Remarks on the Uses of Various Patterns of
Demonstrative Pronouns in Modern Arabic Dialects
By Judith Rosenhouse, Munich*
0. In modem Arabic dialects, demonstrative pronouns (= DP) habe
many base-forms and many more allomorphs and (syntactic) pattems.
This situation is in fact typical ofthe entire Semitic languages domain.
This paper will deal with some problems of the development of the DP
in modem Arabic dialects, while concentrating on some aspects of ^e
usage ofthe "short-form" DP ha-.
This particle, like most of the other basic forms of DP in Arabic, is
considered to have developed to this function from a vocative particle,
later used as a sentence-introducer. (Both these functions are still in use
in some Arabic dialects — cf. Fischer, p. 50 and Brockelmann, II, p.
76-7).
A DP may precede a definite noun or follow it. The underlying syntac¬
tical relation between the noun and the DP is that of apposition (cf.
Fischer, p. 65) which explains the basic freedom of (word order of) this
stmcture. However, in time, various fixed pattems have developed,
with preferences for short, long or combined short -I- long forms in the
different dialects. (Fischer, p. 98, notes that such combinations were
found also in Semitic inscriptions, referring to Caskel, and Brockel¬
mann quotes some examples form Classical Arabic, ibid., p. 77).
Some lengthy discussions of DP forms and stmctures may be found in
Brockelmann I, 107, II, 38-40, Fischer, Bauer, p. 55, 73, Blau
Bir-Zet, pp. 16-33; to mention only a few that have to do with the
dialect-area which is at the center of this study, so we shall not dwell on
detailed descriptions here.
1. The short DP has developed apparently, as mentioned, from a
vocative particle through a sentence introducer into a demonstrative.
But its history has not stopped at that, for the next stage involves the
* At the time at the Institut fiir Semitistik, Universität Miinehen, under a
research grant of the A. von Humboidt Foundation, Bonn. Now at the Dept. of
General Studies, The Technion, Haifa.
weakening of this deictic sense. This fact has yielded two known pheno¬
mena: it may be used more or less as a definite article (it is even written
in one unit with the definite /-I/, in e.g. Bauer, p. 73, Blau Bir-Zet, p.
19, for instance, as well as in Schmidt-Kahle, p. 66*, among others);
and it may be used in a combined pattern with a "full DP" following the
noun, namely [ha-]-[Nder]-[full DP]. The fact that ha-s deictic meaning
is weakened, its similarity to (Old) Hebrew ha-, there serving as a defi¬
nite article only, and some other Semitic languages (cf. e. g. Fischer, p.
50 and note 1 there) is well known. However, some explanation may be
suggested for the use of a definite noun, when an indefinite one is
expected (cf. Blau Bir-Zet, p. 20).
In Arabic grammar, definition has been described as having two
meanings — one is what we would call a real definition, and the other a
generic definition (ta'rlf al-^ins, in Arabic). This semantic distinction
exists also in other Semitic languages (cf. Brockelmann, II, 32, pp.
65 ff.), as well as non-Semitic ones, apparently with different distribu¬
tion of the actual lexemes that may get one or other definition. Now,
generic definition of a noun may appear also when this noun is preceded
by a DP, in this case ha-, as we see. As there is semantic closeness
between indefiniteness and generic definition, the passage from the
latter to the former in the present case is not impossible.
That a DP may refer to a (semantically) indefinite noun may be attrib¬
uted to the fact that, being a pronoun, it has a vride semantic field,
which enabled it, as it still does, to introduce even sentences, that is to
say, it is not limited to a certain type of syntactic units (such as a defi¬
nite noun).
2. As mentioned, combined pattems of [short DP-Nd„f-full DP] exist in
various Arabic dialects. Blau has even found a written example of this
pattern in Middle Arabic texts (representing Egyptian dialects, appa¬
rently), cf Diqduq, § 257, p. 172. Some variation exists as to the actual
lexeme used as DP; usually the pattern is [ha- . . . häda], mostly found
in the Syro-Palestinian area, as well as in North Africa, west to Libya.
In the latter territory also häk- and hdd- may serve in the first part ofthe
pattern (cf Fischer, p. 97-8). The weakening ofthe deictic meaning of
ha- in the Syro-Palestinian area is also demonstrated in the use of the
relative pronoun halli (in Syria, Lebanon and (now) Israel) vrithout any
trace of the deictic meaning, contrasting with the meaning of this form
in Iraq or in North Africa (cf Fischer, p. 51). Fischer's references
(for ha-) are e.g. Cantineau (Palmyre), Bergsträsser (Damascus),
Littmann (Hama), Montagne (Shammar-öezira), Weissbach
(Quairish), Christie (Galilee, Palestine), Spoer (Palestine); to these
18 ZDMG 134/2
252 Judith Rosenhouse
we may add examples from Blanc's Studies (Fischer, p. 53). This
more or less random sampling indicates the general direction of the
development of this pattem in terms of territory. In addition there are
(p. 97-8) examples from Tripoli, Tunis, Takrouna and various places in
Morocco. We might ask, how can we explain a similar phenomenon in
such distant territories, namely Syro-Palestinian and North African
ones?
One possible answer to this question may be to see the link in Bedouin
dialects. Bedouin-type features are found in many Syro-Palestinian and
Mesopotamian dialects — indeed Fischer's references refer to such
dialects, mostly. The area of northem Arabia — the Syrian Desert — and
the Iraqi 6ezira has always been the home of many nomadic tribes, issu¬
ing from the Arabian Peninsula, many of whom are known to have
become sedentarised in the "desert front" of the sedentary land (cf.
Blanc, Baghdad — the definition of the gdldt-6ialecta, Cantineau —
Hörän, Palmyre, Nomades, and 1939). Bedouin dialects were also at the
first stage of Arabisation of North Africa, with the first wave yielding
the now urban dialects in e.g. Morocco, and the second (in the 12th-
13th centuries) building up Arabisation in vaster territories. Many
Bedouin-type features are still found in North African dialects, even
urban ones, including ha- with weakened deictic meaning.
Bedouin dialects must have had their influence also on the mral
dialects in the hilly part of (now) Israel, Judea and Samaria hills. The
preservation and spread of 6, the affricated counterpart of k, in this area
must be due to such origins. It is possible to assume as another ex-
Bedouin phenomenon the productive use of ha-ß) without a demonstra¬
tive meaning, and the pattem which combines two DP-s, described
above.
Personal research of the dialects of Bedouins in the northem part of
Israel (see Rosenhouse) adds this group, too, to the list of Syro-Pales¬
tinian dialects which share the above mentioned uses of ha- (weakened,
alone and in pattern).
It would be possible to ask if this usage is not borrowed in this Israeli
area — from sedentary dialects, for instance. It seems, however, that
there are too many examples from non-sedentary dialects to allow for
such a possibility. The Bedouin dialects in the north of Israel show also
other Syrian dialects' features, so they may be considered part of the
region in general, and not originally related to the Galilean (sedentary) dialects.
The weakening ofthe deictic sense of DP is mentioned by Fischer (p.
85-6) concerning the forms häk, hadak in Libya, and Bedouin dialects in
the Syrian Desert, Mesopotamia and Negd, respectively. We get, then,
the same picture as for ha-, even with different lexemes.
The fact that in Israel both Hebrew and the Bedouin dialects have the
use of ha- for definition of a noun (in Hebrew as the only possible
particle) is only a historical coincidence — but if good social relations
prevail on between these two communities, with Hebrew as the domin¬
ant language, as it is now, who knows what future developments may
await this particle yet.
3. Another support for the theory of Bedouin origins of this structure
(i.e. ha- and its uses) we may find in the examples: hdlqirS, halbeit,
hdSSei, mentioned by Fischer (p. 44) as a demonstration ofthe use of
ha- wdth a short vowel. In these words (taken from Socin, the Mardin
dialect) , we find stress placed on the first CVC syllable from the end of
the word, which happens to be a prefixed DP, attached to the noun. One
of the major points that distinguish between sedentary and Bedouin
dialects is just this stress problem: in Bedouin dialects that belong to
the Northem Arabia — Syrian Desert type such a prefixed element (defi¬
nite article + short preposition, or short deictic, or 7th, 8th verb form)
may be counted as part ofthe syllables ofthe word for stress purposes,
(cf. Blanc, Negev, p. 143, and n. 54, Diem, p. 15) while in sedentary
dialects this is not done. Our North Israel material includes many
examples of this kind (incidentally, noun-heads of such stress-pattem
examples tend to have a CvCvC pattern rather than CvCC as the above
examples).
Incidentally, these examples raise a new question. Mardin dialects
have been recently re-studied and e. g. Jastrow, p. 94, writes definitely
that the qdltu-didlects, to which the Mardin area also belongs, never
stress prefixed DP ha-. This statement is in apparent contradition to
Socin's examples. What appears to be plausible, is the assumption that
this feature (stressing prefixed ha-) has died out in this region as a
result of the spread of the gaitw-dialects. If indeed Socin's examples
reflect some Bedouin dialect at the end of the 1 9th century at the region,
this dialect must have changed, been levelled out, due to Bedouins'
sedentarisation in the region; or, roaming away since then, other seden¬
tary speakers have taken their place. Another comparison with North
Israel Bedouins is possible in this question as well; we find also in
these dialects that the stressing of prefixed ha-, or any other mono¬
syllabic prefix as mentioned above, comes mostly from older people,
while the younger generation tends to level too conspicuous Be¬
douin-type features by using the koine of the near-by sedentary
dialects. As Bedouins' sedentarisation is a general process, especially
254 Judith Rosenhouse
in this Century, we many assume a similar situation in the Mardin
area.
4. Fischer considers (p. 71) some DP forms ofthe §an'ä' dialect to
present lack of gender distinction, although gender distinction does
exist in this dialect as a rule, and although there are other forms, ofthe
same reference he uses, which reveal formal changes ofthe DP accord¬
ing to gender. The problem thus presented may, however, involve a
phonetic feature on the level of "parole" (according to de-Saussure's
term), rather than a systematic syntactical speciality. Another compar¬
ison with the North-Israel Bedouin dialects may again be relevant for
an explanation. In these dialects, too, the phenomenon has been
encountered, that in sandhi a following vowel, mainly a, may cause the
deletion of a preceding vowel (a or non-a). This is also mentioned in
Blanc, Negev, p. 143. Examples such as, e.g. hädalbint (this girl), 'an-
afakkar (I think) (< hadi albint, 'ani af akkar, the expected forms) are not
hard to find. Now, as the noun that follows the DP is always definite in
these dialects, and §an'ä's dialect included, the following a ofthe defi¬
nite article may have a (regressive) assimilatory effect on the previous
vowel.
The force that seems to be behind this process is similar to what is
called in other languages "vowel harmony" (e. g. Turkish, Hungarian).
Although not usually evident in grammatical morphemes (as in Turkish,
Hungarian, for example) , vowel harmony plays some part in the quality
of anaptyctic vowels in most of the Arabic dialects. The "gahawa syn¬
drome" (cf Blanc, Negev, p. 125-7), typical to many Bedouin dialects
from the East even up to Libya, is an example; Cairo dialect, and doubt¬
less also other Egyptian dialects, have a distinct choice of anaptyctic
vowels, with i as the usual one, and "m (before ku(m) and hu(m)) and a
or d (before-Äa)" (Mitchell, p. 76). In the Israeli region cf Palva's
analysis of the anaptyctics (1965), giving examples such as Sahar
(month) , Sugul (work) besides the more frequent forms with /e, a/ as
anaptyctics. Even in North African dialects there is some vowel distinc¬
tion of this sort, although there the whole vowel system has been much
reduced.
In deliberate speech, one tends to pay more attention to the morpho¬
logical forms and subdue automatic phonetic tendencies. Thus, this
phenomenon (deletion of a (final unstressed) vowel because of another
one in sandhi) is not unique for Bedouin dialects, and may be found in
the §an'a' dialect quoted above (among others). The contradictory
examples quoted from the same source (cf Fischer, p. 71) may be due
to such "normalised" speech. Actually, the last example cited there
(hädih issänäh, this year) seems to support the "vowel harmony"
approach, for here the definite article has assumed the vowel of the
preceding word, although the usual form of the article in the dialect is
with the vowel a, as also the relative pronoun aiZadt shows (cf. Fischer-
Jastrow, p. 84). The subject of linguistic variation, with its implica¬
tions for historical linguistics, is however beyond the scope of this
study, and therefore will not be discussed here.
5. This paper deals wdth various problems conceming the DP ha- and
its uses with and without a deictic meaning. Not all the literature that
has been consulted clarifies the developmental relation of the various
usages, as we do. The approach here tries to show that in its history,
the DP ha- has passed through some stages the last of which has elimi¬
nated its deictic sense, enabling it to be attached to other grammatical
elements (in this case — definite article and another DP). But this proc¬
ess has not entirely deprived the DP of its previous meanings. Various
shades of meaning of previous stages are still perceiveable, although (as
any semantic element) the widening of a meaning field is involved with
a different distribution of the meanings, so that some are more out¬
standing than others, which may become obsolete. We also suggest
here, that the geographical distribution of ha- and its uses may be due to
an ex-Bedouin origin (Bedouin as a name of a group of dialects). Some
phenomena (cf § 4) need not be Bedouin, but just a shared linguistic
behaviour of the speakers, wherever they are. However, Bedouin
dialects seem to be little appreciated for the background of various
phenomena in Arabic dialects, and it is hoped that these points may
"trigger" some thoughts along this line.
List of References
1. Bauer, L.: Das palästinische Arabisch. Leipzig 1910.
2. Blanc, H.: Communal Dialects in Baghdad. Cambridge, Mass. 1964.
(Baghdad)
3. Blanc, H.: The Arabic Dialect of the Negev Bedouins. Jerusalem 1970.
(Negev).
4. Blau, J.: Diqduq Ha-'Arvit Ha-Yehudit Shel Yemey Ha-Beynayim (A
Grammar of Mediaeval Judaeo-Arabic). Jerusalem 1961. (Diqduq).
5. Blau, J.: Syntax des palästinischen Bauemdialekts von Bir Zet. Walldorf- Hessen 1960. (Bir Zet).
6. Brockelmann, C: Grundriß der vergleichenden Grammatik der semitischen
Sprachen. I. II. Hildesheim 1966.
7. Cantineau, J. : Etudes sur (Quelques Parlers de Nomades Arabes d'Orient. In:
AIEO 2 (1936), 1-118, 3 (1937), 119-237. (Nomades).
8. Cantineau, J.: Le Dialecte Arabe de Palmyre. Bejrouth 1934. (Palmyre).
256 Judith Rosenhouse, Demonstrative Pronouns
9. Cantineau, J.: Les Parlers Arabes duHörän. Paris 1940 (Atlas); Paris 1946 (Grammaire). (Hörän).
10. Cantin E AU , J. : Remarques sur les Parlers des Sidentaires Syro-Libano-Pales- tiniens. In: Bulletin de la Soci6t6 linguistique 40 (1939), 89-97.
11. Diem, W.: Skizzen jeminitischer Dialekte. Beirut 1973.
12. Fischer, W. : Die demonstrativen Bildungen der neuarabischen Dialekte. The Hague 1959.
13. Fischer, W., and Jastrow, 0.: Handbuch der arabischen Dialekte. Wies¬
baden 1980.
14. Jastrow, 0.: Die mesopotamisch-arabischen qdtu Dialekte. I. Wiesbaden 1978.
15. Johnstone, T. M.: Eastem Arabic Dialeet Studies. London 1967.
16. Mitchell, T. F.: Teach yoursel books: CoUoquial Arabic. The Living Langu- age of Egypt. London 1962.
17. Palva, H.: Lower Galilean Arabic. An Analysis of its Anaptyctic and Prothetic Vowels with Sample texts. Helsinki 1965.
18. Rosenhouse, J.: An Analysis of Major Tendencies in the Development of the Bedouin Dialects of the North of Israel. In: BSOAS 45 (1982), 14-38.
19. Rosenhouse, J.: Some Features of Some Bedouin Dialects in the North of
Israel. In: Zeitschrift für arabische Linguistik 7 (1982), 23-47.
20. Rosenhouse, J.: Some Texts in the 'Arämsha Bedouin Dialect in the North of Israel. In: Zeitschrift für arabische Linguistik 10 (1983), 39-70.
21. Schmidt, H., and Kahle, P.: Volkserzählungen aus Palästina. Göttingen
1918.
References quoted in Fischer and mentioned here
1. Bergsträsser, G.: Zmm arabischen Dialekt von Damascus. Hannover 1924.
2. Blanc, H.: Studies in North Palestinian Arabic. Jerusalem 1953.
3. Caskel, W.: Lihyan and Lihyanisch. Köln 1954.
4. Colin, G. S.: Chrestomathie Marocain. Paris 1939.
5. Christie, W.: Der Dialekt der Landbevölkemng des mittleren Galiläa. In:
ZDPV 24 (1901), 69-112.
6. Goitein, F.: Jemenica. Leipzig 1934.
7. Littmann, E.: Neuarabisches aus Hama. In: ZS 2 (1924), 20-50.
8. MAR9AIS, W., and Guiga, A.: Textes Arabes de Takrouna. (I). Paris 1925.
9. Montagne, R.: Contes PoÜiques Bidouins (rcueiUis chez les Sammar de
Öezire). In: BEO 5 (1935), 33-119.
10. Rossi, E.: LArabo Parlato a San'ä'. Roma 1939.
11. Socin, A. : Der arabische Dialekt von Mosul und Mardin. Leipzig 1904 (origi¬
nally in: ZDMG 36 [1882], 1-53, 238-277; 37 [1883], 188-222).
12. Spoer, H. H. and Haddad, E. N.: Volkskundliches aus el-Qubebe bei Jem¬
salem. In: ZDMG 68 (1914), 233-252; ZS 4 (1926), 199-226; 5 (1927), 95-
134; ZS 6 (1928), 253-274.
13. Stumme, H.: Märchen und Gedichte aus der Stadt Tripolis in Nordafrika.
Leipzig 1898.
14. Stumme, H.: Tunisische Märchen und Gedichte. Leipzig 1893.
15. Weissbach, F. H.: Beiträge zur Kunde der Irak-Arabischen. 1.2. Leipzig, 1908-1930.
Von Herbert Eisenstein, Wien
Der in der klassisch-arabischen Literatur mehrfach genannte Vogel
mukkä' ist in zweierlei Hinsicht interessant: zum einen aus einem lexi¬
kographischen Grund, da sein Name sich bis heute auf der Arabischen
Halbinsel erhalten zu haben und immer noch zur Bezeichnung
desselben Vogels, der Wüstenläuferlerche (Bifasciated Lark, Sirli du
d6sert) zu dienen scheint' , und somit nicht eigentlich in erst rezenter
Zeit wiederbelebt werden mußte, um der wissenschaftlichen zoolo¬
gischen Terminologie ein arabisches Äquivalent aus der klassisch-
arabischen Literatur gegenübe^zustellen^ Trotzdem bietet keines der
üblicherweise aus Texten derivierten Wörterbücher i.e. S. Arabisch
gegen eine europäische Sprache eine Identifizierung des Lexems
mukkä', sofeme es überhaupt verzeichnet ist'. Der zweite Aspekt ist ein
ethnologischer und zeigt sich in der Nennung dieses Vogels in frühen
Gedichten arabischer Beduinen und seiner Bedeutung für diese als
typischer Wüstenvogel, wie in der Folge gezeigt werden soll. Um das
' Für den Hinweis, daß die Verwendung der Bezeichnung mukkä' für die
Wüstenläuferlerche bis heute eine kontinuierliche zu sein scheint, ist Verf. den
Herren R. H. Daly, Adviser for Conservation ofthe Environment, Diwan ofH.
M. for Protocol, und M. D. Gallagher, Natural History Museum, Ministry of
National Heritage and Culture, beide Muscat, Sultanat Oman, zu Dank
verpflichtet.
^ Häufig bereitet die Identifizierung von Tiernamen aus der klassisch¬
arabischen Literatur — wie sie etwa al-Ma'lüf unternommen hat — Schwierig¬
keiten, obwohl sich etliche Bezeichnungen doch erhalten haben dürften, wie das Beispiel des mukkä' zeigt: vgl. dazu Anm. 1 und vgl. die Identifikationen des
mukkä' mit dem Goatsucker/ mas?äs al-ma'z (i.e. Nightjar, Ziegenmelker/
Nachtschwalbe, Engoulevent, Vertreter der Gattung Caprimulgus), die
unrichtig ist, sowie die richtige mit der später als Rasse der Wüstenläuferlerche (Certhilauda alaudipes desertorum) betrachteten Art Certhilauda desertorum
(1814 afs Afauda desertorum beschrieben, vgl. Meinertzhagen 125) in: al-
Ma'lCtf 147-8, wo auch die Identifizierung mukkä' = Caprimulgus widerlegt ist.
' Identifikationen mukkä' = Wüstenläuferlerche finden sich in al-
Ma'lijf 146 und al-LOs 7.
