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The Types of Direct Object Glauses and their

Subordination in some Colloquial Arabic Dialects

and Classical Arabic*

By Judith Rosbnhouse, Haifa

Up to now we have not found any real attempt to investigate the

various kinds of Direct Object Clauses (henceforth : DOC) both in the

written or "Classical" Arabic level and the level of the modem coUo-

qidal dialects. It is the object of this paper to study DOC and point out

what will seem to be the main features common to most of the investi¬

gated dialects, as well as outstanding differences, thus finding their

tendencies of development. Another interesting angle to study is the

relation of DOC in the dialects to the types known for Classical Arabic.

For this paper we shall use the "Classical" grammars by Recken¬

dobf, Wbight and Brockelmann (see ref. at the end) for Classical

Arabic, and various grammars and text-collections for the modern dia¬

lects we chose to study : these are the dialects of Iraq, Syria, Lebanon,

Israel (Palestine), Egypt, Morocco, Algeria, Malta and Mamitania

(although we have not found examples for the last three, to represent

some of the types). We thus get a general view of the Eastern and

Westem Arabic dialects (as far as we could see, the dialects in the Arab

peninsida do not show principal differences in relation to the stmctures

described here). We also used some tape-recording of Arabic-speaking

Jews from some Moroccan towns (these were made while working on the

thesis).

We intend to assume the following plan for the research : after a short

summary of the conventional opinions on DOC as viewed in Recken¬

doef's and Bbockelmann's works, we shall present om classification

of DOC types in Arabic with examples from the dialects. We shall also

compare the various subordinating conjunctions of DOC, those in Clas¬

sical Arabic and those in the dialects studied here ; finally we shall sum¬

marise the results.

* The author wishes to thank Professor H. Blanc of the Hebrew Univer¬

sity in Jerusalem for his encouragement and useful suggestions, and Profes¬

sor L. M. Davis of the University of Chioago, presently Visiting Professor

at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, for his valuable criticism and help¬

ful advice.

(2)

But before entering into a detailed discussion, we shall describe some

of the characteristics of DOC and the transitive verbs which govern

them in the Arabic language. DOC are sometimes called "complemental clauses"^, which is true on two levels : 1) the formal level — DOC are gov¬

erned by transitive verbs and thus complement the predicate in the

sentence ; 2) the semantic level — DOC complement the information trans¬

mitted in the sentence ; in the case of modal verbs*, the formal object is

semantically the real main verb.

As to the transitive verbs, they can be divided into fom groups ac¬

cording to their governments :

1) purely transitive — these verbs always govern an object,

which is or is not a clause, and cannot be used without the object. Here

we include also a sub-class of verbs requiring only verbal objects, i.e.,

DOC ; these are mainly modal verbs.

2) optionally transitive — such verbs can function also intran¬

sitively.

3) twice transitive — these verbs require two objects, with the

first a noxm or a pronoun and the second a nominal member or a DOC.

4) directly and indirectly transitive — some verbs which in

Classical Arabic require the object through a preposition (oZ-'a/'öi ai-

muia'addiya bi-gayrihä) ; in the dialects these verbs lose this preposition and appear directly transitive.

Complemental DOC can be classified into two major groups: 1) single

DOC required by the governing verb. 2) DOC as the second object ofthe

governing verb (this second object may also be a simple nominal member,

but we do not discuss this type here). Both groups are divided into two-

sub-classes, according to the types of the governing verbs (factual/

volitional; mental/physical), and these are again analysed into finer

classes, and then finally viewed from the aspect of sjTidetic/asyndetic

subordination. Thus we ultimately have 16 classes of verbs. (See below.

Table p. 22.)

Now, let us take a look at what is to be found in grammars of Classical

Arabic, and specifically the books by Beockelmann* and Recken-

doei*. Both authors deal with DOC as parts of two larger classes, namely

"Asyndetische Dass- Sätze" and "Syndetische Dass- Sätze" (asyndetic/ -\

syndetic substantive clauses). The main reason for this classification

can be understood from the titles of these chapters: DOC are really

» Cf. Cowell, p. 449.

* See below, our classification on pp. 12—13.

* Bbockelmann: Orundriß der Vergleichenden Orammatik, II, §§ 395, 404.

'Reckendoef: Arabiache Syntax, §§ 188, 189, 197; Reckiendobf: Die

Syntaktischen Verhältnisse, §§ 168, 187.

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12 Judith Rosbnhouse

expansions or elaborations of the object, which is a substantive (or nom¬

inal) part of the sentence-structure. Indeed, the Arab grammarians who

developed their linguistic science defined DOC as ta'wil al-masdar, i.e.,

"explanation of the (nominal) infinitive". We may find this same

approach in the works just mentioned. Furthermore, DOC are related

to other substantive clauses" by the use of the subordinating conjimc-

tions 'an, 'anna, 'inna, as well as by mä and 'alladi (in more limited

circumstances). On a different level of analysis, there are many cases

when DOC and other substantive clauses are used without any sub¬

ordinating conjunction, so that it seems convenient to distinguish

between syndetic and asyndetic substantive clauses.

Within this general frame of chapters the various tj^es of DOC are

described according to the meanings of the governing verb (the verb of

the main clause) in such terms as verbs of swearing, of threatening, of

commanding, or verbs of the senses etc. Direct and indirect speech are

described in separate sections, although they may be governed also by

such verbs as have just been mentioned. Another section treats DOC as

the second object (accusative) of the verb (what Reckendobf calls

"accusativus cum verbo finito" after the similar "accusativus cum in¬

finitive" of Latin and other Indo-European languages).

In the present paper we suggest a different method of analysis and

description of DOC types, which seems to us to agree also with evidence

from the modern dialects. Our classification is based on the semantic

categories of the verbs governing the DOC :

I. Verbs governing a single DOC:

a. 1) factual verbs, i.e. verbs expressing certainty ofthe contents'

of the DOC subordinated to them.

2) verbs of saying, i.e. all kinds of verbs expressing transmit-

tance of communication between people. We separate this from the

former group because (1) not all verbs of saying express the same

certainty as defined for the group above, and (2) there are many

ways of transmitting information, ways which do not apply for verbs

of group 1.

b. 3) volitional verbs, i.e., verbs expressing uncertainty of the

action indicated in the DOC, however desirable it may be.

4) modal verbs, i.e., verbs which require a verbal complement-

which formally functions as DOC.

' Such as subject clauses, predicate clauses, relative clauses, genitive

clauses.

(4)

II. Verbs governing two objects, the second of which is a clause:

a. mental actions: 1) verbs ofthe heart {'apal al-qulvb); 2) verbs

of becoming {'apal at-tasyir) and volition'.

b. physical actions: 3) verbs of the 1st verbal form in Arabic;

4) verbs of other verbal forms — mainly 2nd and 4th forms;

all these verbs have causative meanings.

In the following we shall clarify these titles by additional explana¬

tions and examples (from the dialects investigated).

Factual verbs. The most common verbs of this group are: to know

{Hrif, Hlem), hear {sema'), see {Säf), find {wazad, lä'a), believe {saddaq),

think {ftakar, tann), prevent (mana'). They are used in sentences such

as the following :

Iraq: lumman sema'(a) bi'an reftgah meiiit gäm iiltem 'ala rdsah (Meiss-

NEK, p. 34.) (Als er hörte, daß sein Freimd gestorben sei, schlug er sein

Haupt.)»

Syria: maa Icsnt metsamudr 'enno ivdslet Jiassinä'a 'andkom lahaddaraze

(Feeguson-Äni, p. 251), (I didn't imagine that this industry had

reached such a level here.)

Lebanon: w-la'a 'inno 'indu bindayra (Jiha, p. 32.) (Er sah, daß er ein

Fähnchen hatte.)

Egypt: 'ana maa kuntiS 'aarif innida lean ittartiib (Mitchell, p. 105.)

(I didn't know that was the arrangement.)

Morocco: sme't kayen wahdrresturd rfi'a hna (Sa'id, p. 79.) (I heard

there's a good resturant here.)

Algeria: u-'la-balhum bylli rani mezzguw3z (MAngAis, p. 563.) (et ils

pensaient que j'etais marie.)

Mauritania: u-räni mhat^rtak dnn 'ahli mä zälu wä'in (Cohen, p. 225.)

(et je te signaie que mes parents sont encore eveill6s.)

Malta: Iconi taf li huk qal dan ? (Aquilina, p. 201.) (did you know that

your brother said this ? (p. 238).

The examples demonstrate the possibility of using or omitting the

subordinating conjunction; this point is discussed below, pp. 19—21.

Verbs of saying. We have found four ways of governing DOC by

verbs of saying: 1) direct speech. 2) indirect speech. 3) mixed speech.

4) interrogating DOC (neutral from the point of view of subordination).

' After Bravmann, § 75.

* We bring here and in the foUowing the original translations as found in

the texts; where there is no translation, we add it (in English). We should

also add that all transcriptions are left intact (including Maltese ortho¬

graphy), except for examples from Piamenta, which are written in Hebrew

characters, and transcribed by us.

(5)

14 Judith Rosbnhouse

1; 2. The differences between direct and indirect speech are usually

expressed by two kinds of formal elements : a. the use or omission of a

subordinating conjunction — its appearance usually indicates indirect

speech, while quoting direct speech is usually asyndetic, e.g., :

indirect speech:

Syria: galu 'enno fi yöm mn-dl-iyyäm (Cantineau: Horän, p. 405.)

(on dit qu'un certain jour. ..) direct speech:

Lebanon: 'ultillu: "wUTc ya 'ammi häda id-dawa ta-yuHul il mihrüb

wil-häfür (Jiha, p. 96.) (— ,,Mein Freund, das ist Medizin, um die Bazil¬

len und den Zahnstein zu beseitigen.")

Israel: qa:l : mni:n issa ja:i ? (Blanc, p. 104.) ("Where have you come

from?")

b. the forms of the various pronouns, i.e., personal pronouns, suffixed

pronouns, demonstrative pronouns, the person of the (finite) verb,

usually 3rd person, indicate indirect speech, while 1st and 2nd persons

are used in direct speech, e.g. :

indirect speech:

Egypt: webitqul-lafc hyje elli tiktib-lak elhitm (Spitta-Bey, p. 32.) (et te

fait dire que c'est elle qui t'ecrira le cachet.)

Morocco: bda kä-i'äwed-lhpm bin säf räsp mäi (Colin, p. 35.) (he began

to tell them that he'd seen himself dead.)

direct speech:

Iraq: gal linefsah ärtd ähidd {e)sru'(a)Jfaras (Meissner, p. 46.) (Da

dachte er bei sich: Ich will den Zügel meüier Stute loslassen.)

Lebanon: ruh qoi Pemmek mdnnii fddi (Feghali, p. 88.) (va dire a ta

mere que je suis occupe.)*

3. However, there may be also "mixed markers", such as a sub¬

ordinating conjunction -f 3rd person suffix followed by a verb in the

1st or 2nd person ; or, asyndetic subordination followed by a verb in the

3rd person, e.g.!

Iraq: gül li'ahüti bi'an fulän iläh hagg uiiäkun (Meissner, p. 32.) (Sag

aber zu meinen Brüdem: NN. hat das Recht mitzuerben.)

Syria: bi'dlli 'enno 'alek hnäl (Grotzfeld, p. 103.) (er sagt mir: Du

mußt noch einen Rest fertigmachen.)

'alli bdddo yähddni -(Grotzfeld, p. 103.) (er sagte mir, er wolle mich

nehmen (heiraten).)

Morocco: qül-lo ya'teni flüsi wdlla ndd'eh däba! (Colin, p. 37.) (teil him

to give me my money or I'll sue him right now.)

* The translation uses indirect speech for the direct speech in the Arabic text. However, it can be analysed also as ,, mixed speech" with the meaning of indirect speech.

(6)

This mixture may at times lead to ambiguity, when both direct and

indirect speech are equally reasonable interpretations (until the context

is considered — which may eliminate one of the possibilities.) The

"mixed syndetic" type seems to continue the Classical use of 'an al-

mufassira ("the explanatory 'an"), e.g., qäla 'an uktub (he said: write!);

but as the dialects have not preserved the syntactic distinction of Clas¬

sical Arabic between 'an and 'anna, the mentioned structure may appear

not only with 'an but also with any other form wldch serves as subordi¬

nating conjunction ('inno, 'mno etc.). Moreover, the 3rd person pronoun

affixed to the conjunction is sometimes just a fossil form, in no way con¬

nected with the actual persons of the DOC.

4. The fourth group of DOC involves the transformation of indepen¬

dent questions into a DOC introduced by a verb of saying (such as ask-

wonder, question etc.). The question may be direct or indirect — which

will be indicated by the various pronouns, as explained above. However,

the distinction between direct/indirect speech by the syndetic/asyndeti, subordination is "neutralised", because the presence of an interrogatory particle at the head of a question prevents the use of another (subordina¬

ting) particle. Yet we should note that frequently the conditional subordi¬

nating conjunction (*tza, 'in, Hia etc.) is used to introduce yes/no ques¬

tions (as happens also in French, colloquial English, Hebrew and other

languages). Here are some examples of questions as DOC:

Syria: bas'al men 'ede el-yöm (Cantineau: Palmyre, p. 238.) (je demande

qui est venu aujourd'hui.)

Israel: sa'alna ibbayaitna 'ihna li:S kull il-mga:ra mutqani. .. (Blanc,

p. 96.) (we asked oxir parents why the whole cave is properly fixed ...)

Egypt: 'aayiz as'al eeh ahammi haaga lazma lit-tayyaar'i (Haeeell:

Coil-Egypt., p. 32—1.(2).) (I want to ask, what's the most important

thing necessary to a filer?) ma-qult-iliiS lee ha-tiwsal imta'i (Haeeell,

ibid p. 38.1(3).) (why didn't you tell me when you were going to arrive ?)

Morocco: seqsih ina qyas bga (Sa'id, p. 114.) (ask him what size he

wants (wanted).)

An interesting point that came up through this inspection of verbs of

saying involves the numerous circumstances in which the verb qal(a)

(say) is used; it seems that its semantic field has become wider. It is

used:

1) in stories with the meaning "to say to oneself, think, make up one's

-mind"; e.g.,

Lebanon: uq&lt mauS rah yd'rfu rm^ne 'anu. (Feghali, p. 55.) (et je me

suis dit:ils ne sauront sans doute pas qui je suis.)

Morocco: qäl huua iihruz min elblad (Meissnee: Tangier, p. 61.) (Des¬

halb beschloß er, die Gegend zu verlassen. — p. 92.)

(7)

16 JXTDITH ROSENHOTJSE

2) to express assumptions, suppositions*":

Lebanon: 'ül hlisna min il-'amdlj, (Jiha, p. 86.) (Nimm an, wir sind

mit dem Weizen fertig.)

Morocco: nqülg hädi däiza (Colin, p. 21.) (Let's say this is all right

(it's so).)

3) as an "empty word" or a "connective" in stories and folk-tales:

Israel: ulissa qal ma ätaratS iSi (Piamenta, p. 77.) (and yet, to her

mind**, she has not bought anything.)

Lebanon: qäl bed^na nrüh häf yin (il parait que nous devons aller

nus-pieds.) (Feghali, p. 62.)

'ül fcanna halla' bit'ulli (Jiha, p. 73.) (VieUeicht wird sie zu mir sagen.) Morocco : qäl leh, bga ibi' u-iSri (Colin, p. 39.) (that is to say, he wanted

to sell and buy.) (The context enables us to translate the verb qäl by this

phrase.)

Volitional Verbs

Most of the books we checked give examples of this type, and mainly

of the asyndetic kind. The most common verbs included in this category

are : want, request, try, wish, desire, fear, intend etc. Most of the DOC

subordinated to these verbs are verbal, i.e., are verbs in the "subjunc¬

tive" (the yif'al form) but there occur also some „nominal" DOC (in the

sense ofthe Arab grammarians' nominal clauses, i.e., a clause beginning

with a nominal member). Incidentally, most of these nominal DOC are

also syndetic and originate from the Syro-Lebanese area. Here are some

examples of this type :

Asyndetic DOC:

Iraq : häwal ybaddil filcri (Erwin, p. 345.) (He tried to change my mind.)

Egypt: nihibbi nisma' axbaar Icwayyisa 'ankum (Harell, p. 102. (20).)

(We like to hear good news about you. (pl.).)

Morocco : ntbb Alläh dj-jlil dl-'äli ydjma' f-dl-qreb hmli m'a gzäli (JouiN,

p. 154.) (J'implore Dieu le Magnanime, le Tres-Haut, de me r6unir au

plus tot avec ma belle.)

Syndetic DOC:

Lebanon: talab minna 'innu fi sitt bihubba, w-issa 'umma may 'ärfi. ..

( Jiha, p. 72.) (und bat mich [um einem Gefallen, indem er sagte] daß es

da ein Mädchen gebe, das er liebe und dessen Mutter nichts von ihm wisse.)

Syria: w-ndhna mnatmanna mdn 'aila 'azza wa-zall, 'dnno yezma'na

b-wahde tkün bdnt haläl (Grotzfeld, p. 148.) (and we wish to God Al¬

mighty that he'll make us meet [and marry] one (girl) who'll be of a

good family.)

*° This meaning of the verb "to say" can be found in other languages as well, e.g., English, French, Hebrew.

** qäl in the 3rd person masculine form is not to be literaUy translated.

(8)

Modal Verbs

The verbs included in this class require some complement, either a

noim serving as the object of the verb or a DOC (which can be analysed

as ta'wil al-masdar of Classical Arabic). In the course of time, these verbs

have become automatically associated with the government of DOC

(rather than with a noun as the object) and semantically become "modal"

or "auxiliary", so that it is the DOC which is the main verb semantically.

Asyndetic subordination is typical of the modal verbs. Here are some

examples :

Iraq: btidaw yiStagluun bil-ma'mal il-baarha. (Ekwin, p. 344.) (They

began to work in the factory yesterday.)

Lebanon: beddi füt ma''ak Vend el-mrid (Feghali, p. 94.) (je d6sire

entrer avec toi chez le malade.)

Israel : kif baqdar 'awsal hunäk ? (Piamenta, p. 22.) (How can I reach

there?) >

Morocco: haduk li salau yikdtbu, yiqddru yiherzu 'ala barra (Rosen-

HOTTSE, p. 70 — from recording of D. Assaraf, born Casablanca.) (Those

who have finished writing can go out.)

Verbs governing two DO's

In classical Arabic such verbs are classified according to Weight

(II, §24) in two groups, each with two sub-classes: "(a) To the first

category belong all accusatives of the second and fourth verbal forms

whose ground form is transitive and governs an accusative; also verbs

that signify to fill or satisfy, give, deprive, forbid, ask, entreat and the

like, the most of which have likewise a causative meaning .... (b) those

verbs which are called by the Arab grammarians "verbs of the heart"**,

e.g., which signify an act which takes place in the mind or "verbs of

certainty and doubt or preponderance (of probability)" such as see, think,

know, and also verbs which mean to make, appoint, call, name and the

like."

Reckendorf sees in such a construction the subordination of a

complete clause, similar to the "accusativus cum infinitive" in Indo-

European languages. Bravmann tries to place this structure in the

frame of predicate clauses, such as those connected with "käna and its

sisters" (see §§ 74, 75). He classifies the verbs governing this structure

into three groups: verbs of becoming and changing {'af'äl at-tasyir),

"verbs ofthe heart" (as Wright does, after the Arab grammarians) and

"verbs of volition", which are to be found (in this structure) only in the dialects (§70).

" 'afäl al-qulüb.

2 ZDMQ 126/1

(9)

18 Judith Rosbnhouse

Geotzfeld has a different opinion about this structure in the dialects

of Syria; he considers it isolation of the subject ofthe „Dass-Satz".

(Cf. Geotzfeld, p. 104, § 105.)

We wish to suggest here a different classification of the various types

of these verbs, which, it is hoped, will prove to be both coherent and

consistent.

As we know from various linguistic phenomena, languages apply

oppositions, usually binary ones, for their needs; accordingly, we can

describe the verbs in question by the following scheme :

double DO-s

mental actions physical actions

/\ X\

verbs of the verbs of I (+2D0) II, IV (+2D0)

heart becoming and (transformation of

volition I + 1 DOC)

Such a classification is justifiable and useful for several reasons:

1) The division into 'mental' and 'physical' aspects is a semantic fea¬

ture very common in the Arabic lexicon; we extend it to distinguish

between various tjrpes of a syntactic structure.

2) This classification makes is possible to separate semantic elements

requiring a certain syntactic treatment from morpho-syntactic proces¬

ses (the double DO-s governed by a verb in the 1st verbal form, as a

device or transformation of IDO + 1 prepositional phrase ("indirect

object") ; or the causative element of the Und and IVth forms being

added to the sense of 1st form of the same (transitive )verb8.)

3) The "verbs of volition" are included in the group which semantically

indicates the influence of a person on another one to do the action of the

verb ofthe DOC (the second verb).

This classification seems to be correct for both Classical Arabic and

the modern dialects. We should note the closeness between this structure

and that with a single DOC : some verbs (volitional, verbs of the heart

and others) govern one or two DO's according to semantic needs.

Most of the DOC in the double DO structure are asyndetic, as in

Classical Arabic, but we have foimd also some syndetic examples in the

dialects of Syria and Lebanon (as also for volitional verbs governing one

DOC). It seems to us, that the isolation mentioned by Geotzfeld (cf.

above) applies mainly for the verbs "hear, see, know" (verbs of

(10)

the heart), and especially when the DOC is syndetic. However, since we

do not discuss here the history of the structures, we do not set apart

such examples from the rest. Here are some examples to represent the

various groups of the double DO-s :

Mental Action:

Verbs of the heart:

Syria: bya'rafha btarkez ma'ha Vahwe (Gbotzfeld, p. 104.) (asyndetic)

(er weiß daß ihr der Kaffee gelingt.)

Lebanon: min 'ayS Hrifni 'inni 'ana 'ummi mutdrbiyyi ? (Jiha, p. 56.)

(syndetic) (woher er gewußt hat, daß meine Mutter eine Zigeunerin war.)

Morocco : smeHak gadi msafer Itanza (Sa'id, p. 90.) (asyndetic) (I hear(d)

you are going to Tangier.)

Seftu belli gadi i-msi (Mebcieb, p. 64.) (syndetic) (J'ai vu qu'il allait

(certainement) partir.)

Verbs of becoming and volition:

Morocco: ntlub alläh nSüfek digja (Kampffmeyeb: Casablanca, p. 8.)

(Hoffentlich werde ich dich bald wiedersehen.)

as zäbik tdir häd ? (Kampffmeyeb, ibid, p. 37.) (Was hat dich dazu

verleitet das zu tun ?)

Malta: fcalitlu: fein tridni immurl (Stümme, p. 76.) (She said to him:

where do you want me to go ?)

Physical Action:

1st verbal form:

Egypt: 'inta Idazim tis'cdni fil'aurwil *ieh ilhagdat illi 'awziin ni'milha

(Mitchell: Egypt. Coll., p. 144.) (You'd better ask me first what food

we want (lit. what things we want to make them for eating), (p. 145).)

II, IV forms:**

Israel: fahhim layya 'inno 'ihna miS fädyin nuq'od niMri gräd (Pia¬

menta, p. 75.) (explain to Leah that we are not free to go shopping

things.)

Morocco: hna Imlika wdssaina nqatlüha ('Abd al-'Äl, p. 357.) (we, the

queen ordered us to kill her.)

w'dUmu bäbäh ydrfcdb 'la lhail ('Abd al-'Äl, p. 383.) (and his father

taught him how to ride a horse.)

Syria: wkailafni dabberlo beet hatta ydskon fii. (Peeguson-Ani, p. 289.)

(And he asked me to get him a house to live in.)

We shall now turn to survey the forms and use of the various con¬

junctions of DOC in Classical Arabic and the dialects investigated. In

** These examples actually combine mental actions with "causative effort"

i.e., by mental or psychological influence causing someone else to do some

action.

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20 JtJDITH ROSENHOUSE

Classical Arabic two kinds of conjunctions were used to subordinate

DOC: 1) 'an, 'anna (also 'inna, rarely) 2) mä, alladi. 'an was required by

"volitional" verbs and governed a verbal form in the subjunctive (the

mansüb form); 'annu was required by "factual verbs" according to our

classification and governed a nominal subject in the accusative. But

there was also 'an. al-muhaffafa min at-taqila ("the 'an lightened from

the heavy one" — i.e., 'anna) used after factual verbs, and also 'aw al-

mufassira used with direct speech. So that even at that stage of the

Arabic language, the subordination of DOC was rather complex.

mä and alladi, originally relative pronoims, were used in rather

restricted conditions, and therefore were less commonly used.

In the dialects we find basically the same subordinating conjunctions, but phonetically altered, and with partly "regional distribution": 'an

has remained in rather restricted areas — mainly Iraq and Morocco, but

it has been preserved almost always with bi prefixed to it, so that in

Iraq it gets the form bi'an, and in Morocco it gets the forms bein, bäin,

bin.

In the other Eastem regions — Syria, Lebanon, Israel and Egypt, the

prevalent conjunction has the forms arew(o), 'enn(o), inn{o), all of which

seem to be connected with the Classical 'inna (or 'anna ?).

In Mauritania it is usually pronounced as 'an (> 'an), and rarely as

'dnn.

The forms derived from the relative pronouns are prevalent in the

North African area and in Malta, li (< illi < lladi) seems to be the only

subordinating conjunction for DOC in Malta, and in Algeria b-9lli

(< Ö + illi) and biy yes (< 6 + 'ayy-{-Si) are the only forms in use.

These last two forms are tj^ical of all the North African area, including

Morocco (where biyyeS is pronounced bäS).

In spite of the phonetic and morphologic variety of the subordinating

conjimctions for DOC, they do not seem to be very popularly used.

Mainly volitional and modal verbs, but also factual verbs in some areas,

subordinate the DOC asyndetically. About the Syrian region we find in

Grotzfield's book the following note: "Substantivesätze ... kommen

syndetisch (konj. 'enno) und asyndetisch vor, wobei Syndese und Asyn¬

dese im allgemeinen frei vertauschbar sind." (p. 102) Cowell seems

to affirm this opinion in his book (p. 443); and Cantineau says about

the same point in Palmyre: "Ces constructions avec 'enn sont un peu

suspects, elles appartiennent plus ou moins au langage recherche et

affectö et il est possible qu'elles se soient döveloppees sous l'influence de

la langue ecrite." (p. 239). This may be the source for the situation in

Syria (and Lebanon), where we found syndetic examples for cases that

are elsewhere asyndetic (e.g., the volitional and modal verbs).

(12)

As to Morocco, we noticed the scarce use of subordinating conjunc¬

tions, even for factual verbs that elsewhere usually govern syndetic DOC.

In Haerell's list of subordinating conjunctions, bin is said to be "rarely

used" (p. 162) without further explanations and without any reference

to bäS or belli in the same function. Only in Mercier's book we find the

following rule for the use of b-elli (p. 59): "la particule b-elli, qui, en arabe,

traduit notre conjunction 'que', ne s'emploie que si la phrase exprime

une assurance ou une certitude ; dans le cas contraire elle ne s'emploie

pas." This definition, which is based on a semantic criterion, seems to be

correct also for other DOC conjunctions in the mban dialects of Morocco,

except, perhaps, for the Jewish dialects there. (These seem to prefer

bäS or bain according to the tense ofthe verb in the DOC.)** We have not

found other sources discussing this problem, but the examples we have

met with rather confirm Mercier's definition.

To sum up this study and to demonstrate the findings for each of the

investigated dialects, please see the table on p. 22.

The table shows which types are used in the dialects, and it appears

that only modal verbs can be automatically associated with asyndetic

subordination of the DOC. The table does not show, however, the fre¬

quency of use of each of the types ; this remains for us to describe and

conclude :

1) Factual verbs, including verbs of saying in "indirect speech",

usually govern syndetic DOC. The DOC may be also asyndetic, espe¬

cially when direct speech is quoted (verbs of saying). Iraq and Morocco

seem to be exceptions to the rule ; the syndetic examples we have found

there are a minority in comparison with the asyndetic examples, and

they also seemed to be limited to relatively few verbs of saying, such as

wassa (order, recommend, make a will) and 'amar (command).

The situation in Morocco, though formally similar to that in Iraq,

seems to be moved by semantic rules (cf. above, p. 20), unlike Iraq.

As to Classical Arabic, we can find there no factual verbs governing

asyndetic DOC ; even those that seem to require such clauses really imply

transmittance of words, i.e. are ,, verbs of saying" (see ex. Reckendorf:

Arabische Syntax, § 187).

2) Volitional verbs usually govern asyndetic DOC, except in Syria

and Lebanon, where syndetic DOC are not rare in these circumstances.

In Classical Arabic we find both syndetic and asyndetic DOC for this

type, although the asyndetic DOC are considerably fewer than the

syndetic ones (perhaps because of the clear distinction between the

functions of 'an and 'anna.) There are also fewer syndetic DOC governed

" Cf. Rosbnhouse, pp. 62—74, esp. p. 69.

(13)

SINGLE DOC

factual volitional

factual saying volitional modal

syn asyn syn asyn syn asyn syn asyn

Iraq {bi'an) + + ( + ) + — + —

+

Syria + { + ) + + + + —

+

Lebanon + — + + + + — +

Israel + ( + ) + + (—) + —

+

Egypt + + + + ' - + — +

Algeria + (-) + (-) + + (—) +

Morocco ( + ) + ( + ) + — + — +

Mauritania + (-) + + (-) + — +

Malta + + + {-) — + —

+

Classical Arabic + —

+ + + + + +

{'anna) ('anna)

{'inna)

(•an) ('an)

DOUBLE DO

mental actions physical actions

'Afäl 'Afäl

al-qalb at-tasyir I ( + 2D0) II,IV(+2DO)

wal- 'irada

syn asyn syn asyn syn asyn syn asyn

— + — + —

+ —-

+

+ + + + + + + +

+ + (+) ( + ) (—) + (—) +

(—) ( + ) (—) + + + + +

+ ( + ) (—) ( + ) ( + ) ( + ) (—) +

+

+ + (-) + + + + +

+

( + ) + ( + ) + ( + ) + (+) +

(14)

by modal verbs than asyndetic ones, although this structure is more

"permissible" than asyndetic subordination by volitional verbs.

3) Double DO. We should first note, that this structure is not as

frequent as single DOC (perhaps that is the reason for not being able to

fill up all the columns ofthe Table.) We should also mention again that

there are verbs that govern one or two DO's, according to semantic needs.

Usually the DOC in the double DO structure is asyndetic; when it is

syndetic, especially when governed by some "verb of heart", there may

be added a sense of emphasis to the subject of the DOC because of its

isolation (both formal and psychological), and also perhaps because of

its relative rarity (in Classical Arabic, too.)

4) There is another type of DOC, neutral from the point of view of the

syndetic/asyndetic contrast — the "indirect questions" introduced by

an interrogative particle which prevents the use of the usual subordi¬

nating conjunction.

5) The structines described here seem to resemble the structmes in

Mediaeval Arabic, as described, e.g. by Blau*^ and Mtiller**, although

their material was written documents. Therefore, it may be, that the

similarity of these structures in the living speech of that period to the

same structures as here described, was even greater than can be seen

from the written material that has been preserved and studied.

6) The DOC themselves can have any syntactic form needed — they

may be verbal or nominal clauses, affirmative, negative or interrogative,

simple or complex. Because of this freedom of internal structure, the

discussion was centered not on the DOC themselves but on their sub¬

ordination to the main clauses.

To sxun up, we have found the main lines in which DOC subordination

moves in some of the major groups of dialects. In the present paper we

could not enter into more minute classifications, such as the comparison

between settled and nomadic or urban and village populations, or between

religious commiuiities. These may be subjects for subsequent research.

References

1. Aquilena, j.: Teach yourself Maltese. London 1965.

2. BiANC, H.: Studies in North Palestinian Arabic. Jerusalem 1953.

3. Blau, Y.: A Grammar of Mediaeval Jiidaeo-Arabic. Jerusalem 1961.

4. Bravmann, M. M.: Studies in Arabic and Oeneral Syntax. Le Caire 1953.

5. Brockelmann, C. : Orundriß der Vergleichenden Grammatik der Semiti¬

schen Sprachen. Vol. 2. Berlin 1913; Hildesheim 1966.

" Blau: A Orammar of Mediaeval Judaeo-Ardbic, esp. §§ 330, 334, 342,

345, 351, 415, 433.

*• Müller: Über Text und Sprachgebrauch von Ibn Abi Usaibi'a, esp.

pp. 901, 902, 907, lex. exs. pp. 948, 949, 954, 966, 970.

(15)

24 Judith Rosenhouse, Colloquial Arabic Dialeets

6. Cantineau, J. : Le Dialecte Arabe de Palmyre. Beyrouth 1934.

7. Cantineau, J.: Les Parlers Arabes du Horän. Paris 1946.

8. Cowell, M. W. : A Reference Grammar of Syrian Arabic. Wasliington,

D.C. 1964.

9. Cohen, D.: Dialecte Arabe de Hassänlya de Mauritania. Paris 1963.

10. Colin, G. S.: Recueil de Textes en Arabe Marocain. Paris 1957.

11. Ebwin, W. M. : A Short Reference Orammar of Iraqi Arabic. Washington, D.C. 1963.

12. Feghali, M: Syntaxe des Parlers Arabes du Lihan. Paris 1928.

13. Febguson, Ch. and äni, M.: Dainascus Arabic. Washington, D.C. 1961.

14. Gbotzfeld, H.: Syrisch-Arabisch Grammatik (Dicdekt von Damaskus).

Wiesbaden 1965.

15. Habbell, R. S.: A Short Reference Orammar of Moroccan Ardbic.

Washington, D.C. 1962.

16. Haeeell, R. S.: Lessons in Colloquial Egyptian Arabic. Washington,

D.C. 1962.

17. Jiha, M.: Der Arabisclie Dialekt von BiSmizzin. Beirut 1964.

18. JouiN, J.: Nouveaux Poemes de Fes et de Babat-SaU. In: Hespöris 45

(1958), pp. 143—164.

19. Kampffmeyeb, G.: Marokkanisch-Arabische Gespräche im Dialekt von

Casablanca. Berlin 1912.

20. Mabqais, Ph.: Le Parier Arabe de Djidjelli. Paris 1956.

21. Meissneb, B. : Neuarabische Geschichten aus dem Iraq. Leipzig 1903. (Bei¬

träge zur Assyrologie und semitischen Sprachwissenschaft. 5.)

22. Meissneb, B.: Newirdbiache Geschichten aus Tangier. In: MSOS 1905, 2,

pp. 39—97.

23. Meecieb, J.: Orammaire Arabe (testes, CorrigSs). Rabat 1952.

24. Mitchell, T. F. : An Introduction to Egyptian Colloquial Arabic. London 1956.

25. Mitchell, T. F. : Teach Yourselj Colloquial Arabic. The Living Language

oj Egypt. London 1962.

26. Mülleb, A. : Über Text und Sprachgebrauch von Ibn Abi Useibi'a's

Oeschichte der Ärzte. In: Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-philologi¬

schen und historischen Classe der k. Bair. Ak. der Wissenschaften zu

München. Jahrg. 85 (1884), pp. 853—977.

27. Piamenta, M.: Dabber 'arvlt. Jerusalem 1968 (in Hebrew).

28. Reckendoef, H.: Arabische Syntax. Heidelberg 1921.

29. Reckendoef, H. : Die Syntaktischen Verhältnisse des Arabischen. Leiden

1898.

30. Reinhabdt, C. : Ein Arabischer Dialekt Gesprochen in 'Omän und Zanzi¬

bar. Stuttgart-Berlin 1894.

31. Rosenhouse, J. : Coordination and Subordination in Urban Arabic Moroc¬

can Dialeets (Ph. D. thesis submitted to the Senate of the Hebrew Uni¬

versity). Jerusalem 1973.

32. Sa'id, M. F.: Spoken Moroccan Arabic. Washington, D.C. 1955.

33. Spitta-Bby, G.: Contes Arabes Modernes. Leiden 1883.

34. Stumme, H.: Maltesische Studien. Leipzig 1904, Repr. New York 1968.

(Leipziger Semitische Studien. Bd. 1, Heft 4.)

35. Weight, W.: A Grammar oj the Arabic Language. 3rd Ed., revised by

W. R. Smith and M. J. De Goejb. Vol. 2. Cambridge 1962.

36. 'Abd al-'Äl, 'Abd al-mun'im: Lahjat Samäl al-Magrib, Tepwän wa-mä

hawlahä, Cairo 1968 (in Arabic).

(16)

zu einigen ibaditischen Handschriften

Von Josef van Ess, Tübingen

Rudi Paret zum 75. Geburtstag

Im März 1974 hatte ich dank der Unterstützung der Deutschen For¬

schungsgemeinschaft Gelegenheit, einige ibäditische Bibliotheken auf

der Insel Djerba und im Mzäb zu besuchen. Leider waren meine Aufent¬

halte nur verhältnismäßig kurz und die Arbeitsbedingungen nicht immer

günstig; man ist in Privatbibhotheken trotz allem Entgegenkommen

der Besitzer gewissen Beschränkungen unterworfen, die sich wohl nur

bei längerem Kontakt wirklich ausräumen lassen*. Dennoch scheinen mir

einige Ergebnisse meiner Untersuchungen bei aller Vorläufigkeit und bei

aller Gefahr, daß sich in der Hast des Notierens Fehler eingeschlichen

haben, der Veröffentlichmig wert. Die Ibädiya ist ja seit den Tagen

MoTYLiNSKi's von der abendländischen Forschung nicht gerade mit

Vorzug behandelt worden; auch heute gibt es außer T. Lewicki^ nie¬

manden, der sich intensiv und vorrangig mit ihr befaßt. Selbst Werke,

die seit knapp 100 Jahren im Druck, bzw. in einer Lithographie, vor¬

hegen, sind kaum bekannt oder ausgewertet. So sind z.B. die Öawähir

al-muntaqät des Historikers Barrädi (1. Hälfte 15. Jh.), obgleich für die

Geschichte des 1. Jh.s H. nicht ganz unwichtig, von der gesamten

jüngeren deutschen und englischen Umaiyadenforschung unbeachtet

gebheben ; auch die Artikel von L. Veccia Vagliebi' und R. Rttbi-

NACCi*, in denen der Quellenwert dieses Buches deuthch hervorgehoben

* Die wichtigste Bibliothek im Mzäb, die des Saih AtfaiyiS in Beni Izguen

{maktabat al-Qufb), ist z.B., da der augenblickliche Verwalter Lehrer an

einer Oberschule ist, nur Mo — Do sowie Sa von 7°°—8^° und So von 10—12

geöffnet. Die Privatbibhotheken auf Djerba sind in den Landhäusern der

Familien untergebracht und damit ■— zumindest für einen flüchtigen Be¬

sucher — nur am Wochenende zugänglich, wenn die Besitzer, die meist in

Houmt Souq ihren Geschäften nachgehen, sich dorthin zurückziehen.

"Vgl. die Bibhographie seiner Schriften bis 1969 in: Folia Orientalia 11

(1969) 7ff., zuvor auch die beiden Artikel von M. Canabd in: Revue Afri-

came 103 (1959) 356ff. und 105 (1961) 186ff.

ä II conflitto 'All — Mü'äwiya e la secessione Khäri^ita riesaminati aUa

luce di fonti ibädite. In: AIUON 4 (1952) Iff.; vgl. auch 5 (1954) Iff.

* II „Kitäb al-Öawähir" di al-Barrädl. In: AIUON 4 (1952) 95ff.

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