P 86 - 1
Women in Management:
S t i l l Plenty of Unused Resources in the Federal Republic Germany*
by
Ariane Berthoin Antal*
and
Cami11 a Krebsbach-Gnath**
*W issenschaftszentrum B e rlin f ü r S ozialforschung G riegstraße 5-7, D-1000 B e rlin 33
* * B a tt e lle I n s t it u t e.V.
Am Römerhof 35, D-6000 F ra n k fu rt/M a in 90
For p u b lic a tio n in
In te rn a tio n a l S tu d ies o f Management and O rganization special issue ; guest e d ito r : Nancy J. Adler
‘ The authors would lik e to thank Nancy A d le r, Dafna I z r a e li, and anonymous review ers fo r h e lp fu l comments on an e a r lie r d r a ft o f th is chapter.
o f Germany th a t a search f o r the reasons must examine a-wide v a r ie ty o f fa c to rs in order to ju s tic e the com plexity o f the issue in c o n te x t. This paper looks at the p o s itio n s o f women in management today and discusses the impacts o f d if f e r e n t b a rrie r s to t h e ir career development. The con
sequences o f socioeconomic, e d u c a tio n a l, s o c io -p s y c h o lo g ic a l, and systemic c h a ra c te ris tie s o f German business and s o c ie ty f o r the r e c r u it ment and promotion o f women in management are re vie w e d ,. and the im p lic a tio n s o f emerging trends in p o l it ic s , both n a tio n a l and in te r n a tio n a l, and among the women in management themselves are discussed.
Zusammenfassung
Ein Versuch, d ie d e u tlic h e U n te rre p re se n ta tio n von Frauen in Führungspo
s itio n e n in der Bundesrepublik zu e rk lä re n , muß eine V ie lz a h l u n te r
s c h ie d lic h e r Faktoren b e rü c k s ic h tig e n , um der K om plexität d ie se r Frage
s te llu n g in ihrem Gesamtkontext gerecht zu werden. In diesem A r tik e l w ird eine Einschätzung der gegenwärtigen S itu a tio n von Frauen im Manage
ment vorgenommen sowie eine Analyse der verschiedenen E in flü s s e , d ie ih r Vordringen in Führungspositionen erschweren. Dabei werden insbesondere die s p e zifisch e n Merkmale der bundesdeutschen G e s e lls c h a ft und der Un
ternehmen, sozioökonomische und -psychologische sowie b ild u n g s - und system typische Aspekte b e le u c h te t. Mögliche Z ukunftsperspektiven werden im L ic h te n a tio n a le r und in te r n a tio n a le r p o lit is c h e r Entwicklungen und Veränderungen im Verhalten der Frauen im Management s e lb s t b e tra c h te t.
1. Facts and Figures
German women in management are s t i l l very few and f a r between: the s p a rs ity o f fa c ts and fig u re s on them r e f le c t s the la ck o f a tte n tio n they have re ceived so f a r in business and s o c ia l science re se a rch . Only q u ite re c e n tly have the German media and research given the to p ic more a tte n tio n , y e t the in fo rm a tio n and r e s u lts are m ostly in d iv id u a lis t ic or b io g ra p h ic a l (see f o r example M e tz le r, 1985 and Edding, 1983). This paper th e re fo re draws on and in te r p r e ts the meager data base to describe the s itu a tio n o f women in management in the Federal Republic o f Germany tod ay, to understand the c o n tr ib u tin g fa c to r s , and to develop a fe e lin g f o r fu tu r e d ire c tio n s
Compared to o th e r European c o u n trie s and the United S ta te s , the percen
tage o f women in managing p o s itio n s in West Germany is very small and has not changed s ig n if ic a n t ly over th e past tw enty ye a rs ^: o n ly 1.5 percent o f the le a d in g p o s itio n s in West German firm s are held by women. And even those are c lu s te re d in "fem ale domains": 10 percent o f a ll German personnel d ire c to r s are women, in the area o f fin a n c e and general a d m in is tra tio n the y hold 6 percent o f the le a d in g p o s itio n s , in d is t r ib u t io n o n ly 2 percent (W irtschaftsw oche 1985b, p. 70).
I t is in te r e s tin g to note th a t no general statements can be made about the types o f sectors o r companies in which women have achieved hig her management p o s itio n s . A survey conducted re c e n tly by a le a d in g German weekly newspaper, Die Z e i t , re ve a ls no c le a r p a tte rn (J u n g b lu t, 1985 p. 15). The fig u re s vary ju s t s l i g h t ly from company to company as the fo llo w in g ta b le shows:
(ta b le 1 about here)
This assessment holds tru e even given th e - - y e t u n s o lv e d - s t a t is t ic a l d i f f i c u l t i e s o f d e fin in g the group o f le a d in g employees/managers; such an agreement on d e f in it io n s seems to be necessary in ord e r to make v a lid inter-com pany, in te r - c o u n tr y ,- o r even in t e r - c u lt u r a l comparisons.
I I I I I I IV V
8undesbahn 283 959 15 238 420 72
Siemens 194 292 52 721 3 505 19
Volkswagen 117 528 14 210 290 0
Ruhrkohle 114210 2 611 3 709 58
I = Company
Mannesmann 75 554 • 10 805 1 550 14
Veba 71 909 15 298 2 295 H.A. II = Employees in West Germany
Bayer 61 908 10 508 4 731 142 I I I = Female Employees
Opel . 59 679 5 059 352 6 IV = S en io r Managers
Karstadt GHH
58 420 54 560
39 050 7 680
567 930
11
N.A. V = S e n io r Female Managers
BASF 51 959 7 965 2 025 13
Salzgitter 44 700 5 326 200 1
BMW 44 692 6 224 260 3
Thyssen 40 671 3 024 C51 1
Coop 39 897 27 305 350 11
Deutsche Bank 38 760 19 692 2 780 50
Ford 36 405 2198 329 0
MBB 35 485 5 946 249 4
Audi 35 056 5 304 383 2
Hoesch 33 325 3 030 N.A. N.A.
SEL 31 474 10 456 349 2
Krupp 30 937 4 977 704 N.A.
Unilever 29 252 9 324 2 065 70
IBM 27 507 4 644 2 827 90
Dresdner Bank 26 079 12 471 1 100 12
RWE 24 870 3 509 520 2
Kugelfischer 22 224 3 653 242 3
ZF Friedrichshafen 21 934 2 522 140 0
VIAG 18 748 2 265 335 1
Allianz 17 908 5 703 749 0
Horten 17 630 12 517 265 8
Prcussag 15 700 1 630 340 0
Telenorma 16 432 5 023 300 1
Henkel 16 138 4318 883 14
Conti-Gummi 15 529 2 840 228 2
Enka 15 254 2 951 398 2
Holzmann 14 650 1 502 250 0
Nixdorf 14215 3 782 500 0
Linde 13 907 2177 255 1
Degussa 13147 2 910 442 3
Springer 11 422 2 934 268 4
Wacker 11 277 2152 434 5
Rütgerswerke 11 111 1 700 313 2
Bayer. Vereinsbank 11 014 5 930 603 9
Bertelsmann 10018 4 659 546 10
Schering 10 397 3 357 795 42
Reemtsma 9 167 2 257 189 0
Mielo 0 974 2101 134 0
Beiersdorf a w o 3 100 170 10
Porsche 7 863 825 30 0
E. Merck 7 026 2 469 394 10
VEW 7 139 830 95 0
West LB 6 647 2 920 572 6
Volksfürsorge 5 449 1 776 20 0
Shen 4 123 496 124 0
Texaco 4 089 490 100 0
Neue Heimat 3 674 1 165 81 1
Esso 3 164 320 142 1
Melina 3 070 1 135 59 1
Ruhrgas 2 930 532 104 1
IG Metal! 2 571 1 492 20 1
BP 2 231 456 235 5
Mobil Oil 2 220 317 251 3
Gewcritschaftsbund 2 164 1 191 36 3
S o u rce:
Michael J u n g b lu t "Wer waut sic h auf d ie K a r r i e r e l e i t e r ? " Die Z e it No. 3?, S e p t. 6 , 1935 , p. 15 F ig u re s given by th e companies based on t h e i r own d e f i n i t i o n of "m anager".
N.A. = No answer
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This overview o f se le cted major German c o rp o ra tio n s shows th a t th e t o t a l number o f women employed by a company is not a r e lia b le in d ic a to r f o r the p ro p o rtio n o f women managers. For example, although women c o n s titu te only 5.4 percent o f employees in the German Railways, they hold 17 percent o f management p o s itio n s 2 In c o n tra s t, in the major r e t a il chains where a high percentage o f the employees are women, th e re are few women managers. In K a rsta dt on ly one out o f every 3,550 female employees is in management.
The e xiste n ce o f an equal o p p o rtu n ity ph ilo sop hy in a company also does not seem to be a good p r e d ic to r o f th e actu al o p p o rtu n itie s f o r women in management. The unions and t h e ir companies, f o r example, which are id e o lo g ic a lly commited to e q u a lity do not have p a r t ic u la r ly good records: in th e Deutsche Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB: German A sso cia tio n o f Trade Unions) where 55 percent o f the employees are fem ale o n ly 3 o f the ranking o f f i c i a l s are women. The example o f IBM, however, shows how e ffe c tiv e a c tiv e e f f o r t s to promote women can be in the German c o n te x t.
A fte r in tro d u c in g i t s w orld wide equal o p p o rtu n ity program to Germany in 1976, IBM e s ta b lis h e d a f u l l tim e o f f ic e f o r i t in 1982. I t is to o e a rly to assess the impacts o f t h is o f f ic e , but a comparison o f data over almost a decade in d ic a te s an improvment a lre a d y: w h ile the p ro p o rtio n o f women employed by IBM Germany has remained r e la t iv e ly constant during t h is p e rio d (1976:1690; 1985:1790) the percentage o f women in management has incre ase d. In 1976 1.6 percent o f se n io r managers and 3.3 percent o f middle managerns were women; in 1985 the fig u re s had ris e n to 3.2 percent and 7.1 percent re s p e c tiv e ly .
Not only are women in management scarce, but even t h is small e l i t e o f working women is not e q u a lly paid to t h e ir male collea gu es: t h e ir s a la rie s are ro u g h ly 20 percent lower than those o f male managers (W irtschaftsw oche 1985b, p .7 0 ). The b ig g e r the company, the h ig h e r her rank, and the b e tte r her q u a lif ic a t io n the h ig h e r is her s a la ry . Yet, the income gap remains and increases w ith the size o f the fir m (see Diagram 1 ). U n fo rtu n a te ly , research has o n ly ju s t begun to document the d if f e r e n t ia ls , and has not y e t progressed to the exam ination o f how the gap is m aintained.
2The fig u re s may be upwardly biased by the way in which "manager" is d e fin e d .
(diagram 1 about here)
2. B arriers
Why are th e re so few women in management in Germany? So l i t t l e serio us work has been done to examine the b a r r ie r s b lo c k in g women's access to and prom otion in the p u b lic and p r iv a te se cto r th a t th e fo llo w in g discu ssio n is based la r g e ly on in s ig h ts gained from research conducted abroad, p a r t ic u la r ly in the U nited S ta te s , and co n je ctu re s about t h e ir t r a n s f e r a b ilit y to the German s it u a t io n . Four general types o f b a rrie r s can be id e n t if ie d : socioeconomic, e d u c a tio n a l, s o c io -p s y c h o lo g ic a l, and system ic. I t is e s s e n tia l to recognize th a t these groups o f issues are tre a te d s e p a ra te ly o n ly f o r a n a ly tic a l purposes—the te n a c ity and s tre n g th o f t h e ir impact in p ra c tic e is due to t h e ir in t e r a c t io n .J u s t as no one s in g le type o f fa c to r can be held re sp o n sib le f o r th e present s itu a tio n , i t w i l l not s u ffic e to work on re s o lv in g one aspect o f the problem in is o la t io n , hoping th a t the o th e r aspects w i l l sim ply fo llo w s u it and re s o lv e them selves.
a) S o c ia l, c u lt u r a l, and economic b a rrie r s
Women in management must be understood w ith in the w ider c o n te x t o f women's p o s itio n in the la b o r market in Germany. I t is s t r ik in g th a t the p ro p o rtio n o f women in the la b o r fo rc e has grown much less r a p id ly in post-w ar Germany than in the United S ta te s . In f a c t , compared to t h e ir American c o u n te rp a rts , German women s ta rte d o f f a f t e r the war w ith a r e la t iv e ly high percentage o f the la b o r fo r c e . But, the le v e l remained co n sta n t, w h ile in the U nited States a notew orthy increase in p a r tic ip a tio n can be observed, s ta r tin g from a lower le v e l than in Germany and then s ig n if ic a n t ly o v e rta k in g them. While in the United S tates in 1950
Diagram 1 The income gap
Y early (1984) sa la ry o f male and female d iv is io n m anagers/section managers re la te d to the t o t a l number o f a company's employees
(n a tio n -w id e )
i n i . 000 DM
200
180
160 140
120
100
60 60 40 20
D ivision Managers e M M aale n i l ® fenale Section Managers
■ am aa fea ale
too 250 500 —T“
750
—1--- 1—
1000 2000 —I—
sooo s iz e o f fir m (number employed)
Source:
W irtschaftswoche No. 18, 1985, p. 70
women represented 28.9 percent o f the la b o r fo rc e and rose to 42.8 p e r
cent in 1982, in Germany in 1950 women represented 35.1 percent o f the la b o r fo rc e and in 1980 the y represented 38.2 percent (OECD, 1985 p. 14;
Commission o f the European Communities, 1984, p. 13). In 1985, women c o n s titu te the m a jo rity o f the p o p u la tio n (52 p e rc e n t), but on ly 38 percent o f the working p o p u la tio n in Germany (Der ßundesm inister f ü r Jugend, F a m ilie und Gesundheit, 1984, p. 21 ). In l i g h t o f t h e ir p ro p o rtio n a l p a r tic ip a tio n in the la b o r market as a whole, i t is not s u rp ris in g th a t women have not achieved very high le v e ls o f re p re se n ta tio n in management—b u t, given th e p o s itio n s they held in management a f t e r the war, why are the fig u re s so dismal today? Why is t h e ir progress "o n ly approxim ately equal to the speed a t which the next Ice Age is approaching?" ( Per Spiegel 1985, p .7 4 ). Two im p o rta n t fa c to rs help to e x p la in t h is q u e stio n : le g is la t iv e and in f r a s t r u c t u r a l precon
d it io n s .
A review o f German le g is la t io n re g a rd in g women shows th a t the focus has been f i r s t and forem ost on ach ieving an equal tre atm e nt o f men and women in s o c ie ty in g e n e ra l, and o n ly se c o n d a rily on women a t work. Only very re c e n tly have a few i n i t i a t i v e s been in tro d u ce d s p e c if ic a lly d ire c te d at achieving equal o p p o rtu n ity th a t could la y th e groundwork f o r s i g n i f i c ant improvements f o r career development (e .g . proposals f o r v o lu n ta ry p o s itiv e a c tio n pla n s: see s e c tio n d) below ). I t is no coincidence th a t the law g iv in g husbands the r ig h t to p r o h ib it t h e ir w ife from working was not changed u n t il 1977 (N ö lle k e , 1985, ,p . 134). Most measures have t r a d i t i o n a l l y concentrated on such p ro v is io n s as s o c ia l s e c u rity , m a te rn ity le a ve , d iv o rc e laws, and h e a lth . (For d e t a ils , see A ntal/Krebsbach-G nath, fo rth c o m in g ). C le a r ly , laws are an expression o f the c u ltu r e , and in Germany (as discussed at g re a te r le n g th in the next s e c tio n ) the c u ltu re is not y e t o rie n te d to women having a career p e rs p e c tiv e .
The most im po rta nt in f r a s t r u c t u r a l p ro v is io n f o r women who work is government subsidized c h ild ca re. While compared to the U nited S ta te s, c h ild care is h e a v ily subsidized in Germany, a lu x u ry many Americans can o n ly dream o f , th e re remains a g re a t deal to be d e s ire d . More places are needed and the hours o f c h ild care centers need to be extended to perm it parents to work f u l l tim e i f they so choose. A fu r th e r c o n s tra in t occurs
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once c h ild re n e n te r school: in c o n tra s t to schools in th e United S tates and many o th e r European c o u n trie s , most German schools are based on h a lf-d a y -s c h e d u le s , so combining fa m ily r e s p o n s ib ilite s and a f u l l - t im e jo b remains a se rio u s problem f o r mothers in g e neral. And c o n sid e rin g the long hours and f l e x i b i l i t y re q u ire d o f managers, t h is is a p a r t ic u la r ly s ig n if ic a n t d i f f i c u l t y f o r women seeking to develop a career (Süssmuth 1983, p. 145).
b) Educational b a r r ie r s
Immediately a f t e r the war, women had o p p o rtu n itie s to e n te r management p o s itio n s in the absence o f men, as a stop-gap measure when ed ucatio n, t r a in in g , and sex sim ply could not p la y the determ ining r o le . Since the n, however, i t is a g e n e ra lly accepted fa c t th a t the le v e l o f education and t r a in in g plays a s ig n if ic a n t r o le in shaping o p p o rtu n itie s f o r prom otion. The generations who attended Gymnasium (c o lle g e p re p a ra to ry secondary s h o o l) and u n iv e r s ity in the immediate post-w ar pe riod are to d a y 's top managers, and the students o f th a t pe riod included few women. The e a r lie s t a v a ila b le s t a t is t ic s on t h is issu e show th a t o f the 106,449 students re g is te re d at the German u n iv e r s itie s in
1949-50 o n ly 18,850 were women, o f whom 5651 were stud ying hum anities (S ta tis tis c h e s Bundesamt, 1952 p. 71).
The fa c t th a t so few women attended th e u n iv e r s ity in the la te 1940's and 1950's is p a r t ly re sp o n sib le f o r t h e ir absence from managerial ranks among the 50 and 60 year o ld s to d a y. Gradual improvements can be observed: In 1960 23.9 percent o f the students o f German u n iv e r s itie s were fem ale, in 1983 t h e ir p ro p o rtio n had reached 37.9 percent (Der Bundesm inister f ü r Bildung und W issenschaft, 1984, p. 115.) Women continue to co n ce n tra te in such areas as languages, and lit e r a t u r e , some in law and m edicine. G radually more are moving in to economics, although s t i l l very few go in to e n g in e e rin g . I t is t e l l i n g th a t the data on students prepared by the o f f i c i a l s t a t is t ic s bureau d iv id e s the courses o f study pursued by men and women in to two c a te g o rie s , and the ove rlap in p r i o r i t y areas is very s m a ll. Engineering is not even lis t e d among the top tw enty areas o f study in the women's cate go ry, but c a lc u la tio n shows th a t o f the to t a l number o f students in e n g in e e rin g -re la te d
stu d ie s in German u n iv e r s itie s in the f a l l semester 1983-1984 (135,478) on ly 4 percent were women (S ta tis tis c h e s Bundesamt, 1985 p. 366). German u n iv e r s itie s do not o ff e r management stu d ie s per se as do other c o u n trie s . Instead , students study "microeconomics" ( B e tr ie b s w ir t
s c h a fts le h re ) . The d iffe re n c e is not as great in t h is area as in en g in e e rin g , but s t i l l s ig n if ic a n t : o f the 63,010 t o t a l , 30 percent were women (as compared to 1 percent o f 10,120 in 1954-55: S ta tis tis c h e s Bundesamt 1956 p. 93).
The increase in numbers o f female c o lle g e graduates and t h e ir very gradual expansion in to less t r a d it io n a l areas o f education more su ite d to management careers in the p u b lic and p riv a te se cto r g ive reasons fo r hope th a t the younger generation o f women w i l l achieve h ig h e r ranks than th a t o f t h e ir mothers or grandmothers (Slissmuth, 1983, p. 136). Two notes o f c a u tio n , however, are in ord e r here. Education is no guarantee o f employment. In f a c t , female graduates are s u ffe rin g more from higher unemployment ra te s than are male u n iv e r s ity graduates. While only 25 percent o f the working p o p u la tio n having a u n iv e r s ity degree are women, they represent 45 percent o f the unemployed w ith a u n iv e r s ity education (SPD-Bundestagsfraktion, 1985, p. 4 ). Second, i t is im portant to recognize th a t education and t r a in in g , p a r t ic u la r ly th a t obtained o u tsid e the company play a decreasing ro le as one moves up the h ie ra rc h y . As e m p irica l research has shown (see, f o r example, Hegelhei- mer, 1982), companies r e ly predom inantly on in - f ir m tr a in in g , which im p lie s th a t i f s e le c tio n procedures f i l t e r women out from the o u ts e t, they w i l l not p a r tic ip a te in the tr a in in g programs designed as a basis
f o r prom otion. At the same tim e , however, the study shows th a t the
weight placed on such measures o f q u a lif ic a t io n is in v e rs e ly re la te d to the p o s itio n in the h ie ra rc h y : the higher the p o s itio n , the less s ig n ific a n c e is attached to such "o b je c tiv e " c r i t e r i a . The fa c to rs th a t re ceive more w eight in promotion de cisio ns fo r h ig h e r management fu n c tio n s are less o b je c tiv e and o fte n based on t r a d it io n a l male career p a tte rn s , so in e ffe c t they d is c rim in a te against women. Among those lis t e d in the study are "p ro fe s s io n a l competence, e ffe c tiv e n e s s , p ro fe ssio n a l experience, length o f experience, tim e w ith the company, commitment to the jo b , and p ro fe ssio n a l and re g io n a l m o b ility "
(Hegelheimer, 1982 p. 62). To the e xte n t th a t "o b je c tiv e " fa c to rs and q u a lific a tio n s such as education and tr a in in g th a t women can consciously
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acquire pla y a le s s e r r o le in d e c is io n making, o th e r s o c io -p s y c h o lo g ic a l and system ic fa c to rs take on in c re a s in g im portance and cre ate less e a s ily surmountable b a r r ie r s to career development forw om e n.
c) S o cio -p sych o lo g ica l b a rrie r s
The s o c io -p s y c h o lo g ic a l b a r r ie r s faced by women in management in Germany probably do not d i f f e r s ig n if ic a n t ly from those faced by women in comparable Western in d u s tr ia liz e d c u ltu re s . 3 They have to deal w ith the same kinds o f p re ju d ic e based on stereopypes, m is in fo rm a tio n , fe a rs and in s e c u r ity (W erner/Bernardoni 1986). Women are not h ire d or promoted because i t is b e lie ve d th a t they are not capable o f ta k in g d i f f i c u l t d e c is io n s . Or i t is argued th a t the investm ent on th e p a rt o f the o rg a n iz a tio n w i l l not pay o f f , since i t is expected th a t they w i l l leave a f t e r m a rriag e, when c h ild re n are born, or when t h e i r husbands move f o r business reasons. The m o b ility of-women is a u to m a tic a lly assumed to be lower than th a t o f men. Or i t is presumed th a t women are not career o rie n te d , ju s t ta sk o rie n te d . These unspoken b e lie fs p la y a s u b tle r o le in the decisionm aking processes f o r h ir in g and promoting women (see f o r example Süssmuth, 1983, pp. 135, 138, 145). In Germany, as elsewhere, such p re ju d ic e s are now g ra d u a lly disappearing w ith in cre a sin g experience. Younger men today who have had more o p p o rtu n itie s to work w ith women as colleagues o r s u p e rio rs tend to hold le ss p re ju d ice d views than those who have not done so. And at the same tim e , as women achieve hig her q u a lific a tio n s t h e ir career m o tiv a tio n r is e s , d is p ro v in g more o f the p re ju d ic e s . U n fo rtu n a te ly , however, since such t r a d it io n a l a ttitu d e s have formed the basis f o r system ic b a r r ie r s , as discussed below, s t i l l very few o p p o rtu n itie s e x is t f o r exposing male managers to women in management and thereby breaking down s te re o ty p ic a l p re ju d ic e .
One in te r e s tin g d iffe re n c e was found by J u d ith Buber Agassi between the changes in men's a ttitu d e s to women's ro le s in I s r a e l, the n o rth eastern United S tates and the Federal Republic o f Germany. W hile i t was
g e n e ra lly tru e th a t "th e more education they (men] have, the more lik e l y they are to be p ro g re ssive on th e issues o f women's r o le s . The exception was the men o f West Germany, who do not seem to have p r o fite d from the women's movement. They lik e t h e ir wives to go to work but s t i l l hold f ir m ly to the n o tio n th a t women should put t h e ir fa m ily d u tie s f i r s t and should have less re sp o n sib le paid jobs than men. These a ttitu d e s are so p re v a le n t among educated German men th a t German women w i l l have to make a concerted e f f o r t to educate them" (see the discu ssio n fo llo w in g H.B.
Schöpp'-Schi 11 in g ' s c o n trib u tio n in F a rle y , J . , 1985, no page).
d) Systemic b a rrie rs
Companies in Germany--through t h e ir general personnel p o lic y --h a v e also produced and b u i lt up "system ic b a r r ie r s " which tend to make i t more d i f f i c u l t f o r women to clim b the co rp orate la d d e r. The image companies p r o je c t through t h e ir a d v e rtis in g and p u b lic a tio n s ( i . e . , companies s t i l l are a "man's w o rld ") and job advertisem ents in p a r tic u la r discourage women from a p p lyin g . D espite a law recommending n o n -s e x is t job a d v e rtis in g , firm s in Germany reveal t h e ir preference f o r male managers in advertisem ents d ire c te d to men. There is no ge nder-neutral term f o r "manager" or "s u p e rv is o r" in German; instead the commonly used form ( r e f le c t in g r e a lit y ) is masculine and adding the fem inine ending must be a conscious d e cisio n (e .g . L e it e r / L e it e r in ; M e is te r/M e is te r in ).
Job requirem ents im p lic it e ly f a i l to acknowledge career breaks 4 and the fa c t th a t employees may have c h ild re n who need ca rin g time from t h e ir p a ren ts. C r it ic s observe th a t the economic order o f s o c ie ty in general and business in p a r tic u la r is based on a p o la riz a tio n o f ro le s , whereby the standard re q u ire s managers (males) to focus so e x c lu s iv e ly on t h e ir job th a t women must f u l f i l l the o th e r so c ia l and economic ro le s in s o c ie ty . Such a system assumes th a t women who e n te r in to the t r a d it io n a lly male economic ro le continue to f u l f i l l t h e ir o th er ro le s : the in d iv id u a l women, not the economic and business system are expected to adapt. "Since a 'u n it a r y ' ro le is demanded o f men, women are assigned the 'd o u b le ' ro le . This double ro le cannot f i t smoothly in to the processes o f an econom ically determined r e a l i t y , so i t keeps women in the secondary, lower p o s itio n s " (Beck-Gernsheim, 1980, p. 146). Women are very o fte n d ire c te d to assignments which in the long-ru n are dead-ends, they are also o fte n "o v e rq u a lifie d " f o r t h e ir jobs and times between prom otion, as some companies acknowledged in expert in te rv ie w s , tend to be longer compared to t h e ir male colleagues (Krebsbach- Gnath/Schmid-Jörg, 1985). Hidden quotas in fa v o r o f men are not 'the ru le but they s t i l l e x is t in tr a in in g programs o f big companies (Krebsbach- G nath/Schm id-Jörg, 1985 p. 8 5 )).
The m a te rn ity leave re fe rre d to e a r lie r was introduced in the physical and s o c ia l in te re s ts o f women and to encourage the b ir t h ra te in Germany (which is extrem ely low ); any impacts i t might have on career
p o s s ib ilit ie s are la rg e ly in c id e n ta l.
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Except f o r the la s t example, these b a r r ie r s cannot be la b e le d "open d is c r im in a tio n " . They are a ttitu d e s which have more or le ss become a corporate norm, a cornerstone o f the c o rp o ra te c u ltu re (see f o r example Assig/Hoss, 1985, p. 32 -33 ). In o rd e r to e ffe c t change, problem awareness has to be heightened and new o r re vise d procedures f o r personnel re c ru itm e n t, t r a in in g , and prom otion have to be e s ta b lis h e d at a ll management le v e ls . A f i r s t step in t h is d ir e c tio n are the g u id e lin e s developed by the Federal M in is te r f o r Youth, Family and H e a lth . These g u id e lin e s are q u ite s im ila r to those already developed in the United Kingdom and Canada and the "Code o f S ocial P ra c tic e " w r itte n by the European Communities. They suggest s p e cia l measures f o r r e c r u it in g , t r a in in g and c o n tin u in g education and a lso g ive p r a c tic a l advice on developing a sense f o r the problems faced by female employees. The impact o f these g u id e lin e s cannot y e t be estim ated because the y were o n ly ju s t published in 1985 and they were d is tr ib u te d by th e M in is tr y f o r v o lu n ta ry ra th e r than mandatory a p p lic a tio n (Der Bundesm inister f ü r Jugend, F a m ilie und Gesundheit, 1985).
3. P o litic a l background relevan t to promoting (or not promoting) women in management
In order to understand how the b a rrie r s discussed above have in flu e n c e d women in management in West Germany in p a r tic u la r the s p e c ific s o c io c u ltu r a l and socio-econom ic h is to r y o f Germany must be taken in to c o n s id e ra tio n . I t c o n trib u te s to e x p la in in g why women have made so l i t t l e q u a n tita tiv e and q u a lita tiv e progress in the la b o r m arket, why, in comparison to o th e r Western in d u s tr ia liz e d c o u n trie s they c o n s titu te such a small p ro p o rtio n o f workers in general and o f managers in p a r t ic u la r .
U n til the la te 1960's the p o l it ic a l c lim a te was q u ite c o n s e rv a tiv e , which im p lie s an in te r e s t in m a in ta in in g the t r a d it io n a l ro le o f women as mothers and housewives. Working women, and e s p e c ia lly working mothers, were seen as needing p ro te c tio n ra th e r than prom otion; t h e ir in te re s ts and needs were not tre a te d as issues re q u irin g p o l it ic a l a c tio n . U n like such c o u n trie s as Sweden or the German Democratic R e p u b lic , th e r e were no p o l it ic a l tre n d s , s o c ie ta l in te r e s ts o r economic
n e c e s s itie s in West Germany which could serve as an impetus to increase the number o f working women. On the c o n tra ry , in s p ite o f programmatic statements p ro c la im in g the im portance o f equal o p p o rtu n ity , the German la b o r unions have always concentrated on ba rga ining f o r wages and s a la ry le v e ls s u f f ic ie n t to support a fa m ily , so th a t the s o c ia l goal o f one-income fa m ilie s has remained a determ ining fa c t o r in t h e ir b a rg a in ing p o lic y ( P in l, 1978). In d u s try has not sought to e x e rt pressure on women to e n te r th e w orkforce because d u rin g periods when more la b o r was needed than c u r r e n tly a v a ila b le , fo re ig n workers were brought in from o th e r European c o u n trie s .5
As compared to o th e r c o u n trie s , women themselves have not pushed very hard to e n te r the la b o r market e ith e r out o f fin a n c ia l n e ce ssity or id e o lo g y . On the one hand th e s o c ia l s e c u rity system provides r e la t iv e s e c u rity in Germany, so th a t even unmarried o r divo rced mothers are not a b s o lu te ly fo rce d to work. And on th e o th e r hand the r e la t iv e la c k o f p o l it ic a l a tte n tio n to a c tiv e ly promoting women's in te r e s ts in th e la b o r market is not u n re la te d to the nature o f women's movement in Germany, which has never r e a lly pushed such issu e s. The women's movement in t h is co u n try has i t s ro o ts p r im a r ily in th e s tu d e n ts ' movement o f th e 1960's , and d id not come in to i t s own u n t il the e a rly 1970's, when i t disassoc
ia te d i t s e l f from the broader s tu d e n ts ' movement (Schenk 1983, p. 90).
Since th e n , i t has concentrated on such issues as h e a lth ( p a r t ic u la r ly a b o rtio n ), research and education (women's s tu d ie s ), peace, and lo c a l s e lf- h e lp o rg a n iz a tio n s . Due to these v a rie d is s u e -s p e c ific focuses and to the fa c t th a t they have been pursued in a very d e c e n tra liz e d fa s h io n , the women's movement has not "been able to . . . u n ite to tr a n s la te t h e ir new knowledge in to e f f e c tiv e p o l it ic a l pressure" (S chöpp-S chil- lin g , 1985, p. 135). There are no re a l e q u iva le n ts to such American p o l it ic a l a c tio n o rg a n iz a tio n s as NOW (N atio na l O rg a n iza tio n f o r Women) or WEAL (Women's E q u ity A ctio n League) in Germany to d a te . The issues r e la tin g to e q u a lity at work in general received very l i t t l e a tte n tio n from groups in the women's movement and the concerns o f women in management in p a r t ic u la r have, i f recognized a t a l l , been considered too
The jobs f i l l e d by such fo re ig n workers were almost e x c lu s iv e ly u n q u a lifie d m anufacturing p o s itio n s . They did not r e a lly re pre sent a serious o p tio n f o r women, o fte n being in heavy in d u s trie s and o ffe r in g l i t t l e o p p o rtu n ity f o r le a rn in g and promotion (see also the discu ssio n fo llo w in g H.B. Schöpp-Schi 11 in g ' s c o n trib u tio n to F a rle y , J. 1985, no page).
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marginal and e l i t i s t to deserve su p p o rt. Although th e s ig n ific a n c e o f these issues is g ra d u a lly being understood, p a r t ic u la r ly as the need fo r women in decisionm aking p o s itio n s to in flu e n c e p o licy-m akin g in a ll so cia l in s t it u t io n s is being recognized, promoting women's ca reers, s p e c if ic a lly women in management, w i l l probably remain a "n o n-issu e" or an issue o f very low p r i o r i t y f o r the German women's movement as a whole.
As regards the q u a lit a t iv e sta tu s o f women in the la b o r m arket, a number o f fa c to rs serve to e x p la in the la ck o f progress. As in d ic a te d above, the improvements in the q u a lif ic a t io n o f women through education and tr a in in g has been very slow , so women la c k one o f the main p re re q u is ite s to clim b the c o rp o ra te la d d e r. F u rth e r th e re have been so few ro le models f o r younger women to im ita t e . As already mentioned, a ft e r World War I I a co n sid e ra b le number o f women occupied top management p o s itio n s and n o n - tr a d itio n a l p o s itio n s in German in d u s try , p a r t ic u la r ly in fam ily-owned small and medium-sized businesses. But since t h is was u s u a lly due to the fa c t th a t they in h e rite d these p o s itio n s in the absence o f men a ft e r the war, no s h i f t in values from the t r a d it io n a l s o c ia l s tru c tu re ensued because i t was g e n e ra lly seen as a tem porary, stop-gap s o lu tio n to a demographic problem (Merkl 1976, p. 132). In times o f low economic growth and high unemployment the f a c t th a t the concept o f women's careers has not y e t made s ig n if ic a n t progress in re p la c in g the t r a d it io n a l concepts o f women at work as in te rim measures ( u n t il m arriage o r due to demographic s h if t s ) is p a r t ic u la r ly im p o rta n t.
U n til the idea th a t women are lon g-te rm p a rtn e rs in a ll ranks o f the la b o r market is th o ro u g h ly c u lt u r a lly accepted and corre sp o n d in g ly le g a lly anchored, they w i l l always be h ire d less o fte n and f ir e d more o fte n as a means o f d e a lin g w ith unemployment. Unless c o r re c tiv e steps are taken, i t is a n tic ip a te d th a t "th e small gains made by women in management in the la te 60's and e a rly 70's can n e ith e r be expanded nor m aintained. Women are u s u a lly replaced by men, and th e achievement o f
improved q u a lific a tio n s w i l l change l i t t l e " (Slissmuth, 1983, p. 136).
4. Outlook
What can be expected in the next ten years? W ill more women move in to more q u a lif ie d , b e tte r p a id , more v a rie d p o s itio n s in the foresee ab le fu tu re ? There is some p o l it ic a l a c tio n being taken a t a number o f d if f e r e n t le v e ls which g ive cause f o r optim ism .
The major German p o l it ic a l p a rtie s are awakening to the power o f the female v o te ; the "gender gap" discovered in the United S tates is making i t s e l f f e l t in t h is c o u n try , to o . W hile the co n se rva tive c o a lit io n c u r r e n tly in power is basing i t s p o lic y p r im a r ily on appeals to t r a d it io n a l fa m ily values and r o le s , seeking to encourage women to remain at home, i t is also t r y in g to appeal to working women (e .g . W irtschaftsw oche 1985a, pp. 34 -48 ). As mentioned above, the Federal M in is tr y f o r Youth, Fam ily, and Health re c e n tly commissioned the B a tte lle I n s t it u t e in F ra n k fu rt to develop a set o f g u id e lin e s f o r equal o p p o rtu n ity measures f o r use in the p u b lic and the p r iv a te se c to r (Der Bundesm inister f ü r Jugend, F a m ilie und Gesundheit 1985). In t h i s , as in o th e r areas o f business-government r e la tio n s , the mood remains a n t i- re g u la to ry , so such g u id e lin e s are subm itted p u re ly f o r v o lu n ta ry a p p lic a tio n . In f a c t , the co n se rva tive c o a lit io n in te r p r e ts the equal r ig h ts a r t i c le o f the c o n s titu tio n to p r o h ib it the passing o f mandatory a ffir m a tiv e a c tio n le g is la t io n . The S ocial Democrats ( c u r r e n tly in the o p p o s itio n at the fe d e ra l le v e l) are more a c tiv e ly prom oting the in tr o d u c tio n o f mandatory measures, and they are e x p lo rin g the p o s s ib il
i t i e s o f a ff ir m a tiv e a c tio n programs, p a r t ic u la r ly in those s ta te s in which they are in the m a jo r ity . The Green P arty took a m ajor leap in 1984 when i t e le c te d an all-women governing board a t the n a tio n a l p a rlia m e n ta ry le v e l (see f o r example K le in , M ic h a lik 1985, p. 128)6. In a d d itio n , i t proposed an a n ti- d is c r im in a tio n law in November 1985. The t r a d it io n a l p a rtie s have had occasional women at the m in is te r ia l le v e l, and the pressure from women in the p a rty and in the e le c to ra te to make women more v is ib le in p o l it ic a l organs is growing. The lo n g -te rm e ffe c ts o f t h e ir re p re s e n ta tio n are tw o - fo ld : they serve as r o le models f o r
JWhile one o f the purposes o f t h is move (to p rovide an impetus f o r
p la cin g women in v is ib le le a d e rsh ip p o s itio n s ) , appears to have had some e ffe c t i t is not y e t c le a r whether the c la im th a t women w i l l have a s u b s ta n tiv e impact on the d ir e c tio n o f p o lic y has been met. No
d e f in it iv e study o f the p o lic y con ten t and decisionm aking s ty le o f the 1984-1985 p e rio d has y e t been conducted.
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o th e r women and accustom th e German people to seeing women in p o s itio n s o f le a d e rs h ip ; and a t the same tim e they in te g ra te women's issues and concerns in to the e sta b lis h e d p o l it ic a l system, take them out o f t h e ir m arginal p o s itio n s and le g it im iz e t h e ir s ig n ific a n c e .
Not o n ly domestic fa c to rs g ive hope f o r im provem ents--the impact o f e x te rn a l fa c to r s must also be taken in to c o n s id e ra tio n . There are two such main sources o f e x te rn a l in flu e n c e on West German p o lic y towards women: o th e r in d u s tr ia liz e d c o u n trie s , p a r t ic u la r ly the U nited S tates and Sweden; and in te r n a tio n a l o rg a n iz a tio n s , p a r t ic u la r ly the European Communities.
The experiences o f o th e r c o u n trie s in seeking to deal w ith problems o f women in the la b o r market do not go unnoticed in Germany. The h ig h e st v i s i b i l i t y is achieved by developments in the United S tates and Sweden.
P o lic y makers and a c t iv is t s in Germany observe the issues which emerge in these c o u n trie s and the experim ents conducted to re so lve them. The d iscu ssio n about a ffir m a tiv e a c tio n programs, f o r example, has been in flu e n c e d both p o s it iv e ly and n e g a tiv e ly by re p o rts from th e U .S.:
supporters p o in t to the increase in the 1970's and 80 's in the numbers o f women in hig her p o s itio n s and in the areas in which the y have t r a d i t i o n a l l y been underrepresented; opponents c it e the stu d ie s c r i t i c i z i n g th e b u re a u c ra tic side e ffe c ts and weaknesses o f a ffir m a tiv e a c tio n and p o in t to the instances in which i t is now being dropped in the U.S. At the same tim e , Germans, con serva tives as w e ll as lib e r a ls , are proud o f the achievements o f t h e ir s o c ia l w e lfa re s ta te and fe e l th a t in many ways the s o c ia l net developed in t h is cou ntry is b e tte r than what the American system o ffe r s i t s c itiz e n s .
Second is the in flu e n c e o f in te r n a tio n a l o rg a n iz a tio n s . West Germany became a s ig n a to ry to the U nited N a tio n 's re s o lu tio n ag ainst a ll forms o f d is c rim in a tio n against women i n ’ 1980—although i t took another 4 years before the con com itta nt law was then passed by the fe d e ra l p a rlia m e n t. In the s h o rt ru n , the impact o f th is move is symbolic ra th e r than r e a l, but e x a c tly such symbolism is needed to prepare the ground
work f o r lon g-te rm changes in a ttitu d e s and the law. The European Community has a much more d ir e c t and re g u la r im pact. For example, the law cn equal o p p o rtu n ity passed in 1980 in Germany was set in motion by
the 1975 d ir e c t iv e o f the European Communities re q u irin g such le g is la tio n in a ll o f the member c o u n trie s . The same is tru e o f the new law on p a re n ta l vs. maternal le a ve . The European P arliam ent is becoming an in c re a s in g ly v o c ife ro u s and p ro g re ssive proponent o f equal tre a tm e n t f o r men and women. This can be explained by a number o f fa c to r s . Women are p la y in g a f a r g re a te r r o le in the European P arliam ent than in the German n a tio n a l p a rlia m e n t. In the fo rm e r, 19.75 percent o f the e le cte d re p re s e n ta tiv e s are c u r r e n tly women, and in the l a t t e r on ly 10 percent (Commission o f the European Communities 1984c, p. 8 ). These women a t the European le v e l are p a r t ic u la r ly e f f e c tiv e because they are also ta k in g the c h a ir o f va rio u s p o lic y committees (Commission o f the European Communities 1984c, p. 29) and because they are a c tiv e ly c o lla b o ra tin g on these issues w ith women from o th e r c o u n trie s across p a rty lin e s . F u rth e r, the y have recognized the importance o f sharing in fo rm a tio n about n a tio n a l and in te r n a tio n a l i n i t i a t i v e s and d iffu s in g i t a t the lo c a l le v e l to m o b iliz e a c t i v i t i e s in the member c o u n tr ie s .?
An a d d itio n a l reason enabling the European P arliam ent and the Commision o f the European Communities to promote such prog re ssive measures f o r equal o p p o rtu n ity is c le a r ly th a t they are fr e e r to take such bold steps than are t h e ir co u n te rp a rts a t the n a tio n a l or s ta te le v e l, who are more d ir e c t ly s u b je c t to the pressure o f the e le c to ra te and o th e r in te r e s t groups and who, i f the measure they propose is passed, must ensure i t s fu n d in g and im ple m en tatio n. The d ir e c tiv e s developed by the European Community are not implemented d ir e c t ly by the Community, but ra th e r are passed on to the member c o u n trie s w ith the s tip u la tio n th a t they be in te g ra te d in to n a tio n a l le g is la t io n . The Community then m onitors the a ctio n s o f the c o u n trie s , rebukes them i f a c tio n is not taken o r is u n s a tis fa c to ry , and cases can be brought to the European Court o f J u s tic e . C le a r ly , the impact is not v ia such sa n c tio n s , but ra th e r v ia the impetus provided by the id e a . When the European P arliam ent pushes a p ro p o sa l, when an issue is taken up by the European Commission, the idea takes on a new le g itim a c y and l i f e a t the n a tio n a l le v e l i f i t is picked up th e re by the re le v a n t a c t iv is t s , in o r o u tsid e government (Warner 1984, p. 142). The sym bolic value o f the European Community a ctio n s in such cases is worth as much i f not more than i t s le g a l power.
__
'O f very gre a t value in t h is process is the n e w s le tte r "Women o f Europe"
oublished in the languages o f the member c o u n trie s by the Commission o f the European Communities.
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I t is to be hoped th a t in the fo re se e a b le fu tu r e one more source o f in flu e n c e prom oting women in management w i l l emerge: the women in management them selves. One instrum e nt in t h is process is networking at the n a tio n a l and at the in te rn a tio n a l le v e l. This has s ta rte d already years ago. The "V erein b e r u fs tä tig e r Frauen" (A sso cia tio n o f Working Women) is probably the o ld e s t example o f such a network. The WiB (Women in Business) Club in Hamburg, the F rankfurt-F orum (Network o f fo re ig n and German women managers) in F ra n k fu rt o r the German S ection o f the EWMD (European Women in Management Development) have s ta rte d t h e ir a c t iv it ie s ju s t re c e n tly . But, probably because o f t h e ir o b je c tiv e s - -mutual support and in fo rm a tio n --th e y are more an in fo rm a l and u n o ffic ia l a c t i v i t y than a p o l it ic a l pressure group. "S e lf-h e lp " groups in Germany have been a t r a d it io n a l form o f a c tio n f o r women, but u s u a lly r e s tr ic te d to th e "fem ale" domains o f h e a lth , c u ltu r e , and c h a r ity . Now women are using the to o l in which they have experience to deal w ith a new c h a lle n g e : c a re e rs .
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