who had envisioned the need for greater rapport with Burmese national aspirations

having recognized the irreversibilty of their membership in the new Burmese polity, the

process of readjustments was attempted. Inevitably the inward-looking Muslims became

threatened by this new development and intra-communal schisms began to develop making

the Muslim minority within Burma a dynamic group in its own right.

Unlike Burma, Thailand's political evolution in the constitutional era has been more gradual and consistent. In view of the absence of the colonial experience, the attempt to introduce liberal democracy has had to contend with the inner forces of Thai political culture which

A. Wezler/E. Hammerschmidt (Hrsg.): Proceedings of the XXXII Intemational Congress for Asian and Nonh African Studies, Hamburg, 25th-30ih August 1986 (ZDMG-SuppI. 9).

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survived royal absolutism. Hence although a form of democracy has evolved within Thailand particularly in the more recent years, this model of democracy is invariably conceived and implemented in the Thai mould of thoughts. The need to demonstrate one's Thainess first is

probably far more compelling than any other factor. For the Muslims of Thailand who are

already part and parcel of the wider Thai culture, the Thai democratic model becomes

immediately comprehensible. For others, especially the Malay-Muslims who have been

struggling to preserve their ethnic identity, adjustments to the present realities will not be all that easy.

RuiicA ÖiCak-Chand

South Asia — Migrations as a Factor of Inter-State Relations

The principal characteristic of population movements — immigrants and refugees — in South Asia is that they are largely unwanted by receiving countries and, therefore, tend to generate frequent and usually large-scale conflicts between the states concemed, involving "high"

politics and interventions from heads of the respective states.

The major sources of tension and conflict, resulting from interregional movements, can be

mainly traced back to colonial mle: firstiy, owing to the specific pattem of colonial migration

politics a large number of Indians moved to the neighbouring countries of Burma and Sri

Lanka. The presence and, in some cases, dominance of these migrants did not pose any

political problem under colonial mle. With the advent of independence, however, as political

power passed into the hands of the indigenous population, the economic dominance of the

Indian communities in relation to the indigenous population lost its political backing and resulted, in Burma, in massive emigration of Indians. In Sri Lanka inter-ethnic conflicts

between the Indian and the Sri Lankan Tamil and the Sinhalese communities have remained

the main source of social tension in the country and impaired bilateral relations between India and Sri Lanka.

Secondly, the partition of the subcontinent and the creation of a disjointed Pakistan led to the

"exchange" of population. The resettling of a vast multitude of people (over 12 million) and the recovery of claims made by the refugees from both countries resulted in considerable

misunderstanding and mutual hostility between India and Pakistan for many years to come.

The second partition of the subcontinent and the emergence of Bangladesh in 1971 brought almost ten million refugees into India's northeastem states; India's decision to invade Pakistan was in large part due to the massive influx of East Bengali refugees.

Thirdly, India's position of primacy in South Asia in terms of size and strength and the

presence of Indian communities in three of the region's countries and the fear of India's possible intervention on their account have aggrevated the atmosphere of mistrust and conflict in the region.

Another important dimension, in fact the most prominent feature of South Asian contempo¬

rary reality, is the huge demographic pressure together with the very slow pace of economic

growth and development. That, by itself, in any major population movement from one South

Asian country to another is bound to create conflicting inter-ethnic relations and subsequentiy conflicting inter-state relations. For instance, a continual influx of the former East Pakistani refugees, today's Bangladeshi migrants to India aggravates the otherwise tense conditions in

A. Wezler/E. Hammerschmidt (Hrsg.): Proceedings of the XXXII Intemational Congress for Asian and North African Studies, Hamburg, 25lh-30th August 1986 (ZDMG-Suppl. 9).

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the North-East of India. It is also a permanent hindrance to interstate co-operation between

the two neighbouring countries. Also, an open Indo-Nepal border has partly prevented the

economic domination of Indian migrants in Nepal from becoming an acute problem, but their free movement into the Kingdom is increasingly viewed by the Nepali govemment as creating social and economic difficulties in the country.

In the context of South Asian countries which have been experiencing major social and

political changes, migration processes and interethnic disputes are often caused by religious and political conflicts and traditional heritage even though their causes are, above all, of an economic nature.

M. Basheer Ahmed Khan

Conflicts in a Plural Society — The Problem of Religious Miru)rities in India

From Kanyakumari to Kashmir and from Kutch to Tamu, India is one with a single

nationhood, nation being understood as the largest effective political agency. This, however, does not conceal the fact that in sociological terms, within the single nation, a large number of societies exist, thereby giving the country the status of a plural society. Judging from the

outstanding and closely interwoven fundamentals that compose a society, like the groups,

uniformities, standards, and institutions, the existence of a plural society in India becomes all the more clear.

The Indian society is composed of all sorts of secondary groups besides the primary groups and the religious groups being more important parts of the social life of the country. The religious groups have set uniformities and standards to spread their culture and achievements so that their benefits and responsibilities are felt by all their members in definite degrees.

They have also established institutions that govern the complete realm of social life. The

plural nature of the society is not only de facto, but also de jure and the Indian Constitution has made official recognition of this fact. Articles 14, 15, 16, 17, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29 and 30 implicitly and explicitly accepted the plurality of the Indian society.

History is full of evidences for the conflicts in a plural society. Rapid changes in groups break up population into classes and while some adapt to new situations quickly while others

do not, conflicts result. There are groups that maneuver to achieve positions of greater

influence and control in the changing social order which create conflict in the process. The Indian independence and the pre-partition violent conflicts were thought to be a closed chapter

and the Indian Republic that emerged was expected to be a land of peace. However, the

plural society that existed in India even after partition and independence was realistically and ideologically accepted by the national leaders and constitution makers. The failure on the part of many groups in politics, administration and religion from the different societies of the country to act according to the requirements of a plural society has belied this expectation and

the conflicts that continue are the part of this behavioural pattem of some groups who

maneuver to achieve dominance not only in politics, but in religion, too.

India with many minority religious and linguistic groups is facing the problem of the

continued conflicts even manifesting their violent nature also. In the maneuvering tactics of

some groups to wield dominance and control, mistrust has been created among the various

A. Wezler/E. Hammerschmidt (Hrsg.): Proceedings of the XXXII Intemational Congress for Asian and North African Studies, Hamburg, 25lh-30th August 1986 (ZDMG-Suppl. 9).

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religious communities and the minority religious groups are struggling to maintain their identitiy, which is further construed as separatist strategy. This in the existing socio-political conundrum has posed as the major problem of the religious minorities perpetuating a conflict in the pluralistic Indian society.

All groups are aware that separatism is not in the interest of any one. Hence, the picturisation

of the identity struggle of minorities as separatism is sad for the nation. A social and

educational process in lines of integrating the various groups in the interest of the nation and

removing the misconception propagated about the separatism and implementation of

constitutional provisions in right spirit and strict discipline could only be the solutions to the problem in the Indian context.

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Fridrik Thordarson

77?^ Ossetic Bäkh Fäldisyn Funeral Rites

Bäkh Fäldisyn ("Horse Dedication" , German "Roßweilie") is ttie name of a funeral rite which was practised by the Ossetes at the burial of chieftains until recent times. Similar rites were

common among neighbouring Caucasian peoples. These ceremonies have been referred to by

various scholars since the early 19th century; the first text was published by A. Schiefner in 1863, but since then other text variants have appeared in print.

Bäkh Fäldisyn is a nominal compound, consisting of bäkh "horse" and fäldisyn "to consecrate, esp. to a dead person or the realm of the dead; to create" (< Ir. *pari- + dais-

"to show", cf. Skt. pari-disäti "to announce").

At the ceremony a horse is dedicated to the use of the soul on its way to the netherworld.

Great importance is attached to the qualities of the horse. It is not sacrificed, but after the funeral it is subject to certain taboos. In the same way the widow is dedicated to the needs

of her dead husband; human sacrifices are not recorded in modern times. Simultaneously a

sermon of some length is declaimed. The language is in part archaic and characterized by

conventional phrases which recur with little variation from sermon to sermon. No doubt we

have to do with an oral tradition that has been handed down, with gradual modifications, during the centuries. The reciter — the Bäkh Fäldisakh — is not a professional priest, but the phraseology and the length of the sermon presuppose some kind of schooling.

The sermon gives a description of the joumey of the soul to the land of the dead, Dzänät

("Paradise"). There is some variation regarding the visions met by the soul, but in all essentials both the visions and the eschatologieal notions they reflect are identical. The joumey consists of three stages:

1) The dead man crosses a bridge, which is a dangerous enterprise. In some texts he here

meets a gate-keeper, Aminon, who asks questions about his behaviour while alive. In

other texts these questions are put by some other mythological figure after the bridge has been crossed. The answer is intended to exemplify the ideal of aurea mediocritas.

Sometimes the bridge is placed after the visions of stage two; but it is evident that it is an indispensable part of the joumey.

2) On his further joumey the dead man meets a number of people who suffer punishment

or receive reward for their actions while alive, a kind of moral paradeigmata. As to the actions, the texts may vary, but it is always a question of social duties which have been kept or neglected. The visions are explained by an interpreter in a dialogue with the soul. On the whole, dialogues play a considerable role in the texts.

3) The soul arrives in Dzänät where it is usually received by Barastyr, the Lord of the

Dead. Sometimes it joins one or more of the heroes of the Nart epos. Occasionally, Christ is met at this place.

Sermons of this kind seem to have been alien to the funeral rites of the neighbouring peoples;

at least, they have not been recorded.

The parade of rewards and punishments has its counterpart in the legends of the joumey of

Soslan, the Nart hero, to the netherworid, where he seeks the help of his dead wife to

remarry. On his way he meets the same visions of reward and punishment as are found in the

A. Wezler/E. Hammerschmidt (Hrsg.): Proceedings of the XXXII Intemational Congress for Asian and Nonh African Studies, Hamburg, 25th-30lh August 1986 (ZDMG-Suppl. 9).