(1123-1185) and the Chinese Taiismanic Tradition
By Florian C. Reiter, Berlin
Religious Taoism historically materialized in the deeds, writ¬
ings and convictions of outstanding Taoists. Friends and ad¬
mirers eventually compiled their literary works and biographies,
searching for the traces of Taoist successes. Sometimes they made
them publicly known by inscriptions. T'an Ch'u-tuan was one of
the Seven Perfected {Ch'i-chen) who were at the very basis of
early Ch'üan-chen Taoism. For this reason he was called patri¬
arch. In fact, the Seven Perfected were the founders of individual
affiliations of teachers and disciples.'
The story of T'an Ch'u-tuan says much about the very nature
of the branch of Taoism which Wang Ch'ung-yang (1112-1170)
had founded in Shantung province. Starting out from there his
friends, and T'an Ch'u-tuan was one of them, spread the prac¬
tices and convictions of the Ch'üan-chen order to Shenhsi and
other parts of the empire.^
T'an Ch'u-tuan shows quite individual traits in his career.
However, this observation can also be made when we study the
way of life of the other patriarchs. For instance, Hao Ta-t'ung
(1140-1212) and Wang Ch'u-i (1142-1217) performed as divi¬
ners, exorcists and priests, at the same time being scholars and
erudite literati. The I-ching specialist Hao Ta-t'ung was famous
for the prognostic skills, which he used to earn his living. Wang
' See Yen I-p'ing (ed.): Ch'ang-ch'un tao-chiao yiian-hu. In: Tao-chiao yen-chiu tzu-liao. Vol. 2 (Taipei 1974). See J. M. Boltz: A Survey of Taoist Liierature, Tenth to Seventeenth Centuries. Berkeley 1987, pp. 160-162, discussing T'an Ch'u-tuan's TT 1160 Shui-yiin chi. Also see F.C. Reiter: Grundelemente und Tendenzen des Re¬
ligiösen Taoismus, das Spannungsverhältnis von Integration und Individualität in sei¬
ner Geschichte zur Chin-, Yüan- und frühen Ming-Zeit. In: Münchener Ostasia¬
tische Studien vol. 48. Stuttgart 1988, pp. 55-90.
^ See e.g. TT 955 Chung-nan shan tsu-t'ing hsien-chen nei-chuan, referring to the centre of Ch'üan-chen Taoism in Shensi province.
140 Florian C. Reiter
Ch'u-i performed effectively Taoist rituals and also some plain
exorcism,^ all of which appeared to prove specific personal qua¬
lities. Such individual qualities resulted from successful self-culti¬
vation. In this context, self-cultivation followed those notions
which Wang Ch'ung-yang had extolled.'*
We shall see how T'an Ch'u-tuan fits into the general idea of
Ch'üan-chen Taoism. However, he became well known for a pair
of characters which he devotedly practiced to write in a calli¬
graphic manner. The two characters, "tortoise and snake" {kuei-
she), were said to bear out magic power, when they were written
by T'an Ch'u-tuan and attached to certain places or houses. They
seemingly suppressed or withheld any blaze of fire. Where they
were present, just nothing would burn down.
This reminds us of the old Chinese taiismanic traditions which
generally seem to surface in practices of religious Taoism. How¬
ever, we notice that the use of talismans was by no means an in-
venfion or privilege of Taoists,^ and that the writing of talismans
and their application as pledges of power had nothing at all to do
with the teachings or pracfices of Ch'üan-chen Taoism.
Considerung these points we find it worthwhile studying how
T'an Ch'u-tuan actually represented Ch'üan-chen Taoism. We
also want to find out how this Taoist became famous for these ta¬
iismanic "tortoise and snake" calligraphies. What did they mean?
The two characters in the calligraphy of T'an Ch'u-tuan which
we know, are quite impressive. Whereas kuei (tortoise) clearly is
a Chinese character, the she (snake) is a naturalistic drawing of
that animal with head and tail. This pair surely is unique. It had
been displayed, engraved on a stone stele, at the Jade-Purity Bel-
' See F.C.Reiter: The soothsayer Hao Ta-t'ung (1140-1212) and his encounter with Ch'üan-chen Taoism. In: Oriens Extremus 28. 198-205 (1981). And the same as above note 1, pp. 77-90, p. 83 sq. referring to TT 595 T'i-hsüan chen-jen hsien-i lu.
* See his poedc dedications. More concentrated presentations are TT1156
Ch 'ung-yang chin-kuan yü-so chüeh and TT 1233 Ch 'ung-yang li-chiao shih-wu lun.
For these texts see K.Hachiya: Chdyd shinjin kinkan gyokusa ketsu ni tsuite. In:
Toyo bunka kenkyujo kiyo 58, 75-163 (1972); and F.C.Reiter: Ch'ung-yang sets
forth his teachings in ßf teen discourses, a concise introduction to the Taoist way of life of Wang Che (1112-1170). In: Monumenta Serica 36, 27-54 (1986). Also see J. M. Boltz (as above note 1), pp. 143-148.
^ See below, the last paragraph of this article concerning the Chou-li, among other information.
vedere (Yü-ch'ing kuan) in Wei-yang (Shantung). A line in small
characters on the left margin of the stele gives this information. A
line on the right margin identifies the artist: "Written by T'an
Ch'u-tuan, Master Ch'ang-chen (Everlasting Perfection), at Mt.
K'un-yü." Rubbings were made of the undated inscription at the
Yü-ch'ing kuan, and Professor Herbert Franke (University of
Munich) owns one of them (size: 102 cm/63 cm). The Yü-ch'ing
kuan had originally been established by Yin Ch'ing-ho (1169-
1251) sometime between 1191 and 1219, which could roughly
give a date post quem for the stele. Yin Ch'ing-ho was for a short
time the successor of Ch'iu Ch'ang-ch'un (1148-1227).^
Professor Franke was kind enough to let me take pictures of
that rubbing for publication with this article. Other representa¬
tions of "tortoise and snake" have been generally known for a
long time. For instance, see the book by P. Rawson and
L. Legeza: The Chinese Philosophy of Time and Change - Tao -.
Plate 24 shows a "Tortoise entwined with a snake, symbolizing
the north, night (...) yin. Stone rubbing after Wu Tao-tzu
(T'ang)". Another plate (nr. 66) in this book shows a Japanese
bronze of the "winter-night-yin symbol of tortoise and snake en¬
twined, combined with the attributes of dragon and tiger, thus
suggesting the inner unification of the whole cycle".^ Tortoise
and snake being part of the Four Divine Forces (ssu-ling) allude
to emblematic and taiismanic traditions which predated T'an
Ch'u-tuan's life and activities.
T'an Ch'u-tuan's hagiography in Chin-lien cheng-tsung hsien-
yüan hsiang-chuan (dated 1326) gives the basic information :«
T'an Ch'u-tuan from Ning-hai (Shantung) had the personal
As to Yin Ch'ing-ho, see J.M. Boltz, pp. 167-169. See TT 973 Kan-shui
hsien-yüan iu 3.3b-4a {Ch'ing-ho miao-tao kuang-hua chen-jen Yin tsung-shih pei- ming). See Huan-yü fang-pei lu 10.439, in: Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng 1583-1587 (ed.
Shang-wu, Shanghai 1937), which documents the existence of the two calh-
graphic signs {kuei-she) at this temple. There also was another two-character in¬
scription P'eng-lai. When T'an Ch'u-tuan entered the Ch'iian-chen order, Wang Ch'ung-yang gave him "a secret four character instruction". This may well have been the couple kuei-she/P'eng-lai. But this is speculation as we do not share that secret. See Yü Chien-hua (comp.): Chung-kuo mei-shu chia jen-ming tz'u-tien, p. 1511/a (Shanghai, Jen-min mei-shu Comp., 1981), which says that T'an Ch'u- tuan "was good at calligraphy" {shan ts'ao h shu). See below plate 1.
^ Published in Singapore in 1984 (rpr.).
* I.e. TT 174.
name (tzu) Ch'u-tuan and the style T'ung-cheng. His Taoist name
of honour (hao) was Ch'ang-chen tzu. Originally his first name
was Yü (Jade) and his style Po-yü. When he was born (3rd
month, 1123) emperor T'ai-tsung ruled the Chin empire in north¬
ern China.
When T'an Ch'u-tuan was sfill a young boy he once fell into a
well, but he was seen sitting down there, above the water, with¬
out being frightened. Also it happened that he had to experience
a blaze of fire in his home, but again he was not afraid at all.
Everybody thought him to be quite extraordinary. When he was
fifteen years old he was keen on studying. He composed poetry
which is said to have met the literary taste of the time.' However,
there were turns and twists in his way of life. One day when he
had drunken too much, he fell asleep at the roadside and could
not notice that snow began to fall. Thus he caught a rheumafic
disease for which he could not find any cure.'°
In 1167 Ma I-fu (Ma Tan-yang) joined Wang Ch'ung-yang to
serve him as disciple, and T'an Ch'u-tuan learned about it. Ma I-
fu was a very respected and well-to-do person in the area." T'an
Ch'u-tuan then abandoned his wife and went to see Wang
Ch'ung-yang at the lodge Ch'iian-chen an. That time it was very
chilly in the night, and the oven in the kitchen was cold. When it
became almost unbearable, Wang Ch'ung-yang exposed his feet
and told T'an Ch'u-tuan to clutch them tightly. After a short
while T'an Ch'u-tuan began to feel very warm and sweat flowed
all over his body. The next morning when Wang Ch'ung-yang
had had his morning toilet he told T'an Ch'u-tuan to use the
water which was left to wash his face. After that the rheumatic
illness was completely cured. T'an Ch'u-tuan expressed his re¬
spect and veneration for Wang Ch'ung-yang, asking to be ac¬
cepted as disciple. Wang Ch'ung-yang gave him a secret four-
character instruction and dedicated to him a piece of tz'u-poetry
with words like "reach perfection and expose jade".'^ "Expose
jade" (t'an-yii) which occurs in this line, is nothing else but the
^ TT 174 Chin-lien cheng-tsung hsien-yüan hsiang-chuan 11 a.
'° E. g. see TT 173 Chin-lien cheng-lsung chi 4.1 a.
" His nickname was "Ma, who owns half the province" (Ma Pan-chou), see TT 173 Chin-lien cheng-tsung chi 3.1 b-2a.
See above note 6. See TT 174 Chin-lien cheng-tsung hsien-yüan hsiang-chuan 27 b.
144 Florian C. Reiter
original name of the new disciple, T'an Yii. After that, the names
"which are used today" (Ch'u-tuan, Ch'ang-chen tzu) were
adopted.
In the winter of 1169 Wang Ch'ung-yang traveled to K'ai-feng,
together with T'an Ch'u-tuan, Ma Tan-yang, Liu Ch'u-hsüan and
Ch'iu Ch'u-chi.''' Having arrived there they stayed in a hostel.
When Wang Ch'ung-yang died in 1170 these four companions
transported their deceased master to his native place in Shensi
where he was buried. They properly stayed for three years in the
mourning hut at the grave site. Later the famous Ch'üan-chen
centre Ch'ung-yang wan-shou kung was established in this loca¬
tion, which is not a theme in T'an Ch'u-tuan's hagiography.'"
In the autumn of 1174 T'an Ch'u-tuan went to Lo-yang where
he took up residence in the temple Ch'ao-yüan kung. Later he
roamed the area north of the Huang-ho. In Huo-chia district he
lived in a new hut at the "Temple of the Grand Administrator"
(Fu-chiin miao). One day he locked his hut and went away to
Wei-chou. When dawn came up an official at the temple saw a
shine of fire in that hut. He looked inside and saw the master sit¬
ting close to the fire. Taken by surprise he hastily dispatched
someone to look for the master in Wei-chou. There indeed he was
found lying in a hotel, and it was as if he had not yet got up.
When the emissary returned, the fire in the hut of the master was
not yet completely exhausted.'^
In 1175 T'an Ch'u-tuan traveled to Erh-tsu market in Tz'u-
chou, where he came across a drunken person who started to talk
to him, asking where he came from. Suddenly that person hit
with his fist the master's face, knocking out a few teeth. Blood
streamed out of the wounds. And yet, T'an Ch'u-tuan did not
show any pain or emotion. Outwardly calm he continued to be¬
have in a harmonious way. He spit out the teeth, picked them up
and left the place singing and dancing. The people at the market
were furious about the drunkard and wanted to accuse him at the
" They are the "inner circle" ofthe Seven Perfected.
See TT 955 Chung-nan shan tsu-t'ing hsien-chen nei-chuan, and TT 972
Kung-kuan pei-chih 3b-8a (Ch'ung-yang ch'eng-tao kung chi).
15 ]j4 Chin-lien cheng-tsung hsien-yüan hsiang-chuan 28 a. "Double appear¬
ances" are a familiar topic in Ch'iian-chen sources. The exteriorized "real body"
stays behind whereas our "real man" is somewhere else - or the other way. Com¬
pare F.C.Reiter: Grundelemente und Tendenzen des Religiösen Taoismus, p. 87,
conceming Wang Ch'u-i.
local administration. T'an Ch'u-tuan however excused the inci¬
dent saying that "the man was only drunlc".'^ We notice that an
earlier text blames a Buddhist Ch'an-master {ch'an-shih) for the
attack.'^
It was about 1176 that a peasant in Lo-chou had fallen ill for
several months without finding appropriate medical help. He
dreamt that a Taoist gave him "red medicine" which he con¬
sumed. When he awoke his disease was cured. The very next day
he saw master T'an Ch'u-tuan and said quite amazed: "This ex¬
actly is the master who in my dream gave me that medicine". He
wanted to thank him, but the master declined.
In 1181 T'an Ch'u-tuan again traveled to the West and lodged
in the temple Ch'un-yang Cave'* on the northern slope of Mt.
Hua. Here he made the following statement vis-a-vis many people :
"Having spent six years to extinguish the fire of non-enlight¬
enment,
Having spent ten years to work out the refinement of the
elixir in the bones.
Pure sparkling fills empty halls, and there's no hindrance at
all,
I already know that I have escaped the gate of death and
birth.""
Again he traveled to Lo-yang. East of the temple Ch'ao-yüan
kung, mentioned above, he obtained a lot of several mou and
built for himself a retreat. In the 4th month of the year 1185 he
ordered his disciples to prepare his burial. Then he wrote a piece
of /z'w-poetry and died. We learn that the extraordinary smell of
incense was all over the place for a couple of days.
The text mendons his literary collecdon Shui-yiin chi, which is
extant in the Taoist Canon.^° Also we learn that the Ch'i-hsia
TT 174: 28a.
17 173 Chin-lien cheng-tsung chi 4.2 a.
The name ofthis temple refers to Lii Tung-pin, one of the spiritual ancestors
of Ch'iian-chen Taoism, see TT 174 Chin-lien cheng-tsung hsien-yüan hsiang-
chuan 15 b-16b. See F.C.Reiter: Grundelemente und Tendenzen des Religiösen
Taoismus, pp. 61, 67.
19 jj]74 Chin-lien cheng-tsung hsien-yüan hsiang-chuan 28 b; compare
TT 1160 Shui-yün chi 1.17a. "Non-enlightenment", see W. E. Soothill: A Dietion¬
ary of Chinese Buddhist Terms., repr. Taipei 1972, p. 379b (Avidyä).
^° T.e. TT 1160. See above note 1 (J. M. Boltz).
146 Florian C. Reiter
Belvedere in Ning-hai is the location of his old home. However,
south of the Lo (-river) there is this Ch'ao-yüan Icung where he
"ascended to perfection".
This is the Taoist career of T'an Ch'u-tuan according to the
Chin-lien cheng-tsung hsien-yüan hsiang-chuan which only cau¬
tiously reveals the more esoteric abilities of this man. The verses
which we presented above cover the 15 or 16 years between the
death of Wang Ch'ung-yang (1170) and his own (1185). There is
no need for much explanation. T'an Ch'u-tuan realized the aim
of the Ch'üan-chen way of life. The description here can roughly
be compared with some instructions of the fifteen didactic essays
by Wang Ch'ung-yang, titled Ch'ung-yang li-chiao shih-wu lun}^
T'an Ch'u-tuan led a celibate life. He traveled far, showed
neither pain nor emofions and was capable of dream-healing.
Like other Ch'üan-chen Taoists he was seen in different places at
the same time. Of course there is a voluminous literary collecdon.
The places where he hailed from and where he "ascended to per¬
fection" were turned into temples. His chance to become a disci¬
ple of Wang Ch'ung-yang was due to his genuine inner qualities
which already turned out to be astonishing when he was a young
boy. He was in the position to study, read books and write poet¬
ry. T'an Ch'u-tuan must have had some background which this
text does not reveal.All of this easily compares with the curri¬
culum vitae of his Taoist companions. Strikingly, there is not a
single word about his calligraphic trademark, the two characters
kuei-she. We have to turn to some earlier sources for this theme.
About one hundred years earlier (1241 A.D.) the hagiographie
collection Chin-lien cheng-tsung chi was composed. Still closer to
T'an Ch'u-tuan is the inscription Ch'ang-chen tzu T'an chen-jen
hsien-chi pei-ming by the Jurchen nobleman Wan-yen Shou
(1173-1232). He was a nephew of the Chin-emperor Chang-
tsung. This inscripdon was written some time after 1224.^^
The Chin-lien cheng-tsung chi reports that T'an Ch'u-tuan
"loved to write the two characters "tortoise-snake" (kuei-she),
practicing without end. In a subtle way he used them to induce a
^' See above note 4 (F. C. Reiter).
See TT 973 Kan-shui hsien-yüan lu 1.28a (Ch'ang-chen tzu Van chen-jen
hsien-chi pei-ming). His father traded in handicraft in gold and silver. He is said to have been an honest and generous man who "supported the poor".
" I.e. TT 173. See TT 973 Kan-shui hsien-yüan lu 1.27b-31b.
divine potency". The characters are said to have had an appear¬
ance like flying-and-rising. People who had accepted Taoism and
were believers collected and preserved them as great treasures.
Once, a blaze of fire burnt down hundreds of houses in the pre¬
fecture, except those which had the two characters (on their
walls?). Finally we learn that T'an Ch'u-tuan using the two signs
kuei-she controlled Yin and Yang and, in a hidden way, all cala¬
mities. He seems to have done these calligraphies mostly in the
Lo-yang area. Wherever he went, he would leave behind kuei-she
signs like signals "controlling the North". So far we can conclude
that T'an Ch'u-tuan was a calligraphic specialist who transferred
spiritual power into his talismans which, always the same, "con¬
trolled the North". The north is associated with the element
"water". Therefore it is a rather simple and popular conclusion
that T'an's two characters (kuei-she) were designed to protect
against fire. We shall see that they may not have been designed
at all to serve that purpose. Fire-protection turned out to be a
good side effect. Anyway, these talismans were objects of art,
and collectors of calligraphy would try to get them. They had a
specific value, and Wan-yen Shou's inscription sheds some light
on their purpose.
Initially the inscription repeats much of the information which
we already have. Some more details are presented. T'an Ch'u-
tuan is said to have been six years old when he fell into that well
from which he escaped unharmed. Then the fire at his home
brought the Umbering down, right in front of the young man.
And yet, neither fire nor water could do him any harm. He must
have been someone "who had Tao".^"* We also know that young
T'an excelled in his studies. This text tells us that he studied the
Shu and Shih.
The turning point in T'an Ch'u-tuan's life is said to have been
that rheumatic illness which nobody could cure. This brought
him to realize that help had to be achieved by other means. At
night he set out reciting a religious text, the Pei-tou ching, pray¬
ing for relief.^^. Suddenly he saw in a dream a sitfing mat which
appeared in the free space. He saw himself soaring upwards, in-
TT 973: 1.28b.
25 7X973; 1.28b. Concerning the Pei-tou ching, see the extensive study by
H. Franke: The Taoist Elements in Ihe Buddhisl Great Bear Sutra (Pei-tou ching).
In: Asia Major 3rd. series, vol. 111/1, p.75 sq., and especially p. 96 sq. (1990).
148 Florian C. Reiter
tending to sit on it. However, there he saw the deity "Lord of the
stars of Ursa Major" {Pei-tou hsing chün) on that mat, dressed with
cap and gown. The master Icowtowed and showed his veneration.
After this experience T'an Ch'u-tuan began to thinlc about a Taoist
career. Our text does not fail then to show how Wang Ch'ung-yang
finally managed to heal T'an's rheumatic illness.
The fact that T'an Ch'u-tuan suffering from a physical ailment
recited the Pei-tou ching is an important information. Generally
speaking, he was familiar with religious literature. We now also
know that the divinities which are based "in the north" somehow
figure prominently in his life, well before any connection with
Ch'iian-chen Taoism was initiated. We do not repeat the broad
presentation of his Taoist career, which now follows in Wan-yen
Shou's inscription. It also presents some summary and an evalua¬
tion of those activities for which the Taoist became reknown:
When he suffered the pain of having his teeth knocked out he
proved to have te, which means "virtue, power" or a positive re¬
action. When he distributed medicine in a dream he proved to
have a spiritual potency, communicating with and helping crea¬
tures. This is shen, which means "divinity" or spiritual might.
Once he knew in advance about officials who were about to visit
him. This is ming, which means "enlightened". And last not
least, writing out the two characters kuei-she banning fire he
proved to be ling. This means "magic power" or even "divine in¬
fluence". Our author concludes that such a superb person must
be an "immortal" {hsien). These qualifying terms can be grouped
in the two pairs te - shen/ming - ling. They explain the way T'an
Ch'u-tuan was seen. He thus was an outstanding and impressing
personality.^^
Final statements further elucidate the very nature of the taiis¬
manic character ofthe kuei-she sign. Here T'an Ch'u-tuan is also
said to have written these two characters in order to express his
prognostic knowledge of the time when his own death would oc¬
cur. He thus indicated that he was to die in a ssu-year, a ssu-
month and at a ^j-M-time. And indeed, the character "snake" {she
or kuei/she) can represent such calendaric data.'^^ On the other
26 rvm-. 1.30a.
27 YY 973: ]. 30b. For the correlation see e.g. S. Feuchtwang : An anthropologi¬
cal analysis of Chinese geomancy. Vientiane 1974, p. 58 (Branches, stems and the sexagenary cycle).
hand, we read again at the end of the inscription that "the pre¬
cious document of the magic tortoise {ling-kuei pao-chang) sup¬
pressed fire, controlled water, smoothed Yin and harmonized
Yang^'P
This completes the interpretation of the kuei-she talisman
which we find in hagiography. We summarize the basic informa¬
tion:
1) The calligraphic products {kuei-she talismans or docu¬
ments) were highly esteemed as works of art. They prove
T'an Ch'u-tuan's scholarly erudition and standing.
2) They are his trademark along his route through the area
north of the Huang-ho river, where he used to travel.
3) They are expressions of T'an Ch'u-tuan's personal quality
which the terms te - shen/ming - Ung describe in detail.
4) They were externally effective, saving people from fire
and disaster. They smoothed and harmonized the work¬
ings of Yin and Yang.
5) They point to the individual significance which "the
north" had for T'an Ch'u-tuan. We are reminded of his
preference for the Pei-tou ching.
In case that the characters kuei-she represent inner qualities in
the sense of Taoist self-cultivafion, it should be possible to find
some revealing statement in his literary collection Shui-yiin chi.
In fact there is such a verse:
"From the very outset (Wang and Sun) fully took advantage
of the current inspiration.
They forced Tortoise and Snake down into submission and
lived in Ting-chou.^^
In one thousand days the elixir became complete, to be har¬
vested eternally.
What a good cause!
Self-relying on the transcendental journey, all the worldly af¬
fairs ceased to be."''°
This edition of Shui-yiin chi incorporates at the very end ofthe
volume a few lines by the Taoist Ch'ang-sheng (Liu Ch'u-hsüan
TT 973: 1.31 a.
Ting-chou probably refers to a place in Shensi.
TT 1160 Shui-yün chi 3. 12 b.
150 Florian C. Reiter
1150-1203) in praise of Buddhist {Ch'an) and Taoist history and
their common efforts. The concluding Statements say:^'
ifc
Wanting to get out of the huslc of Yin and Yang,
Constantly being without any contamination,''^
All things around do not cause any fault.
Perfection is fully achieved.
Tortoise and snake are entwined,
Yin is exhausted - one departs to face the Prime Origin."
We notice that Liu Ch'u-hsüan also knew how to use the em¬
blematic term kuei-she. T'an Ch'u-tuan remembered in his text
the two companions Wang (Ch'u-i) and Sun (Pu-erh), who also
were successful disciples of Wang Ch'ung-yang. Their success is
described in terms of the submission of "tortoise and snake".
This appears to have been the precondition for working out "the
elixir" and the self-elevation in the spiritual journey. For both
authors, T'an Ch'u-tuan and Liu Ch'u-hsüan, it is all about es¬
caping the bonds of Yin and Yang. The practitioner being free of
any mundane purpose has his (or her) Yin internally eliminated.
Then the person is able to face "the origin". In Ch'üan-chen Tao¬
ism this also means "to leave the world of man", which is a final
goal. These concepts conform with notions which had been for¬
mulated in Ch'ung-yang li-chiao shih-wu lun.^^ We also mention
that T'an Ch'u-tuan gives yet another detailed summary of his
notions along the lines of the title just quoted. This is his Record
of didactic words {Shih men-jen yü-lu). The Record does not make
mention of any kuei-she talismans.'''' However, the submission of
"tortoise and snake", their being "entwined" and fixed down, in¬
dicates the desired success of self-cultivation. In other words, the
calligrapher T'an Ch'u-tuan exteriorized his bodily Yin-Yang-
forces, making himself free of that "husk". Free of social obliga-
TT 1160: 3. 18a. Compare the edition of Liu Ch'u-hsiian's poetry in: Ch'üan Chin Yüan tz'u. Vol. 1,435 (ed. Chung-hua, Peking 1979).
"Contaminadon", see W.E. Soothill: A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist
Terms, p.304b ("... contaminations of attachment to the pleasures of the
senses").
33 -pj J233 Ch'ung-yang li-chiao shih-wu lun 5b-6a ("Leaving the world of man", nr 15). See above note 4 (F.C.Reiter).
" TT 1160 Shui-yün chi 1.20b-21 a.
tions and emotions he roamed around and left behind those kuei-
she calligraphies all along his ways. That is the point where the
reasoning of T'an Ch'u-tuan and Liu Ch'u-hsüan meets. It was
T'an's privilege or ability to enact such notions by writing out
kuei-she talismans. We can understand this much better when we
look at the older Taoist background for kuei-she symbols.
Before taking up this point we should like to note that the elim¬
ination of Yin is a dominant theme in Ch'üan-chen literature.
E.g. see Wang Ch'ung-yang's biographies. They speak about the
pregnancy of his mother which lasted 24 months and resulted in
a special constellation of Yang forces in young Wang Ch'ung-
yang''^. Many of the personal names in early Ch'üan-chen Tao¬
ism somehow use the word yang in order to point out what the
quality of the respective person was. Anyway, the kuei-she em¬
blem belongs to a common Taoist heritage.
The Taoist source T'ai-shang shuo hsüan-t'ien ta-sheng chen-wu
pen-chuan shen-chu miao-ching^^ depicts the genesis of the divi¬
nity Hsüan-wu which eventually was given the name Chen-wu. A
Sung taboo had to be observed. This source compiles different
traditions and information about the divinity which we do not
discuss here. However, it is said for instance, that the Jade Em¬
peror once dispatched the divinity to control the North. The text
describes the martial outfit and activity of the divinity, listing its
names of honour which were received after the completion ofthe
mission. Returning from earth and going back to heaven there
were the twin forces of "tortoise and snake" around. Beneath the
feet of the deity they carried or supported it. Eventually we also
learn that in heaven the deity heads the office of the Commis¬
sioner of the Nine Heavens (Chiu-t'ien ts'ai-fang shih), whereas
below on earth Hsüan-wu (or Chen-wu) protects in the shape of
kuei-she. In terms of iconography we can say that Hsüan-wu
("the Dark Warrior") brandishes his martial might with black
flags and veils, standing on the "azure tortoise" and the "giant
snake". This text (TT 754) also tells us that Hsüan-yüan sheng-
See F.C.Reiter: Grundelemente und Tendenzen des Religiösen Taoismus,
p.59/note 155.
I.e. TT 754. The theme Hsiian-wu/Chen-wu and respective sourees were dis¬
cussed by J. M. Boltz (see above note 1). This divinity was very popular at all le¬
vels of society during the Sung period. It advanced to be the national patron dur¬
ing the Ming dynasty.
152 FLORIAN C. Reiter
tsu ("the Holy Ancestor of the Heavenly Prime-Origin") in a 81st
incarnation appeared as Lord Lao {Lao-chiin). His 82nd incarna¬
tion or transmutation then brought the world the deity Hsiian-
wu. This leads to the conclusion that Hsiian-wu is Lord Lao in a
newly "transmutated" body.''^
There is quite a cosmic dimension to "tortoise and snake". Our
source in the Taoist Canon equates the "pivot of the earth" or the
"essences of water", with "the divine tortoise" {shen-kuei). The
"pass of heaven" or the "essences of fire" is declared to be "the
holy snake" {sheng-she). "They give close support beneath the
feet of the Dark Emperor (Hsiian-ti). They have a martial capa¬
city and so the official duty to enforce order. Above in the hea¬
vens and below the heavens, they react upon any unorthodox
and malignant breaths".^* There are other spirits or transcendent
forces around to execute the orders of T'ai-hsiian (or Hsiian-wu).
The tortoise and snake however stand for the most powerful ones.
They represent the very nature of water and fire, heaven and
earth. Surely, they are quite distinguished forces, having such a
superb power. This explains why the couple kuei-she itself repre¬
sents the "Dark Warrior".^^
Now we understand that writing out and discharging kuei-she
talismans could effect the exteriorization of the potentially con¬
flicting forces "water and fire". This way T'an Ch'u-tuan escaped
the "husk of Yin and Yang", to repeat the crucial phrasing of
Liu Ch'u-hsüan. T'an Ch'u-tuan aimed at a state of existence be¬
yond the confines of Yin and Yang. He attempted to write them
off, so to speak. He wanted to be free to face the "Prime-Origin",
realizing his genuine life endowment {hsing-ming) .
The kuei-she talisman was not used in a ritual context. Neither
the way it was done nor its application allows for any comparison
with those talismans which we find in Taoist liturgie texts, where
they are combined with "registers" and prayers. T'an Ch'u-tuan's
kuei-she script was not a religious Taoist talisman of the fu-lu
type. That distinction has to be kept in mind. T'an Ch'u-tuan suc¬
ceeded in exploiting those traditions which had grown around
the general emblematic character of Chinese written documents,
which found its strongest expression in calligraphy.
37 38 39
TT 754: 2.7 a. See plate 2.
TT754: 2.10b-lla.
See below the last paragraph.
Plate 2: A modern representation of Pei-chi hsüan-t'ien shang-ti, standing on "tortoise and snake"
■ wm^m^
itm-^^^j^'f^ V .
154 Florian C. Reiter
Finally there is yet another set of traditions which gives kuei-
she talismans a very specific weight. The name of Hsiian-wu ap¬
pears in the astronomical monograph of the Han-shu where the
"Palace of the North" is given the name Hsüan-wuJ^ The biogra¬
phy of the Grand Minister of Works Wang Liang in the Hou-Han
shu also mentions the name of Hsiian-wu. It explains that
"Hsiian-wu is the name of the god of the water {shui-shen)" . A
commentary points out that "Hsiian-wu is the deity of the north¬
ern region, i.e. tortoise and snake with their bodies united".'*' As
a last example, the astronomical monograph of the Chin-shu may
be mentioned. Here kuei and she appear as names of stars."*^ The
protective influences of such cosmic positions had been accepted
since antiquity. For this reason the Chou-li, section Chou-kuan,
made mention of protective kuei-she streamers at buildings.'*'' All
this proves that T'an Ch'u-tuan also could base himself on almost
antique concepts. His kuei-she talismans possibly were as effec¬
tive as those of old may have been. This Taoist impressively gave
those old ways and forms a new stage and also a rather personal
meaning, which in its real depth may remain his secret.
Glossary: T'an Ch'u-tuan
ch'an-shih ^ W
Ch'ang-sheng li I
Ch'ao-yüan kung ?H ft "t
Chen-wu I C
Ch'i-chen -t I
Ch'i-hsia kuan # ?
Chin-lien cheng-tsung hsien-yüan hsiang-chuan 'i -f. iiU%i%^i%
Chin-lien cheng-tsung chi i jE. "f. it
Ch'iu Ch'ang-ch'un 3- ^ ^
Chiu-t'ien ts'ai-fang shih ^ ^ 4~.
Chou-li Chou-kuan Si S i
''° Han-shu 26.6.1279 (ed. Chung-hua, Peking 1975).
Hou-Han shu 22.12.774 (ed. Chung-hua, Peking 1973).
"2 Chin-shu 11.1.296 (Teng-she, 22 stars); 11.1.304 {Kuei 5 stars) et al. (ed.
Chung-hua, Peking 1974).
■"^ Chou-li, Tung-kuan k'ao-kung chi 121, in: Kuang K'an (ed.): Pai-wen shih-- san ching (ed. Ku-chi, Shanghai 1983).
Ch'un-yang
Ch'ung-yang li-chiao shih-wu lun 4 H ^^-tf-h
Ch'üan-chen -t |
Fu-chün miao A M
fu-lu -ff ^
Hao Ta-t'ung ?t-f A *-
hsien -/jj
hsing-ming •I'iL ^
Hsüan-ti i 4
Hsüan-wu t tSl
I-ching g .ti
kuei-she Ü.
K'un-yü shan ^ ^
Lao-chün ^ ^
ling-kuei pao-chang S ift- t f
Liu Ch'u-hsüan i'l ^
Ma Tan-yang >!^) # Ff
Pei-tou ching Jt ^
Pei-tou hsing-chün A 3- M
sheng-she 1 it
Shih
Shih men-jen yü-lu 1^1 /n il
Shu ^
shui-shen 7X ^
Shui-yün chi <K i ^,
ssu 6j
ssu-ling "I
Sun Pu-erh ^1- ^
T'ai-shang shuo hsüan-t'ien ta-sheng chen-wu pen-chuan shen-
chu miao-ching Tfe i^x.^ A^e^ E *'ft^^ T«>M
T'an Ch'u-tuan i% 4
t'an-yü il i-
te - shen/ming - ling <i- »i^ f
Wan-yen Shou
Wang Ch'u-i i -
Wang Ch'ung-yang i t
Wang Liang X
Wei-yang M PI
Yin Ch'ing-ho / ;1
Yü-ch'ing kuan i >n
Die Frustration des Gelehrten, kulinarisch betrachtet
- eine poetisclie Abliandlung zum Vegetarianismus eines
5o«^-Eremiten -
Von Martin Gimm, Köln
1. Einleitung
1.1 Die kurze, bislang kaum beachtete Schrift Benxin zhai
shushi pu ^'L>^i^'^SB, „Menü für einfache Speisen aus dem
5e/jx//j-Studio", des Chen Dasou (oder „des Alten" Chen
Da) ist ein poetisches Loblieb auf die Praxis einer milden Form
kulinarischer Frugalität, dem zur Erläuterung kurze Hinweise
auf 20 (vermutlich willkürlich) ausgewählte Rezepte beigegeben
sind. Der Text besteht daher neben je einem knappen Vor- und
Nachwort aus 20 vierzeiligen Gedichten - wohl nach Wenxin
diaolong-VorhWd zan ^ (Enkomien, Lobpreisungen) genannt -
mit je 16 Schriftzeichen im antiken Modus, bei denen jeweils die
2. und 4. Zeile reimen. Den Versen vorgeschaltet ist je eine zwei¬
gliedrige, vom Dichter meist selbst geprägte Menübezeichnung,
der kurze, oft nur andeutende Mitteilungen in Kommentarform
(typographisch in Halbgröße) zu den jeweiligen Speiseingredien¬
zen und Zubereitungsweisen angefügt sind.
Über den Verfasser Chen Da(sou) ließ sich bislang nichts Nä¬
heres feststellen'. Seine Lebenszeit ist vermutlich auf die südliche
^o/ig^-Dynastie (12./13.Jh.) und die Entstehungsjahre des Textes
sind wohl auf die I.Hälfte des 13. Jh.s anzusetzen. Wegen der Er¬
wähnung einiger subtropischer Pflanzen im Text, wie lizhi und
' Eine weitere, kleinere Schrift dieses Autors, betitelt Caiyiji ^^12, hat sich in einigen Ausgaben des (seit dem 14. Jh. zusammengestellten) Shuofu 5Äf|5 erhal¬
ten. In einer neueren Version dieses Sammelwerkes von 1919 in lOOj., die im Ver¬
lag Commercial Press in Shanghai 1927 erschien (s.j. 65, 14b), allerdings wird dieser Text (vermutlich unberechtigt) einem gewissen, sonst nicht nachweisbaren Song Bian i^^t zugeschrieben. Da die drei Abschnitte des Caiyiji von Inschriften und Ereignissen in Jiangnan handeln, könnte hierin auch ein Hinweis auf den Le¬
bensumkreis des Verfassers gesehen werden.
