346
Participles as Finite Verbs.
By A. Berriedale Keith.
The use of any participle save that in ta as equivalent to a
finite verb is rare indeed in the Vedic language , but it is re¬
cognised by Delbrück as occasionally found, and the instances there¬
fore deserve some attention.
The most characteristic case of the present part, in this sense
is Bgveda, I, 171, 4:
asmcid ahdm tavissd isamana Indräd hhiyä maruto rdjamänak \
yu^mdbhyarn Jiavyä nfsitäny äsan täny äri cak]rmä mrldtä nah \\
This can hardly be taken as a real case of an indicative use. The
writer begins in one form and breaks off into another, resuming
in the plural, instead of the singular, and the participles are attri¬
butive, not predicative. In X, l31, 3, the second half verse is a
mere repitition of IV, 17, 16, where the participles are attributive,
and a finite verb precedes. In VIII, 74, 1, väjaydntah followed by
stuse presents us again with an alteration of plural to singular.
In I, 30, 1, väjaydntah-since gives exactly the same construction.
On the other hand, II, 11, 4, is a clear case of anacoluthon: the
vardhdyantah of the first half line is taken up by asmS, the con¬
struction being changed.
None of these passages seem to me to compel belief in a real
finite form any more than cases like Satapatha Brähmana, III, 4, 2, 1:
ätithyena vdi devä istvä tänt sdmad avindat, which is not con¬
ceivably a case of two finite verbs. Speyer-), however, cites them
as really finite in effect and adds Rgveda, X, 18, 9:
dhdnur hdstäd ädddäno mrtdsyäsmi hsaträya vdrcase bdläya \
dtraivd tvam ihd vaydrn suvlrä vidvä spfdho abhimätir jayetna ||
But to say that ädddänah = ädade is to lose all precision of
analysis. The sentence is one of simple and natural irregularity.
The performer acts by himself in taking the bow, but he naturally
1) Synt. Forsch., V, ,S93.
2) Vedische und Sanskrit-Syntax, p. 92.
Keith, Participles as Finite Verbs. 347
makes his good wish apply to all, helped to it by asmS, 'for us',
not merely for the individual actor ^). A more plausible example
is X, 28, 3: pdcanti te vrsabhdn dtsi ti§äm pfksina pan magha-
van hüydmänah, where the Padapatha reads ydn as ydt. But the
sense "when thou art invoked with food', or 'when thou are called
upon loudly" is not good, and no doubt the word ydn is to be
understood as "coming" a,nAprksSna means "swiftly", l\^e prksam
in II, 24, 3, etc. The Padapatha in this sort of matter is quite
untrustworthy. In VII, 32, 5, yah-dddat is taken as a participle,
but of course this is quite gratuitous : the form is no doubt a sub¬
junctive 3).
If we turn to perfect participles there is still less ground for
finding finite verbs. The passage, X, 10, 1, tii'dh puru cid ar navam jaganvdn has been so interpreted by Geldner*), "he has come across
the ocean". But in truth the sense of the passage is quite unknown'),
and Jaganvän may go with the subject of vavrtyäm or with that
of ä dadhita in the preceeding and following Pädas respectively.
It is in fact impossible to lay any stress on the example. Nor is
there much more force in that adduced by Baunack*), Rgveda,
1,117,15:
djohdvid aivinä Taugryo vämprölhah samudrdm avyatkir Jaganvdn
The participle may be attributive, as Hillebrandt') points Out.
Geldner*) again sees a finite verb in Rgveda, X, 14, 2:
ydträ nah pürve pitdrah pareyür end jajüänäh pathyä dnu sväh \
He thinks there is here a clear reference to metempsychosis, "they
are born each according to his (fate's) path". But apart from all
grammatical objections it is very forced to find sarnsära in the
Rgveda, and it is hardly strengthened by the derivation *) of ätman
from the root at and its definition as the samsärin soul ^*').
It is curious that Roth ^^) adopting the same theory of samsära in the Rgveda finds a finite use of the present participle in Rgveda, 1,164,38:
1) Cf. Lanman, Sanskrit Reader, p. 385.
2) Cf. Pischel, Vedische Studien, I, 9G, 97.
3) Cf. Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar, §§ 650, 671.
4) Guritpiijäkaumudl, p. 20; Vedische Studien, III, 85, n. 1.
5) Cf. Whitney, Translation of Atharvaveda, p. 816 with Lanman's additions; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, I, 495 seq.; v. Schroeder, Myste¬
rium und Mimus, pp. 281 seq.
6) KZ., XXXV, 389, 407.
7) Vedische Mythologie, III, 17, n. 2.
8) Vedische Studien, II, 288, 289.
9) Op. cit., III, 116.
10) Cf. Hillebrandt, op. cit., II, 8, n. 2; Keith, JRAS., 1909, p. 575.
11) ZDMG., 46, 759 seq.
348 Keith, Partieiplet aa Finite Verbs.
dpän prdh eti svadhdya grbhito 'martyo mdrtyena sdyonih |
td iddvanta visücinä viydntä ny bnydm cikydr nd ni cikyur anydm j|
But , apart altogether from the question of the interpretation , we
may safely follow Böhtlingk*) in holding that Päda 3 is best con-
5 strued with Päda 4: the accusatives are natural when followed by
the two accusatives, anyam and anyam. Pischel"), however, appears
to acept the participle as finite, as he renders, 'Die beiden gehen
stets nach verschiedenen Seiten', and takes the verse as applying
to Agni who appears as sun and moon, and while living is yet
10 kindled from the dead wood (cf. j'ivo mrtdsya carati svadkdbhih,
Rgveda, I, 164, 30), rendering the last verse as, 'where the one is
seen, the other is not seen", a version giving point to the accent
on the first cikyuk. The sense suggested by Aitareya Aranyaka,
II, 1, 8, with Säyana's note is to contrast präna with the body
15 from which it departs at death , daävantä being thus an ekaäesa,
something like dhani, usdsä, or ksapdk in ^.gveda, I, 70, 7, as
explained by Oldenberg").
Other passages occur where participles can be taken as having
a finite sense, but I am not aware of any passage where such an
20 interpretation is really necessary or probable. It is significant that the correct later literature does not present the use ; it only contemplated
by a Värttika on Pänini, III, 2, 124, where mä jivan and similar
phrases are allowed. The exact value of this rule must remain
doubtful as long as it cannot be supported by better evidence than
25 Mägha's Sisupälavadha *), where it is of course artificial. It is however
significant that the omission of the finite verb with mä is very
common^), and that the phrase may well have been felt as mä
jivan astu abbreviated, and not as a participle used in a finite sense.
The use of the finite verb "to be" with participles is of course 30 not rare *).
In the case of the past participle passive this use has become
regular by the omission of the substantive verb, though that occurs
often enough to show that it was still felt. This use has been
somewhat inaccurately discussed by both Delbrück') and Speyer"*).
35 In the older literature there is probably no passage where the
participle corresponds to the imperfect as a tense of narrative, as it
1) Sächs. Ber., 1893, pp. 88—92. So Whitney, Translation of Atliarva- veda, p. 559 talces it.
2) Vedische Studien II, 221.
3) Cf. Delbrücli, Synt. Forsch., V, 102; Oldenberg, Sacred Books of the East, XLVI, 70.
4) Seo Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik, I, p. XLIX, who cites the Värttika as on Pänini, III, 2, 126.
5) See St. Petersburg Dictionary, V, 680.
6) Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar, p. 395.
7) SyrU. Forsch., V, 393.
8) Vedische und Sanskrit-Syntax, p. 82.
2 7
Keäh, Participles as Finite Verbs. 349
often does ih the later texts (e. g. candälatäm gatah means simply,
'he became a candäla). The only examples for an imperfect use
given by Delbräck is Satapatha Brahmana, I, 2, 5, 8: so 'ydm Vis¬
nur gländJ chdndobhir abkitas pdrigfhito 'gn(h purdstan nupa-
Jcramanam Ssa sd tdta evdu^adhtnäm mülöny üpa mumloca.
But the construction is not, 'Visnu vyas v?earied, and he etc.".
The words agnih down to äsa are a mere parenthesis*), and
the sentence runs on to mumloca. There is no objection to this
view in the fact that sa tatah occur later : the syntactical form is
that of a single sentence, just as in Xenophon, Anabasis, VII, 1, 4,
we have ixiltviv cciixbv avvdiaßävxcc, tntiza ourraj anaXläaatod'ai,
where the accusative of the participle forbids any attempt to regard
it as finite"). In all cases in the Veda where the past participle
passive stands alone it denotes much more than a mere simple
tense, as the examples in Delbrück abundantly show.
It remains only to add that the use of the form in tavant
as equivalent to a finite verb is not Vedic, appearing first in the
Epic and works like the Byhaddevatä ").
1) For examples see Speyer, p. 94.
2) Goodwin, Greek Moods and Tenses, p. 340; Speyer, p. 91.
3) Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar, § 960; my Aitareya Aranyaka, p. 72.
350
Hispano-Arabica I. II.
Von C. F. Seybold.
Vorbemerkung. Wie unendlich viel noch für die alte,
mittelalterliche und moderne geographische Nomenklatur, sowie für
die spanisch-arabische politische Literatur- und Kulturgeschichte bei
exakter wissenschaftlicher Forschung und vergleichender Prüfung aus
5 den arabischen Schriftstellern des Westens (und Ostens) zu eruieren und
gewinnen ist, habe ich des öfteren zu betonen Gelegenheit gehabt,
vgl. El rio Serpis (6 de Alcoy) en Ibn Jaldün: Boletin de la Real
Academia de la Historia, Madrid, 40, 553—54 (1902); Monchique
et Arrifana d'Algarve chez les auteurs arabes: 0 Archeologo Por-
10 tugußs VIII, 1903; Otobesa = Abixa == Oropesa y Anixa = el
Puig de Cebolla = Onusa(?): Homenaje ä D. Francisco Codera,
Zaragoza 1904, 115—119; Die geographische Lage von Zalläka-
Sacralias (1086) und Alarcos 1195 in Revue Hispanique XV, 1906;
Zur spanisch-arabischen Geographie: Die Provinz Cadiz 1906 (zu
15 Haupt's Katalog 8), sowie gelegentlich der Besprechung von west¬
arabischen Publikationen in LZ., DLZ., OLZ. Vgl. Gröbers Grundriß
der romanischen Philologie I -, 515—23 Ergänz. XII. Daß die meist
sehr leichtfertigen Identifikationen jedes schwierigen Namens von den
Casiri, Conde, Sousa, aber auch noch von Hammer (1854), Gayangos,
20 Mehren u. a. mehr Spreu als Weizen enthalten und nur mit äußerster
Vorsicht und Skepsis zu benutzen sind , braucht kaum wiederholt
zu werden. Wie viel falsche Etymologien und zufällige Ratereien
von Casiri und Conde überall noch heute selbst nach Dozy 's gründ¬
lich begonnener Reinigungsarbeit passieren, ist nicht zu beschreiben.
25 Hat sich ja selbst der große Dozy je und je von der Pseudowissen-
schaft derselben täuschen lassefi: so ist ihm z. B. wohl unter Ein¬
fluß von Casiri's „Colbera ^Axii ' (Biblioth. Ar.-hisp. Escurial. II, 54 '')
noch in den kurz vor seinem Tode 1883 publizierten Corrections
(zu seinen Notices 214, 22) die Korrektur von b^aaIs in das selbst-
80 verständliche «jA-kli entgangen, das er doch in Edrisi (1866) p. 192
und 195 schon richtig hatte als Cull era an der Mündung des
Jücar! — Meine hiermit beginnenden Hispano-Arabica sollen Neues,
