Tribal and Clan Structures: Social and Political Organizations

In his study on the social structure of Adohimara in the Upper Middle Valley, Voelkner (1974:6-7) pointed out that the Afar society is structured into tribes, clans, lineages and families. Accordingly, Voelkner identified two tribes -Waima and Dabine - which in turn are divided into clans, which are sub-divided into lineages. But Waima and Dabine tribes did not occupy exclusive areas. The clans of the both tribes were inter-mixed throughout the Upper Middle Valley. Tribal boundaries had once been effective. Because the tribal boundaries between Waima and Dabine can still be pointed out by elders of any clan (Voelkner, 1974:7).

In relation to Waima and Dabine sections which are regarded as tribal sections by Voelkner (1974), Getachew did not consider them as tribes per se. He rather presented them as a sort of

“confederation of clans whose members claim shared distant agnatic ancestors” (Getachew,

2001:71). According to Getachew, clans affiliated with each other, form a sort of confederation with the names (e.g. Waima and Dabine), but with each clan (Kedo) being an autonomous unit in its own internal affairs. In relation to tribal sections, Trimingham (1976:174) also noted that “the traditional political system of the Afar is based upon kinship groups […] rather than tribal sections and the heads of these kinship groups are the real holders of authority”.

Other authors (Fekadu et al., 1984:19) stated that the clan organisation is dominant in the Afar society and it has three levels of segmentation: the clan family, the clan and the lineage (Dula). According to these authors the clan families are three: Waima, Babine (in the middle Valley) and Asahimara (in the lower plain). In this case the ‘clan families’ seem to refer to

‘tribe’ as it is compared to a description given by Voelkner above. In the past whatever the levels of social and political structures were, nowadays clan, lineage and family (household) levels are important in social, economic and political life of the Afar society. Such structures are discussed in the following section. But before we look at a clan system, let us describe briefly kinship, marriage and settlement patterns.

i. Descent/Kinship: In Afar society genealogies are either shallow or missing above the clan level and the Afar mostly reckon descent through the male line, from family (Burra) and extended family (Dahla) to lineage (Gulub/dahla) and clan (Kedo) (Getachew, 2001a:53).

Individuals can count back as far as six ancestors. Beyond that few individuals, particularly those persons belonging to traditional political or religious authority within a clan know their own genealogies (Ayele, 1986; Getachew, 2001a). Kinship or descent provides an individual with his social identity, and access to resources of other individuals in maternal and paternal kin groups. Kinship also regulates marriage and distribution of property rights (Ayele, 1986;

Voelkner, 1974). In general, descent and kinship are important to Afar as organizing principles in a number of ways in different economic and social contexts, for instance for legal protection, claims in rights and obligations, gifts, and marriage (Getachew, 2001a:53).

Therefore, in Afar society relations of an individual to his paternal and maternal kin are crucially important in economic and social contexts.

ii. Marriage patterns: The Afar practice endogamous marriage. Due to religion (i.e. Islamic) as well as sororal marriage, polygamy is also extensively practiced (Fekadu et al., 1984).

There are several marriage patterns which include cross-cousin (Absuma) marriage, intermarriage with unrelated clans, levirate arrangements, intermarriage with non-Afars (Yayneshet and Kelemework, 2004).

The ideal type is prescriptive patrilateral cross-cousin marriage. A man may marry daughters of a father’s sister (Getachew, 2001a; Yayneshet and Kelemework, 2004). Family is founded mainly on cross-cousin marriage. The nearest cousins are preferred as partners. Girls in such category (Absuma) to a man are his potential wives and are considered as his reserves to such extent that if any man touches them, he will be penalized by customary law. A man has absolute right to his father’s sister’s daughter (Fekadu et al., 1984; Getachew, 2001a). In this connection Fekadu et al. (1984:24) noted that “there are two most important things that a person should defend, and these are Absuma and land”.

A lineage of an individual also enforces the customary principles of the Absuma marriage among the Afar. Such type of marriage is preferred, and the prescriptive rules are generally in force among the Afar. The principles force an individual to marry a real cousin, and thus an individual does not have any right to choose a partner of his or her own preference. If a man has just one Absuma, even crippled or ugly or with bad manners, he will be forced to marry her and vice-versa (Getachew, 2001a:81).

In principle a man should not marry his parallel cousin (i.e. his father’s brother’s daughter or his mother’s sister’s daughter). But there are circumstances in which such marriages do take place. It occurs particularly when the parents of two parallel cousins agree to the marriage.

Someone who could not find Absuma or a parallel cousin has to arrange marriage with a woman from another clan or non-Afar group. However, children born of such union cannot be claimed as cross-cousin (Abuse or Absuma) (Getachew, 2001a:72).

In empirical researches many explanations have been given for the practice of cross-cousin marriage among the Afar. It is claimed that this type of endogamous marriage has the effect of creating a more cohesive social system at the lineage level. Perhaps some degree of isolation is also created by this very fact (Fekadu et al., 1984). Cross-cousin marriage provides access to production resources and mutual support between two intermarrying families and lineages (Ayele, 1986). Moreover, newly married cross-cousins can acquire livestock in short or long-term loans and as gifts from a father-in-law and other close kin.

Some authors (e.g. Yayneshet and Kelemework, 2004:10) also reported that “cross-cousin marriages are stronger than marriages between unrelated persons because no serious harm is inflicted on ones own blood and flesh in times of conjugal conflict”. Cross-cousin marriage is stable; divorce is less likely; and dispute can be handled through negotiations (Getachew, 2001a). Getachew added that inter-clan marriage widens alliance and creates relations between members of intermarrying clans; creates access to other’s resources and distribution;

leads to defence cooperation; and enables to resolve conflicts without resorting to warfare (Getachew, 2001a).

Generally the above description of marriage patterns has pointed out the social and economic implications of the Afar patrilateral prescriptive cross-cousin marriage (Absuma) among the Afar pastoral communities. According to Getachew (2001a) these implications include among others: the strengthening of social ties; provision of security to parents in old age;

concentration of wealth and distribution within intermarrying, linked lineages of a clan and clans; and the provision of mutual support among all involved (families and lineages).

iii. Settlement Pattern: The Afar live in villages or camp groups. Their residency patterns are highly complex. Many authors have identified slightly different patterns of settlement in the Afar society (Voelkner, 1974; Fekadu et al., 1984; Getachew, 2001a). The slight variations might be due to their consideration of different pastoral groups (e.g. transhumance, semi-nomadic/sedentary) at different periods in time. For instance, Voelkner (1974) stated that village sites are mostly permanent each having a long-established name, whereas occupancy of village sites is seasonal, not permanent. This settlement pattern is observed in the study community under consideration.

Voelkner further stated that village occupation is neither solely by clan nor by lineage.

Families of several clans and lineages may occupy a village site for certain periods of the year though in a more or less consistent pattern. In some localities occupancy of villages may be more exclusively by clan only, and very little inter-mixture of different families from different clans may occur there (Voelkner, 1974).

Fekadu et al. (1984) also identified that the lineage normally owns one or two villages nearby the river bank for dry season grazing and about the same number at the nearest foothills for wet season grazing. Thus camping groups move back and forth within the clan territory and accommodate each other in times of need. Getachew (2001a:57-58) has identified four types of settlements (Ganta)¹¹³. These are described as follows:

i. Family settlement (Dahla): has fenced residential enclosures, multiple huts, and animal enclosures (Gasso).

ii. Lineage settlement: consists of several extended families (Dahla), and all its members belong to one named lineage and it has a representative elder.

iii. Clan settlement: consists of households from several intermarrying lineages of one clan, and it has a named ancestor, political leadership, a shared ritual leadership, and Fimaa (sanction-enforcing body).

iv. Clan neighbourhood: consists of several lineage settlements dispersed over clan land; comprises also households from other clans which have conjugal ties with host clans, and has its autonomous ritual and political authority.

Getachew (2001a:56) has also observed that the nuclear or extended family settlement unit has two types of residence: the main settlement (Homa) and, the satellite herd camp (Magda or Magida). The family unit in Homa comprises the core family unit and contains the lactating large stock and small stock, the later is a highly mobile satellite herding camp. These settlement or camping patterns are practised mainly for better productivity and growth of offspring, for avoiding seasonal feed and water shortages and risks from disease outbreaks and drought.

Settlement unit varies contextually in the type of members it comprises. Members are recruited to all settlements by kinship, affiliation with a certain locality, conjugal ties and host-client relationships. For instance in the family settlement (Dahla), members are related to each other through shared descent, kinship, property right in livestock and conjugal ties.

Members of a settlement are also bound together by a shared graveyard and by collective ownership of land resources. They also cooperate in herding, holding rituals and sacrifices and a shared prayer place (Getachew, 2001a; Ayele, 1986).

Settlement patterns in Afar areas have been changing over time. The Afar settlement patterns and mobility are affected by the encroachment of peasant farming, irrigated and mechanized farming and drought (Fekadu et al., 1984). Particularly following the introduction of irrigation farming and the establishment of modern administrative structures, social services,

113 According to Getachew (2001a:57) the term “Ganta” refers to a totality of nuclear and extended families that form a larger cooperative residential unit or local community.

and emergence of small rural towns, there have been changes in settlement patterns. The change of settlement patterns in the study community is illustrated in the box 4.1 below.