Leadership Structure

Historically, as stated earlier, the Afar had four major Sultanates: Tadjoura, Rahyata, Biru and Aussa (Ayele, 1986). Though the Afar have had such Sultanates resembling that of feudal kingdom, the clan organization has remained the dominant and the higher unit. In relation to this some authors (e.g. Fekadu et al., 1984:19) stated that “the Sultanates did not manage to encapsulate the enormous clans by creating centralized political machinery.”

A study done three decades ago in the Upper Middle Valley recorded that standing tribal leadership was not present at the time (Voelkner, 1974:9). This same source stated that tribal leadership functioned in the past only in raids on, or in wars with non-Afar neighbours. Even in the past tribal leadership was elected only for such special occasions and was empowered only for this duration. The election was conducted by the inter-tribal council composed of the more esteemed elders and Balabats/Makaban of various clans. Therefore, at the time the inter-tribal council had only the function of discussing and mediating inter-tribal problems (Voelkner, 1974:9). This description of tribal leadership suggests that it is the clan level at which the strongest and most effective leadership structures were/are to be found.

Currently the functions of three clan leadership branches or structures are significant in the Afar society. These include clan leaders (Makaban), council of elders (Daar-edola) and a sanction-executing unit (Fimaa/Finna). Grading of clans and lineages as young/small/junior (Hundah) and elder/bigger/senior (Kaddah) is one feature that is noticed among Afar.

Accordingly different roles are allocated to each lineage: a senior lineage of a clan provides political leadership of a clan and a junior one provides ritual leadership and leadership of the sanction-executing unit (Fimaa). But members of the council of elders (Daar-idola) and members of Finna are conscripted from all lineages of a clan (Getachew, 2001a:61). The main leadership structures of clans are discussed below.

i. Clan leaders (Makaban): The role of a Makabantu is not that of an order-giving chief, but of an arbiter of intra-clan disputes and representative in inter-clan arguments and affairs. He is the representative of the clan towards everything outside the clan, be it the government or groups of other clans, Afar or non-Afars. Clan leaders and lineage heads act as mediators between the local government representative, the central government and the Afar. They represent their people for everything outside their clans (Voelkner, 1974; Getachew, 2001a;

Kebede, 1994).

The position of Makabantu is hereditary in the male line; but sometimes could be appointed and changed by an elder elective-group (Ayele, 1986; Kebede, 1994). The criteria by which the Makabantu is judged to be fit for a position are, for instance: one, who looks after his people, protects his clan, who works for his people, who is a good speaker and who speaks the truth, one who has a “good brain” and is a good administrator (Voelkner, 1974; Fekadu et

116 The number of huts in extended family settlement may vary over time, and from one community to the other as stated in box 4.1 above.

al., 1984). A strong and respected Makabantu may be able to command a certain amount of obedience but in general this is minimal and there is no pressure on the Afar individual to obey any but religious laws and to conform to the Afar norm of co-existence with one's Kidha (father of the people) neighbour (Kebede, 1994:12). No lineage is considered as superior or inferior, and equality of components of a clan is stressed and competition between members is discouraged through emphasis on shared descent, shared political and ritual leadership, cooperation and intermarriage (Getachew, 2001a:61). Other authors (Fekadu et al., 1984:23) also observed that “in principle all adult males have equal say, since all can speak in the general assembly of their clan, but the opinions of certain category of men carry more weight.

The indices for prestige are: wealth, family background, skill in oratory, political acumen, religious piety, wisdom, and other personal qualities”.

As stated earlier in this chapter the Ethiopian successive governments have employed indirect rule to administer the Afar from remote highlands. A case in point is the use of Makaban as mediators between local people and the state through promoting some of them to a status of Balabat or Chika-shum. Traditionally Makaban are representatives of the clans towards everything outside the clan during all Ethiopian governments. Makaban represent their clans, and contact government, private groups and other clans. In the study community Makabantu is known as Detamo Abba or Daara Abba. For instance before 1991, Dawid Muhayta was Datamo Abba for Bahir-Aghini sub-clan and Seko Duba for Megenta Aghini sub-clan.

Nowadays Dawid is Detamo Abba for both groups and Seko Dawid is his deputy.

During the Derg time the father of Dawid was on bad terms with Derg. He refused to work with Derg rule. Thus, Derg was searching him for his protest. He died while he was in hiding.

However, at the time the leadership of Makabantu (Detamo Abba) and clan leader (Kedo Abba) were not abolished in the study community. They were functioning as they used to before the 1974 Revolution. Unlike in settled and semi-settled places the structure of pastoral/peasant association was not established in the study community. Therefore, in such areas the Makaban (clan chiefs) handled all issues related to everything outside the clans during the previous governments.

In general during the Emperor and Derg regime, the Afar clans, lineages and the Aussa Sultanate were incorporated into the Ethiopian administrative structure. During the imperial time the Sultan of Aussa was entitled to use the imperial title Bitwoded, and other clan and lineage heads were given the title of Balabat and Chika-shum¹¹⁷(village chief) respectively (Getachew, 2001a:64). After 1974, the Derg regime abolished the offices of the Sultan, Balabats, and Chika-shum and their feudal privileges. And very similar offices replaced imperial offices with similar functions called representatives (Yegosa-teteri/Yegosa-tewekay), peasant association (Gebere Mahbar)¹¹⁸ and the position of Sultan was officially abolished.

The following table summarized the “titles of traditional authority” and “titles or roles given to traditional leaders by the previous and incumbent governments”.

117 Bitwoded was the most senior title of the Imperial Government of Ethiopia, and it literally means ‘the beloved’ in Amharic; Balabat was the title for the clan head (Kedo Abba) and it literally means ‘notable’ and Chika-shum was the title for the lineage head and it is equivalent to ‘village chief’.

118 Peasant association (gebere mahbar) was a grassroots association of peasants mainly in settled areas. In Afar context such association was established mainly in some agro-pastoral areas or in settled agriculture neighbourhoods during the Derg time.

Table 4.2 Local Leadership and Titles

Current title/role (1992 to present)

Sultan Bitwoded Sultanate was abolished

Chika-shum The office of Chika-shum was replaced by

Yegobez-Alaka Finaa-t-abba continued Finaa-t-abba has continued

Source: (i) Getachew, 2001a; Gamaledin 1993; Kebede, 2005; and Voelkner, 1974 (ii) Interviews with key informants.

As can be seen in table 4.2 column 4, after the establishment of Afar National Regional State (ANRS), there is an overlap of traditional authority and modern administration at the community level. In recent years the Kebele Administrations (KA) established by the Government represent the local community towards everything outside the clans. Most of the

“elected KA leaders” are not from clan leaders. In this connection some informants from my study community reported that during the Transition Period (1991-1994) their clan leaders were to some degree involved in local government when the Afar Liberation Front (ALF) led by Sultan Ali Mirah (now the Afar spiritual leader) was active in the Afar Region. After the ALF withdrew, the informants said, office holders selected among traditional leaders were gradually replaced by individuals affiliated to the Afar Peoples Democratic Organization (APDO).¹²⁰ Currently it seems that the role of Makabantu as intermediary between the local people and the state authorities is being taken over by “elected Kebele leaders”. Kebele Administrations perform the following activities:

• Mobilization of community members for communal works (e.g. access road construction, water development, etc).

• Acting as liaison/mediator between local government authorities and the local people.

119 Currently Kebele Administration through “elected leaders” acts as formal grassroots government structure.

On the other hand clan and lineage heads and Finaa-t-abba continue their traditional function in parallel to Kebele administration. In fact some hand-picked Makaban are given a status of “advisor on Afar culture” (Ye-bahil-Amakari) in the formal structure.

120 APDO came into existence shortly after the fall of the military regime. It is supposedly supported by Afar who were formerly part of Tigray province and is an EPRDF affiliate. Considering the close ties between APDO and EPRDF, it seems that APDO largely represents the interests of the country’s ruling party, instead of the interests of the Afar (Ali, 1998:113).

• Communicating government programmes and policies to the community members.

• Presenting community’s requests to formal government institutions (e.g. district administration).

• Enlisting the support of clan or traditional leaders to recognize the Afar Ada (customary law).

The traditional authorities also function at clan level without interfering with Kebele Administration. Clan leaders and elders mainly manage and resolve conflicts through the Afar Ada (customary law). They handle mainly conflicts over resources (pasture, cultivable land, watering points); conflicts resulting from adultery/rape, theft and robbery; clan rivalry, and conflicts related to Absuma.

Though the formal government administration is put at the grassroots levels, the local people still pay more attention to the traditional authorities (clan leaders, elders and religious leaders). A number of informants claimed that the source of authority for ‘elected leaders’ is by chance (i.e. not inherited from traditional source of authority) and leadership position is temporary, whereas the clan leadership is long-term and life-long. The informants also reported that the formal administrative posts are filled mainly with youths who give less weight to the Afar Ada (customary law).

Currently very few “hand-picked” clan leaders are involved in the new formal structure and such individuals are given an advisory role on cultural matters (Ye-bahil-Amakari). In return for their service they receive a monthly allowance. Traditionally the community members often put more trust into clan leaders and view them as true representatives towards everything beyond their community. Obviously the local people heed to clan leaders rather than to the “elected Kebele authorities”. This suggests that the local Afar want to maintain the full involvement of their traditional leaders in the modern administration. This issue is further elabourated in Chapter 6.

As table 4.2 above shows, in spite of the incorporation of the Afar people into the Ethiopian administrative structure for such a long time, traditional authority structures and the clan authority of the pastoral clans have undergone little transformation. Although the authority of the Aussa Sultanate was undermined during the military rule of 1974-1991, the authority of clan leadership has been largely maintained. This owes partly to the resistance of Afar and to the policies of the governments of Ethiopia that stressed the indirect rule through the traditional authority of clans and the Sultanate of Aussa (Getachew, 2001a).

Therefore, it can be said that traditional Afar leadership at grass-root level peaks at the clan level in the position of Makabantu. Clan is still the most cohesive group structure among the pastoral Afar. It is also the level at which the strongest and most effective leadership structures are to be found. All clans are divided into sub-clans (lineages) which are made up of related families. A clan belongs either to the Asahimara or the Adohimara or to both. Each clan is headed by a clan chief (Makabantu) with overall prescribed functions and powers.

However, his powers are shared and controlled by the elders of the clan. Decisions are usually made by the elders together with the clan chief (Voelkner, 1974; Kebede, 1994).

ii. Council of elders (Daar-edola): Elders appear to be the second powerful leaders in a clan.

The majority are actually the older. But an elder does not have to be old. He can be of any age of an adult man who has to be wise. Wisdom has to be proven: an elder has to “keep cool” in terms of temperament and partiality in disputes and issues, and has to be able to take the long point of view of what is best for the people of the clan and be able to “make peace”

(Voelkner, 1974:10). Often an elder represents a lineage as its head - a position he acquires as much by survival and inheritance as by ability. Other elders, however, are chosen purely for their above-average competence and performance to an ideal elder. Elders function mostly as judges of the internal affairs of a clan. They represent the major Afar leadership principle of government by group decision (Voelkner, 1974:10-11). Council of elders (Daar edola) hold the supreme power and it can be summoned at clan or lineage level whenever need arises.

iii. Sanction-executing unit (Fimaa/Finaa): The executing arm or sanction-executing unit in Afar society is Fimaa¹²¹. Fimaa is a multi-purpose institution whose size and number varies from one clan to the other. Bigger clans with large populations and vast clan land may have more Fimaa. Members of Fimaa are often recruited from all lineages of a clan, and recruitment is made by clan elders and clan head on the basis of birth into one of the lineages of a clan, kinship affiliation, locality, and personal character such as good manners and respect for the elderly and community value. Potential members seem to be all able - young and strong men in the clan (Getachew, 2001a:65-66; Voelkner, 1974:11).

The institution of Fimaa has a principal leader (Finna-t-abba) and deputy/assistant (Eerena-abba). The leader comes from a particular lineage of a clan and his deputy is his younger brother. This post is hereditary, but in some exceptional cases some other Fimaa leaders can be selected by elders of the clan with approval of members of Fimaa (Getachew, 2001a:66-67). The Fimaa leaders carry out basic community tasks which include executing sanctions passed by clan leaders, supervising activities of Fimaa members, looking after the peace of the community and working closely with clan elders and clan heads. When there is sanction to be executed or tasks to be done, a Fimaa leader will call up on Fimaa members with a cry Eei-eei in the morning, and hearing the sound, members will come and gather in the residence of their leader. Then they will be given the instructions to enforce or perform tasks (Getachew, 2001a:67).

Generally the main purpose of Fimaa institution, its leaders and members is to serve their community and clan as a community police and clan defence force. Consequently their activities are linked to traditional authority of the clan and they are expected to work in collabouration with elders and clan head. Their main task is to enforce sanctions passed by clan authorities and by the clan head (Getachew, 2001a; Voelkner, 1974). Members of Fimaa and its leader are expected to implement all actions required by the decisions of elders and clan leaders ranging from enforcement of the law to fighting wars, and from protecting clan herds to guarding clan villages (Voelkner, 1974:11). Fimaa members also assist in disciplining young men who misbehave or challenge the authority of parents. Other subsidiary tasks of Fimaa are defence of livestock and other resources of the clan; deterring

121 The term Fimaa in Afar language denotes ‘of equals’ and ‘of the same stage of circumcision’ but not necessarily of the same age. Differences among members occur and this has been seen as advantage where younger members can learn a lot from older members with rich experiences (Getachew, 2001a).

neighbours from expanding into Afar clan lands; and monitoring and assessing seasonal grazing areas. Fimaa also functions as mutual assistance institution whereby members help each other through contribution of material, financial and labour services and through moral support (Getachew, 2001a).