Different Modes of Rendering Avestan into Pahlavi*

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By David Buyaner , Jerusalem

Due to the well-known tendency of Pahlavi translators of the Avesta to

establish one-to-one correspondences between certain Avestan words and

their Middle Persian counterparts, 1 the lockstep equivalents of certain Av¬

estan words and locutions constitute a closed set within the Middle Persian

lexicon, which still awaits an in-depth examination. 2 There are many raisons

d'être of such a study; thus, establishing quantitative relation between the

items of the sub-systems of this set (see below) in the translations of differ¬

ent parts of the Avesta, one can form an updated notion of the degree of ad¬

equacy in understanding Avestan text by Pahlavi writers, a subject of great

importance for the history of Zoroastrianism. 3 Besides, the stratification

of Middle Persian vocabulary is of utmost interest for lexicography, since

quite different approaches should be applied to analysis of genuine Persian

vocables, Avestan loanwords and artificial neologisms used for rendering

Avestan notions into Pahlavi. The present paper aims for showing primary

directions of the study.

* I am deeply indebted to Professor Sh. Shaked for going through the early ver¬

sions of this paper and suggesting useful criticisms. HoSever, responsibility for the final conclusions remains my own. Also, I would like to express gratitude to my colleague A.A. Rostovtsev-Popel for proofreading the paper and improving its style.

1 See, e. g. Spiegel 1860, p.

19;

de Menasce 1983, p. 171; Cantera 2004, pp. 302-303.

A somewhat different opinion is expressed in Josephson 1997, p. 160.

2 Cf.: "Many observations have been made concerning lexical côïrespondences be¬

tween the Avesta and the Phi. versions in studies on various religious themes but there has been little systematic study of the Phi. translations themselves"

(

Josephson 1997, p. 18).

3 To the history of the question see, on the one hand, Hübschmann 1872, p. 639; Klin-

genschmitt 1969 and 1978, with rather moderate, by comparison with the radical negativ¬

ism of the "Vedic" school, but still sceptic attitude towards the value of the Pahlavi ver¬

sion for the Avestan studies, and, on the other hand, Darmesteter 1883, II, pp. 256-343,

Shaked 1996, pp. 646, 649-650 and Cantera 2004, pp. X, 105. Shaked , in particular,

regards the zand as an important source of information on exegetic trends within late Zo¬

roastrianism and spiritual needs of this period, whereas Cantera emphasizes the impor¬

tance of the study of the Pahlavi translation technique for understanding the Indo-Iranian tradition of the philological interpretation of an orally transmitted sacred text

(

Cantera

2004, p. 105), in particular, through comparison with other middle-Iranian translations of

the Christian, Manichaean an Buddhist texts

(

Cantera 2004, p. X).

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Even a superficial glance on the main corpus of the zand, as well as on those passages of Pahlavi books which originate in the lost parts of the Avesta, makes it possible to note that the collection of Pahlavi equivalents of Avestan words and locutions should be divided into four separate groups, namely:

a) Pahlavi transcriptions of Avestan vocables and Avestan loanwords; 4 b) translations properly speaking, i. e. genuine Persian words regularly

rendering certain Avestan words and locutions without any etymologi¬

cal relation between them;

c) Persian words assonating to certain Avestan ones and re-interpreted under popular etymology; 5

d) correctly established Persian cognates of Avestan vocables, more or less fitting by meaning. 6

The below pairs of Avestan words and set phrases and their Pahlavi equiva¬

lents illustrate all of these types of correspondence, two of them being com¬

bined within the first locution examined.

1. Av. hqm.vardti- II MP *hammard-cabukih

Some years ago

I

suggested anew interpretation of

a

peculiar Pahlavi locution, namely hm mit' 'p(w)kyh

7

regularly corresponding to Av. hqm.vardti- "brav¬

ery, courage". 8 Instead of the readings by Zaehner, Bailey and Shared

4 The transcriptions differ from the loanwords in that respect that they are occasional,

whereas the loanwords may occur independently in genuine Pahlavi compositions as well.

However, the borderline between the two groups is hardly definable, and it is preferable to consider both of them under the same category. This observation also prevents me from agreeing with Shaked's statement that "such transcriptions ... [are, D.B.] restricted usu¬

ally to set cultic terms" ( Shaked 1996, p. 648). As the first example below shows, they do occur in contexts that have little to do with the cult.

5 This category of mistranslations is briefly touched upon in Klingenschmitt 1978,

p. 94, where, however, no attempt has been done to classify different types of Pahlavi translations.

6 It is sometimes difficult to distinguish a Middle Persian cognate of an Avestan word

from an early loanword, a sort of ambiguity, which seems to have been ignored by Can¬

tera in the section of his recent treatise, focusing on the vocabulary of the zand (Can¬

tera 2004, pp. 302-328, especially 314-320). In order to avoid errors, I include into this category only the genuine Pahlavi words which do not permit double interpretation.

7 The second and the third elements of the locution are sometimes written as one

word, sometimes divided (cf. e.g. Dresden 1966, 673.12 vs. DKM 205.20-21), but the first part (ham) is usually written separately, a fact which led some scholars to see in the second

part MP mard 'man' (see below). As I try to show, it is only by regarding the whole se¬

quence hm mit' 'p(w)kyh as a single unit (though containing two heterogeneous elements) that it becomes possible to explain its meaning and structure.

8 Buyaner 2006a, pp. 335-336.

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{ham mart-tâcôkïh

, *

marcàpukïh and ham-mardàbagïh respectively)

9 , a

new reading hammard-âbôgïh was proposed, its first part being a transcription of Av. hqm.vardti- with assimilation [mv] > [mm]. Since the last opportunity to introduce changes into the paper

10

I have revised my views concerning the second part of the construction: now I see in it

a

gloss to the otherwise incom¬

prehensible Avestan loan rather than the grain of a determinative compound ("valour of the Courage of Men")

11 .

It is highly improbable that such a gloss might be provided by an elsewhere unattested word

Ç' :

~âbogïh); much more reliable is an assumption that the initial consonant of the gloss underwent some phonetic change under the influence of the preceding dental.

12

Be this conjecture true, the most appropriate choice for the second element of the locution under the scrutiny is câbukïh

, 13

once suggested by Bailey

,

though it was based on the untenable premise that the first element of the alleged compound is mard. u Since the mutilated primary gloss ceased correspond¬

ing with its intended use, a demand arose for a new one; and indeed we find the following secondary glosses: pattûgïh

ï

pad kär ud dädestän, pattûgïh pad kârëzâr, âstawânïh ï dën

15

which demonstrate the loss of the proper un¬

derstanding of the matter by the posterior commentators.

Being, I believe, a set phrase which became a lexeme as a consequence of the sandhi process, MP

*

hammard-câbukïh contains elements correspond¬

ing to the above categories a) and b) respectively. It seems quite plausible that at least in a part of cases the emergence of the uniform Pahlavi translations of Avestan words and locutions can be accounted for through replacement

9 See Zaehner 1937, p. 314, n (j); Bailey 1971, p. xxxvi, footnote to the p. 84; Shared

1979, p. 256, n. 91. 1.

10 The presentation of the paper took place as far back as October 2003, but the pub¬

lication of the Proceedings of the

5 1*1

European Conference of the Societas Iranologica Europœa was somewhat late, therefore the article

(

Buyaner 2006a) in the recently edited volume contains my partly outdated approach to this particular issue.

11 Cf. Buyaner 2006a, p. 336.

12 This explanation implies some kind of oral intervention into the process of the transmission of the texts; if this were not the case, all the scribal errors could only be of graphic nature.

13 Two other readings of the second part of the locution, mentioned by Bailey as equally possible, namely tâcuk(ïh) //

*

tâzugïh and vâzuk(ïh) //

*

wâzugïh are a) unat¬

tested and b) two restricted semantically, being hypothetic derivatives of the roots which designate mere quickness or motion (cf. MP tâzïg 'swift, fast', wâzïdan 'to move, carry away, fly', see MacKenzie 1971, pp. 83, 89), whereas câbukïh fits perfectly to the meaning of Av. hqm.varati- (cf. cäbuk 'agile, nimble, exellent', see MacKenzie 1971, p. 21).

14 Bailey 1971, p. xxxvi, note to the p. 84. The improbability of such derivation is

clearly shown by the usual context in which the locution occurs: an

ï

mardän

*

hammard- câbukïh = Av. nairiiä- hqm.varati- 'courage of men' (see Buyaner 2006a, p. 336).

15 Bartholomae 1904, p. 1811; Dhabhar 1949, p. 32; Bailey 1971, p. xxxvi, note to

the p. 84.

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of the transcriptions by the glosses. 16 If so, * hammard-câbukïh would be a

throwback of an intermediary stage, which fell out of the process because

of the phonetic destruction of the locution, which affected not only its tran¬

scribed part, but also the gloss (see above). 17

2. Av. äsna- II MP äsnüdag

MP äsnüdag occurring, in particular, in four hymns of the Zoroastrian

prayer-book Stäyisn I sth rözag ls was translated by Dhabhar on the basis

of Av. äsna- xratu- II MP dsn xrad : 'who is of innate wisdom'. 19 I believe

that we are dealing here with two mistakes: on the one hand, the author of

the Stäyisn ï sïh rözag has apparently tried 20 to render the Avestan locution

äsna- frazanti- 'noble, righteous progeny' (e. g. Yt. X, 3) with the word that

merely resembles Av. äsna- phonetically but has an entirely different ety¬

mology (category c) of the above list). As a result of this translatory mistake,

MP äsnüdag was given an additional meaning ('noble' < Av. äsna-) having

little in common with its original semantics ('bathed, purified').

On the other hand, Dhabhar , following erroneously the Pahlavi writer

in treating äsnüdag as a cognate of Av. äsna-, makes an extra mistake confus¬

ing the äsnaj- 'innate, natural' with the homonymous äsna 2 ~ 'successful, effi¬

cient'. According to Bartholomae, äsna l - is to be derived from Ol *ä-zan-

(lit. 'innate, congenital') while äsna 2 ~ should trace back to Ol * ä-z(dh)-na,

perf. ptcpl. pass, of the verb *sadh- (skr. sadhnóti 'to fulfil, put an idea into

practice'). 21 Alternatively, Edel'man suggests that both of them come from

the root *zan- 'to bear, give birth' and compares äsna 2 ~ with Khotanese äysna-

< *ä-znya- 'noble, of good stock'. 22 The proper Middle Persian translation of

Av. äsna- frazanti- would thus have been äzäd frazand or äznävar frazand

rather than äsnüdag frazand. At any rate, even if äsna f and äsna 2 ~ have a

common etymology, they should not have mixed up on the synchronic level.

16 This hypothesis goes quite well with Cantera's observation, that, notwithstanding the relatively high percent of Avestan loan-words, the zand demonstrates a tendency "to translate everything", i. e. to replace them wherever possible with properly Pahlavi words (Cantera 2004, pp. 303, 322-323).

17 Such corruptions of the spelling are characteristic of the Pahlavi transcriptions of Avestan: cf. e. g. lpyt(w)pyn'(tl), Ipytwyn'tl and Ipyspyn'íor Av. rapidßä- and rapidßina- or 'spy y'ri, 'spyk'ri and 'twbyw'ri for Av. ädßiiäni-.

18 See Dhabhar 1927, pp. 232, 242, 247, 250.

19 Dhabhar 1963, pp. 431, 448, n. 6, 457, 461.

20 Especially in XVI, 3; XIX, 9 and XXI, 3 where the combination äsnüdag frazand occurs.

21 Bartholomae 1904, p. 341.

22 Édel'man 1986, p. 91.

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As regards the rare Pahlavi word äsnüdag 'cleansed, purified, pure,

noble', 23 the only savant who tried to explain it was R. C. Zaehner . Pro¬

ceeding from the idea that the translation of Av. äsna- with MP äsnüdag

owed to their real etymological relationship rather than folk etymology,

the British scholar suggested that MP äsnüdag should have derived from

the unattested Ol * äsna-vat-aka. 2 * It appears, however, that äsnüdag may

rather be treated as a derivative of the verb äsnüdan (praes. äsnäy-) 'to wash,

bath' attested in Manichaean texts. 25 Its relationship to Av. ä-snä- 'to wash,

cleanse' (cf. also Sogd. Man. sn'y'y 'to wash', Khwär. snädak 'washed') ap¬

pears to be analogous to the correspondence between MP framüdan (praes.

framäy-) 'to order' and Av. frä-mä(y)- 'to enact': Av. äsnäöa- > MP äsnäy-,

past ptcpl. * äsnäd with subsequent change * äsnäd > äsnüd by analogy with

such verbs as MP stäy- II stüd from the root *stu- < Ol *stävaya- (ci.framäd

= framüd) 26 . The secondary character of the past participle äsnüd goes well

with the existence of the parallel (and definitely secondary) form âsnïdag =

äsnüdag. 27 The same process of derivation by analogy has apparently given

rise to problematic MP snawisnïh that occurs in the context well admitting

the above reading of the original form. 28

23 MacKenzie 1971, p. 12. As we have seen, the last meaning ('noble') was added under the influence of Av. äsna-,-.

24 Zaehner 1937, p. 311, n. (d).

25 See Henning 1933, pp. 203-204, Durkin-Meisterernst 2004, p. 5.

26 Molcanova/Rastorgueva 1981, pp. 98-99.

27 MacKenzie 1971, p. 12.

28 Cf. Nyberg 1974, p. 176. It is worth noting that from the OI '''ma- (< * snaH , IE

*(s)neH^~, see Cheung 2007, pp. 348-349) more than one Persian verbal root has been

derived; MP snäz 'swimming', snäzidan 'to swim', NP ^ 'swimming' may have been

traced back to the same root. A possible explanation to the transition '"'[s] > [s] implies an intermediate stage *[xs] with prothetic '"'[x] that had affected the character of the sibilant and subsequently lost (cf. Oss. xsnyn / texsnun 'to wash'; Edel'man 1986, pp. 54, 98). On the other hand, the shift *[sn] > [sn] is attested for Old Persian (cf. Av. ama- 'close' // OP asnaiy 'near', see Klingenschmitt 1970, p. 73, n. 1). At any rate, the split of the etymon

*snä- in Persian can be explained in terms of the dialect variation studied by Gershevitch

1965. As to the peculiar suffix -z occurring in MP snäz (early snäc) and (probably bor¬

rowed from it) Pasto it was explained by Klingenschmitt as a continuation of IE

*-ghe/o- (Klingenschmitt 1970, p. 73, n. 1; mentioned also by Rossi 1975, p. 70). It seems to me more fruitful to compare MP snäz with Tajik, sanäc 'skin for swimming' ( Edel'man 1986, p. 98) and Old Turkic sanaç 'an entire goat skin used as a bag for flour' or sanac 'water-skin, leather bag' ( Clauson 1972, p. 835), apparently borrowed from some Eastern

Iranian language, probably from Sogdian *snäc (Buyaner 2006b, p. 121). Another sub¬

ordinate Persian form sinär 'swimming' cited by Horn (1893, p. 196), together with the

North-Pamir designations of 'inflatable skin for swimming' (Shughni zinöc , Roshani and Khufi zintic, Sarykoli zmnuc or zmnuc ), may be derived from Ol *snä-dra~: 1) OI *-fhra- >

NW -hr with subsequent loss of [h]: *snä-6ra- > *xsnä-6ra- > *snähr> *snär > sinär ; 2) Ol

*-6ra- > NPamir -c: *snä-Ora- > '"z(V)nVc (see Buyaner 2006b, pp. 120-121, 122, n. 13).

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3. Av. vi-cina- dada- II MP wizidar-dahisn

A quarter of century ago, Sh. Shared embarked on the semantic analysis of the similar instances of what he claimed to be a homonym of the "ordi¬

nary" dahisn and

a

homograph of two other words, i. e. dasn 'gift' and jahisn 'fortune'. 29 The meaning of the word at issue as proposed by the author, would be 'reflection, thought' with a tentative etymological connexion with Av. d<}h- 'to teach', dahma- 'a wise, learned person' etc. The last suggestion that has been made with much hesitation by the author himself

30

seems to me scarcely probable in view of the absence of a cognate verb in Middle Persian.

As to the semantics of dahisn

2 , 1

believe that it is the locution wizïdâr- dahisn that may provide the key to understanding it. As D.N. MacKenzie shows, the abovementioned compound abstracts used to render into Pahlavi Avestan concepts expressed with composita or certain combinations of words.

31

Thus, in order to "decipher" one of such secondary compounds we should find its prototype in Avesta, though bearing in mind that the degree of adequacy of translation of Avestan vocabulary by the Pahlavi writers considerably var¬

ies depending on a character of the original text. Fortunately, for wizïdâr- dahisn the source may easily be found: it is

Y.

XLVI, 15: 2 and 17:

4 32

:

Y.

XLVI, 15: 2

Av.: vaxsiiä V3 ... hiiat dâOëng vïcaiiadâ adädqscä

Pähl.: göwisn-tän asma ... u-tän dahisn be wizïnisn ud kë-z adahisnïh

Engl.: "I shall tell you (Pähl. - 'it is to be told to you') how you should discern

between the just and unjust ..

Y. XLVI, 17: 4

Av.: sënghdnï ... yë vïcinaot dädamcä adädamcä ... mazda ahurö

Pähl.: edön ... göwisn ...be wizïnëd kë dahisn kë-z adahisnïh ... ohrmazd

Engl.: "I shall declare (Pähl. - 'it is to be told') Mazda (Pähl. - Ohrmazd) who discerns between the just and unjust

From the semantic point of view, the parallel development 'swimming' —> 'inflatable skin

for swimming' is significant; the abovementioned Pasto is very interesting because it

designates nothing other than the same 'inflatable skin for swimming', thus providing the

positive evidence of this meaning applied to a word unambiguously borrowed from MP

snâz (cf. the initial [s]). The probability of the interdialectal borrowing (or, at least, influ¬

ence) is especially high since the word meaning 'swimming skin' unequivocally belongs to the circle of the areal 'Kulturwörter'.

29 Shared 1982, pp. 197-201.

30 Shared 1982, pp. 200-201.

31 MacKenzie 1990, p. 124.

32 See Dhabhar 1949, pp. 205-206.

33 Cf. RV IV, 2: 11: cíttim ácittim cinavad vividvän "May he discern as a sage between the wisdom and non-wisdom" (see Kellens 1988, p. 332, n. 4).

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In the both passages MP dahisn explicitly corresponds to Av. däda- 'just' ac¬

companied by the verb meaning 'to discern, distinguish' (Av. vï-cina-, MP

wizïdan). It is noteworthy however that it does not function here as a mere

noun but it should rather be considered what D.N. MacKenzie calls "the

necessitative participle" 34 : kë dahisn "what is to be dad". We may learn its

meaning in the two quoted passages not only by comparing them with their

Avestan prototypes (which would be risky especially as we deal with Yasna),

but also from the gloss in the Pahlavi text itself:

Y. XLVI, 15: 2

Pähl.: göwisn-tän asma ... u-tän dahisn be wizïnisn ud kë-z adahisnïh

[kü-tän eis ïfrârôn az an ï abaron be wizïnisn]

Engl.: It is to be told to you how you should discern between dahisn and what

is adahisnïh [i. e. how you should discern between righteous and sinful

things].

In the present context dahisn is to be treated as the necessitative participle

of the verb dädan, whose meaning here may be determined as 'to appoint,

prescribe' (< Ol *dä 2 - 'to put, prepare, establish, appoint'). The compound

wizïdâr- dahisn may thus be translated as "he who is able to discern between

the righteous and sinful things" that seems to me more plausible than "a pos¬

sessor of discerning reflection". 35 Such a reading makes us to see in dahisn 2

a particular instance of the known deverbative formation rather than a new

item. Apparently, the reading 'righteousness, justice' holds also for the rest

of cases of dahisn 2 cited by Shared.

From the linguistic viewpoint, the use of the compound wizïdâr- dahisn

for rendering Av. vï-cina- däda- testifies to a high level of etymological

thought by the translator: it is quite the opposite of the preceding entry

being an example of unsuccessful attempt to identify a Pahlavi cognate of

Avestan. In contrast to the fixation on the phonetics by the author of the

equation Av. äsna — MP äsnüdag, the morphology of Av. vï-cina- däda- is

analyzed properly and Middle Persian etymological correspondences are es¬

tablished correctly. At the same time, it is worth noting that the equation Av.

däda — MP dahisn is made on a purely etymological basis with little respect

to actual semantics. As a result, an additional artificial shade of meaning

had been lent to MP dahisn, which has no root in the proper semantics of

the word. Thus, the strategy of the translator in the present case may be op¬

posed not only to that of one considered in the preceding entry (Av. däda—

MP dahisn), but also to the semantic approach of the translator of Av. hym.

vardti-.

34 MacKenzie 1971, p. 46; Molcanova/Rastorgueva 1981, p. 131.

35 Shared 1982, p. 200.

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As convincingly shown by Shared and substantiated by Cantera , a thor¬

ough analysis of various techniques used by the compilers of the zand is

highly desirable for promotion of Zoroastrian studies. 36 Although this brief

survey is not qualified for being a great stride forward in this direction, some

preliminary observations still may be based on that. It may be noted as an

intermediary conclusion, to be substantiated or negatived by further inves¬

tigation, that at least two trends are discernable within late Zoroastrian tra¬

dition of the translation and commentary of the Avesta. As regards the level

of comprehension of Avestan language, which manifests itself in choosing

this or another mode of rendering an Avestan item into Pahlavi, it is rather

difficult to imagine that the categories c), on the one hand, and b) and d), on

the other hand, were produced by the same translation school during the

same period: the authors of the pseudo-etymological equations of unrelated

Avestan and Middle Persian words, together with those of erroneous (and

often lengthy) glosses to otherwise unintelligible Avestan loans, seem to be

far away (chronologically et alia) from native speakers of Avestan, as well as

from the generations of the translators, capable of adequate understanding

and analysis of Avestan. It is also worth noting that the use of the transcrip¬

tions (category a)) should not be regarded as proof of poor competence in

Avestan: being accompanied by still correct early glosses (as in the case con¬

sidered under No. 1), they should probably be accounted for by a specific

translation style rather than by ignorance. 37

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