R e s e a rc h U nit E n v iro n m e n ta l P o lic y
( I n t e r n a t i o n a l I n s t i t u t e fo r E n v iro n m e n t a n d S o c ie ty ) W is s e n s c h a fts z e n tru m B e rlin f ü r S o z ia lfo rs c h u n g
HUG p re 8 7 - 5
WISSENSCHAFTSZENTRUM BERLIN FÜR SOZIALFORSCHUNG
* London U n iv e rs ity Forschungsabteilung
’’Normbildung und Umwelt”
Reichpietschufer 50 D-1000 Berlin (West) 30
Tel.: 25 491-0
To be p u b lis h e d in a G erm an v e r s io n in : H elm ut S c h r e ib e r ( E d .) : E n v iro n m e n ta l P r o te c tio n in E a s te r n E u ro p e , F r a n k f u r t a .M .,
New Y ork: C am p u s, fo rth c o m in g 1987/88.
HUG - P o ts d a m e r S tr . 58, 1000 B e rlin (W est) 30, T e l .: - 26 10 71
ZUSAMMENFASSUNG
Stadt und Umwelt in sozialistischen Ländern
Der Autor geht in der vorliegenden Studie von der These aus, daß die Stadtplanung und der Städtebau und damit auch das Problemfeld Stadt und Umwelt in den sozialisti
schen Ländern sehr stark durch ideologische Rahmenbe
dingungen bestimmt sind. Er verdeutlicht dann am Beispiel der Städte Krakow, Prag und Sofia die teilweise kata
strophalen Ausmaße der Umweltbelastung. Abschließend
zeigt er Möglichkeiten auf, wie diesen Problemen begegnet werden k ö n n t e .
SUMMARY
The City and the Environment in Socialist Countries
The study is based on the hypothesis that urban planning and construction and therefore also the relationship between city and environment in socialist countries are deeply related to the given ideological framework. In three case studies on the cities of Cracow, Prague, and Sofia the author shows the given state of the environment and the deteriorating environmental conditions. Environ
mental improvement of cities should have top priority in the socialist countries. The author gives some practical suggestions on how to improve the present situation.
1
1♦ Urban Population Growth
City populations have exploded in both the U.S.S.R. and Eastern Europe. Since 1928 and 1950 respectively, urban inhabitants have risen from 35 to 170 million in the U.S.S.R. and 40 to 70 million in Eastern Europe, and form the majority of the population in both areas. 1)
The U rb a n B a c k g ro u n d
In the USSR, the number of million cities increased from 10% to 22.3% of the total urban population between 1959 and 1985, and half million cities from 25% to 33% over the same period.
In Eastern Europe urbanization levels have increased consider
ably in most of the eight socialist countries. Such dramatic in
creases, particularly in the 1950's resulted not only from natural increase, but also rapid rural-to-urban migration; in turn this helped increase city birthrates. In 1970, the most urbanised coun
try was East Germany (73.5 %) and is still so today, followed by Czechoslovakia (55.5 %), Poland (52.3 %) and Bulgaria (50.6 %);
the remaining countries (Hungary, Romania, Yugoslavia) varied be
tween 40 % and 50 % and the only exception was Albania with 33.7 % of the population urban, a figure little changed today.
2. The Socialist City and the Environment
Planners in the Eastern countries are at present faced with a dilemma; to plan for rapid economic growth at the expense of the environment or to drastically reduce the harmful effects of pol
lution. Marxism as an ideology favours industrialization and for this to succeed, waste products and other environmental hazards are produced. The post-war socialist governments of Eastern Eu- came to power with the avowed aim to industrialize, supported an ideology which promised to rapidly create the material a’
dance.
2
Intensive industrialization drives throughout Eastern Europe in the late 1950's and early 1960's followed Leninist principles by concentrating on the rapid development of heavy industry. This meant very great use of lignite. Lignite is commonly found
throughout Eastern Europe, while other mineral energy resources are not so common, and it is still, in the 1980's a fuel upon which the socialist states are heavily dependent, despite the growing importance of oil, nuclear and hydro-electric power. The widespread use of lignite has caused severe pollution problems.
Marxist-Leninist planning theory has tended to increase indus
trial dispersion throughout each country with emphasis being laid on the development of major industrial projects in often backward areas, or around large urban areas. Socialist governments there
fore tended to regard the urban system purely as an industrial production complex, vital for the country's rapid industrializa
tion drive.
More than 80 % of all new socialist towns in East Europe and the Soviet Union have been developed in association with industry and transport; industrialization has been the major force behind their foundation. In economic terms the middle-sized group of new towns
(i. e. 30-150,000 population) are most significant and about 45 East European and 300 Soviet cities fall into this category.
Nevertheless, many industrial plants that are potential polluters, have been located in this and the smaller centres (10-30,000 in
habitants). Employment in these new towns are often associated with the construction and maintenance of large mining and manufac
turing complexes, which are given high priority in the key sectors of state economic planning and investment allocation. 2)
Unfortunately, this stress on industrial growth in these coun
tries has in turn taken its toll on the environment; misuse of air, water, soil and vegetation resources and an increase in the noise factor, have all helped to confirm the validity of Marx's and Engels' warning that "Let us not ... flatter ourselves over
much on account of our human conquest over nature. For each such conquest takes its revenge on us ... we by no means rule over na
ture" . It is now opportune to show how the environment in three
3
East European cities, namely Cracow, Prague,and Sofia, has been misused since the Second World War and what contemporary planners are doing to improve this situation.
3. Urban Environmental Disruption - Case Studies of Cracow, Prague, and Sofia
The cities of Cracow, Prague,and Sofia are chosen partly because of their familiarity to the author, and because they all emerged relatively unscathed from the upheavals of the second World War.
Moreover, they are all now industrialized centres within their re
spective countries, and have a certain stock of information on the existing environmental problems. 4)
a ) Cracow
Today Cracow with three quarters of a million inhabitants, is the third largest city in Poland (after Warsaw and Lodz) and cen
tre of a province that suffers severe pollution problems. Together with the Upper Silesian Industrial District, they occupy less than three percent of Poland's territory, but manage to produce half the nation's gas and a third of its dust pollution. As a .city, Cracow has a glorious history as former capital of Poland and a thriving emporium for trade between east and west Europe in ear
lier centuries. In 1949 on a river terrace about a mile north of the Vistula, and five miles east of Cracow city centre, a new town
(Nowa Huta) was established full of characterless apartment
blocks, around the Lenin Steel Works (annual production 11 million tons of steel); it subjected Cracow to the problem of air pollu
tion for the first time.
Cracow and its surrounding province occupy a low basin of the Upper Vistula river, which sucks in polluted industrial air from Nowa Huta metalurgical plant to the east, the Upper Silesian belt to the west, and during the 1970's the aluminium works at Skawina to the south. The latter was closed down in the early 1980's. To these pollutant sources, one must add those emitted from residen
tial apartments in the central city area, heated by low grade coal. Pollutants from this residential heating often hang over the
4
city, particularly during winter, due to temperature inversions.
Sulphur dioxide (SO2) is a particular threat, both to the health of local inhabitants and the city's historic buildings.
During the late 1970's, Kasina's work on Cracow dramatically il
lustrated the high concentration and deposition of SO2 in the cen
tral city and industrial areas (Figure 1). Kasina stated that the
"... concentration and deposition of sulphate in Krakow city and industrial areas attain values as high as the mean rates recorded in heavily industrialized European areas", and continues: "...
calcium compounds are emitted in Krakow mainly from man-made sources. They contribute to the neutralization of sulphuric acid in the atmosphere of Krakow and this causes the pH of precipita
tion in that area to be higher than in other heavily in
dustrialized areas" Such views were confirmed in 1979 with the publication of the Cracow provincial atlas which showed just how much of the area was above the P.S.L. (permissible safety level) of 0.15 mg/So2/m^t. (Figure 2).
Water pollution in the Cracow area is also serious. This is de
fined as the presence of suspended solids and dissolved chemical substances in water, in quantities exceeding certain defined state limits (physical, chemical and biological pollution indexes are included to evaluate the degree of water degradation). As with air pollution, greater awareness of the water problem emerged in the late 1960's, when increased industrial demands on low water re
sources soon aggravated the pollution problem. For example, the mercury content of the Vistula river below Cracow during the sec
ond half of 1980 was more than 200 times above its permitted norm;
an excess of chrome, lead and iron was also noted. It was esti
mated that over half the running water used by Cracow's municipal water supply system fell short of state norms and was threatened with pollution.
As elsewhere in parts of Poland 6), the 1970's saw an intensi
fication of soil and vegetation pollution in the Cracow area. Re
search on the heavy metal content in soils around the Nowa Huta metalurgical works in 1970 recorded high dust deposition of zinc, lead, copper, molybdenum, aluminium, iron, manganes and barium.'x
a j
5
CRACO W : SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION OF MEAN pH AND SO2 VALUES ( J A N , 7 5 - DEC,77 )
number
Precipitationmmy-
SOURCE : S .K A S IN A .1 9 7 8 .F ig .C P 2 .2 .
g s o 4
FIGURE
*16
C R A C O W REG/ONi AIR POLLUTiON 1979
S t O M N IK I
P R O S Z O W IC E
K R A K O W
S U tK O W IC E
» M S Z A N A DIN J O R D A N O W »
M ain Area PSL A rea PSL A re a
N IE P O LO M IC E
< : S / W IE LI C Z K A >
S K A W IN A t
in d u s tria l ce n tre s
c o n s ta n tly h ig h e r than f o r S O 2
fr e q u e n tly fo r SO 2
o s c illa t in g a ro u n d PSL
PS L= P e rm is s ib le s a fe ty level (0 -15m g/S O 2 / m ^ )
A re a fre q u e n tly lo w e r th a n PSL o f SO2 (g re a t
p o s s ib ility of local high levels) A re a very fre q u e n tly lo w e r th a n PSL of SO2 (p o s s ib ility
o f lo ca l high levels)
Area c o n s ta n tly b e lo w PSL o f SO2
S O U R C E t A T L A S M I E J . W O J . K R A K O W S K IE G O p.19 1 9 7 9 .
FIGURE 2
/
Some of the heavy metal compounds complex are seen in Table 1.
noted in soils near
T a b le 1Z C raco w : Ppm c o n t e n t ; o f c e r t a i n h e a v y m e t a l com pounds fo u n d s a m p le s n e a r Nowa H uta M e t a l u r g i c a l W orks, 1970
Z in c L ead C o p p er M anganese B a riu m
S o i l l a y e r fro m 0 -5 cm. d e p th
Minimum 20 40 70 950 40
Maximum 220 120 200 1500 110
A v e ra g e 114 78 115 1157 71
S o i l l a y e r fro m 1 5 -2 5 cm. d e p th
Minimum 20 25 665 820 15
Maximum 250 125 210 1400 100
A v e ra g e 95 73 115 1135 68
T o t a l s o i l d e p th
Minimum 20 15 50 820 15
Maximum 250 125 240 1500 120
A v e ra g e 85 64 113 1130 70
S o u r c e : A non, B a d a n ia n a d s z k o d liw y m o d d z ia ly w a n ie m p y lo w i gazow p rz e m y slo w y c h n a u praw y r o s l i n n e w o k o l i c y H uty L e n in a , ( E ta p I - I I I , (ZOSRP), Z a b rz e
1970 ( m a n u s c r i p t ) , p . 4 .
These tests were taken 15-19 years after the plant was founded and show a high intensity of certain metals, e. g. maganese. Also great variance was registered between maximum and minimum inten
sity for all the heavy metals listed. Even minimum values for some metals, e. g. lead, were high, down to 25 cm, and well above the state agreed maximum of 20 mg/kg (ppm). Similar analysis for soil and vegetation pollution was made in the early 1970's on other in
dustrial enterprises in the Cracow area, e. g. the "Bonarka" sili- cophosphate fertilizer complex # A Here too, levels above the na
tional norm were recorded.
Besides chemical pollutants, there is increasing recognition of noise pollution as a grave disamenity. Considerable expansion in the number of cars, lorries and other transport means have added exhaust fumes to the air pollution problem, as well as noise in built-up areas. About three-quarters of all journeys in Cracow are made by public transport; trams remain popular for intra- urban
movement among the city planners, being air pollutant free, al
though older models still in use provide considerable noise and vibration in a city like Cracow where the narrow medieval street pattern exacerbates the problem. The tram system extends to all but the latest residential neighbourhood units, which are con
nected to tram terminals by buses. Car ownership is also on the increase in the city; in 1960 there were 12 cars per 1000 inhabi
tants, whilst today it is over 150. Nevertheless, private cars are not used daily due to petrol-rationing,and contribute less to
noise problems than lorries and tram transport. Industrial noise pollution, especially for workers in the metalurgical plant and building construction sites in the city, continues to cause hear
ing problems in later life.
Health hazards of living in and around polluted Cracow are no
ticeable. There has been an alarming increase of malignant cancers in the city during the late 1970's, which by 1981 was six times higher than the world average. Employees at the local Nowa Huta metalurgical works have obviously suffered health setbacks during the decade 1970-1980. Over that period only a fifth of the employ
ees left the combine due to normal retirement, but over two-thirds received some form of disability pension. In 1980, only an eight left under normal retirement conditions, whilst four-fifths
claimed state disability pensions. Many of these workers had their own allotments on land around the plant, which have since been abandoned; this resulted from tests on locally grown vegetables and soft fruits, which yielded high pollution counts, e. g. let
tuce leaves had a 42 mg/kg lead content, compared with the maximum state norm of 2 mg/kg for Pb in foods.
b ) Prague
The capital of Czechoslovakia, with over a million inhabitants is, like Cracow, a city with a rich historical heritage. In spite of new constructions around its periphery, the older parts of the city were relatively little touched, while damage in the second World War was minimal. The city lies between two of the narrow Vl
tava river gorges on a wide flat valley; this physical setting of
ten leads to temperature inversions during winter month, which
9
produce fog and smog. These inversions combined with interference from domestic industrial buildings lead to poor weather aeration in the lowest parts of the city. 1®)
During the late 1960's and throughout the 1970's it became clear to the city's inhabitants that environmental conditions in and around Prague were deteriorating. Arguably the most serious aspect was air pollution. By 1964, it was apparent that the more heavily
industrialised districts of the city (Smichov, Holesovice) regis
tered between three and four times higher dust fallout than the more residential areas (Podoli, Dejvice). By 1965, average annual dust fallout over the city reached 461 tons per km^ per year and was verified the following year by a dust fallout contour map is
sued by the city's health authorities. (Figure 3).
Much of this pollution came from the city's industry - 10% of Czechoslovakia's industrial production is located in Prague, - which relied heavily on lignite, together with over 20,000 small communal boilers for heating residential apartment blocks. Greater use of alternative fuels such as gas, electricity, mazut and cokes led to a reduction of S02 levels and dust fallout after 1965
(Figure 4), but these together with the increasing number of mo
torized vehicles in the city meant an increase in the amount of noxious gases over the city. Gaseous pollution levels continue to threaten the city's atmosphere with over 30 days/year on average having more than the permitted safety level (P.S.L.) of 0.15 mg SO2/m^/24 hours.
Vehicle pollution continues to be a problem. In 1972 petrol car exhaust fumes exhaled into the city's atmosphere 20,000 tons of carbon monoxide (CO), 2,000 tons of hydrocarbons, 670 tons nitro
gen dioxide, 34 tons aldehyde, 50 tons sulphur dioxide (SO2), and 20 tons of lead; diesel motors produced about 100 tons of carbon soot, almost 300 tons of SO2, 700 tons of nitrogen dioxide, 260 tons of hydrocarbon and 400 tons of carbon dioxide (C02 ). By the end of the 1970's the city had a quarter of a million private cars, 20,000 lorries, 2,500 buses and over 50,000 motorcycles.
The planners' response was to reduce all excessive transport (i. e. heavy goods vehicles and lorries) from the central city ar-
DUST FALLOUT IN PRAGUE 1966 (tons per km2per year)
<• —-s.
H- N
V4
Emission tonsperkm ’ per year
t M o n ito rin g Station km
— C ity Boundary
S ource, H ygienickä Slonice N.V. Hl. m. Prahy 1966
11
IM P O R T A N C E OF D U S T FALLO UT. PRAGUE 1 9 6 0 -7 1
• A v. o f th e 3 m o s t p o llu t e d d i s t r i c t s in P rague ( d i s t r i c t s 5 .7 9 )
* A v . f o r P ra g u e
" o u r c ? : a f t e r H y g ie n ic k ä S t a n ic e N .V H I.m P ra h y f o r r e le v a n t y e a r s .
FIGURE 4
12
eas, but this has had little effect on the general pollution lev
els over the city. Perhaps more significant will be the new under
ground metro system which is already partially completed, and could reduce exhaust pollution levels by the early 1990's.
Another serious problem in the city and its region concerns wa
ter pollution. While water demand per person per day has doubled over the last 20 years, the city's population is only just over a fifth larger than two decades ago. This demonstrates growing water demand by industry and with it the possibility of increased pollu
tion. Water cleaning is a serious problem; the basic sanitary net
work is still inadequate in spite of new sewage plants to the south of the city. Furthermore the chemical, paper, cellulose and woodworking industries in the Prague region should have tighter control on their disposal of waste effluent. Fines proposed by wa
ter conservancy inspectors are not always applied, and only in a few cases have proposed fines tallied with those actually imposed.
Reasons for this vary, but fears of enterprises failing to reach production targets due to heavy penalties for water abuse, mean that many are never paid.
Noise pollution is a serious matter particularly in the histor
ical core of the city, an important communication node. Here trams rolling through the narrow medieval streets, together with other intra-urban traffic, also damage old house foundations through vibration. Moreover, the construction of the new underground metro system, increased heavy lorry movement supplying the city, and an influx of around 220,000 daily computers to employment in the city centre all add to the noise problem.
While the Prague planners are attempting to improve the city environment through the increasing provision of green spaces in future plans, many of the smaller areas of vegetation which used to be little gardens and allotments, have been lost to the build
ing programmes of large new neighbourhood units during the 1960's and 1970's. Also efforts on the part of planners to redress this imbalance are often frustrated by lack of cooperation between the various ministries. This was dramatically illustrated recently in the city centre; trees lining the pavements and along the Vltava
13
river bank died, and it was attributed to the numerous cables laid beneath the footpaths. No reference had been made to the effect on root growth, moisture content and other factors, which could have been supplied by ministries responsible for parks and recreational facilities. Moreover, the effect of air pollution in Wencellas Square, the main thoroughfare, has limited trunk growth of linden trees to only 50-60 cm. over the last 20 years, i. e. 3 cm/year.
Finally, mention should be made of refuse pollution in the fight for a cleaner Prague. Due to the shortage of manpower in the capi
tal, it has been difficult to find workers to clean streets, col
lect rubbish disposal and do other unattractive jobs. This is fur
ther compounded by the cobbled narrow streets of the central city which prove difficult for mechanical sweeping machines, more
adapted to asphalt surfaces. The problem is made worse by the nu
merous parked cars and lorries (by 1975 there was already only 6.3 meters parking space per car in the city centre) and the combina
tion of Prague's population growth and increased living standards, providing greater quantities of refuse. However, plans exist for recycling city waste, and storing surplus rubbish in nearby quar
ries until they can be refurbished, and it is hoped in time the refuse pollution problem will eventually be solved.
c ) Sofia
The Bulgarian capital of Sofia, with over 1 million population, lies in an upland basin, overlooked by the striking volcanic
residual of Mount Vitosha (2,290 m ) . At the end of the second
World War, Sofia emerged relatively unscathed although much of the centre had been destroyed by allied air raids during the war, and required considerable reconstruction. In keeping with the post-war emphasis on heavy industrialization, Sofia experienced the effects of factory growth, amalgamation and reorganization. The planners located some of the city's largest industrial establishments
(including boiler-making, high tension cables, rubber tyres, chem
icals and textiles) near the pre-war railway lines and station.
To the west of Sofia lies the Pernik coal basin, where lignite is mined by opencast methods. Besides supplying fuel for local thermo-electric power stations, it also supplies the large met-
14
alurgical works near Sofia at Kremikovtsi, built in 1963. This plant forms the basis for the country's ferrous metalurgical pro
duction which by 1980 was producing 5 million tons of pig iron, 4 million tons of steel and 3.5 million tons of rolled metals. A price is now being paid for such levels of production in the pol
lution of the Sofia basin.
Air pollution over Sofia is not only the result of a large pop
ulation and great number of industrial enterprises, but is also due to its location in a deep, poorly ventilated basin which causes pronounced (and in winter, prolonged) temperature inver
sions. Dust levels over Sofia peaked in 1968, reaching 700
tons/kmz/year, whilst the concentration of sulphur dioxide, lead and arsenic, varied in quantity according to the proximity of in
dustrial complexes. Government legislation has gradually become effective so that by 1976 air pollution levels over the city
(Figure 5) were only half the 1968 norm. Unfortunately the damage done to buildings and inhabitants (e. g. the erosion of stone facing) and to the citizens ( a high incidence of pharangi- tis, bronchitis) was not so easily eradicated.
FIGURE 5:
M o n th ly and A n n u al D i f f e r e n c e s i n D u s t F a l l o u t o v e r S o f i a 1 9 6 4 -1 9 7 8 , ( i n mg/m )3
J a n . F e b . M ar. A p r. May Ju n e J u l y Aug. S e p t. O c t. Nov. Dec. Y ear
M onthly A v erag e
0 .1 6 5 0 .1 2 0 0 .1 2 2 0 .1 1 0 0 .0 9 8 0 .0 9 8 0 .0 9 5 0 .1 0 6 0 .1 1 6 0 .1 2 5 0 .1 6 7 0 .1 6 3 0 .1 2 3
Maximum E m iss io n Y ear o f
1.607 0 .6 6 8 0 .3 9 9 0 .6 6 0 0 .6 2 8 0 .3 7 5 0 .5 8 2 0 .6 9 0 0 .5 1 5 0 .5 8 9 0 .9 1 6 0 .9 6 9 1.607
maximum c o n c e n t r a t i o n
1975 1971 1976 1970 1973 1977 1976 1966 1978 1977 1967 1966 1975
S o u rc e : D. B I ’'sk o v a e t a l , K lim a t i M ik ro k lim a t na S o f i j a , (B..A.N ) S o f i a , 1 9 8 3 , T a b lei 4 2 , p . 1 2 6 .
As expected greatest difference was between winter and summer months (0.095-0.165 mg/m^). The maximum monthly averages over the
fifteen year period were highest for December-February with lows in the summer months (May, June August). The higher occurrence for July was an anomaly explained by particular climatic conditions, in which sand from the Sahara landed in the city on 20th July 1974 giving an unusually high recording of 0.582 mg/m^. Figure 5 illus
trates the average annual concentration of duht fallout for'Sofia
15
between 1964-1978; the highest years were 1968, 1967 and 1975 in that order with the first two years above the permitted safety level (P.S.L.) of 0.15 mg/m^.
Water pollution from industrial and sewage sources has been curbed with the construction near Sofia in 1980, of a purifying station capable of producing half a million cubic meters of water per day, which now has a capacity of twice that figure since the recent completion of the second stage of construction. Another plant is being built for processing solid waste; every year about one million tons of solid waste is dumped in the vicinity of
Sofia. Future plans for water up to 1990 will make greater use of the River Iskar and its tributaries, together with new cleansing stations for industrial and sewage waste; particularly from the Kremikovtsi metalurgical works and livestock farms in the Sofia basin.
Soil and vegetation pollution has resulted from emissions of heavy metals from the Kremikovtsi combine. 14) An estimated 5,100 dekars (1,275 acres) of farmland, especially along the terraces of the River Iskar, have been polluted, but are now subject to inten
sive recultivation efforts. Evidence of bacterial and other harm
ful growth on flora in the Sofia basin increased threefold over the period 1953-1975, much of it associated with irapid industrial activity in the area, and use of low calorific value fuels by the local thermo-electric power stations.
Noise pollution has also been augmented by industrialization and the development of transport in and around the capital. Research data from the 1970's revealed that the sound level in some parts of Sofia was 10-24 decibels (Db) higher than the acceptable 60 Db daytime level. The highest noise levels at present are found in several city boulevards (e. g. Botevgradsko, Zaimov, Janko Sak'zov and nine others). Future plans hope to reduce these levels to 55 Db, whilst on the periphery of the city, the motorway en-
trance/exit junctions will be restricted to 80 Db only. Similarly, recent completion of parts of the city's international airport have been so constructed that landing/take off zones reduce air
craft noise over the city centre and the most northerly neighbour-
15
hood, unit of Benkovski. Plans are also being reduce the noise from transport and other communication facilities (for example the partially completed new underground metro system) in the more
densely populated parts of the city. Parttime escape from such an environment is found by the city inhabitants in the Mount Vitonha National Park, which can have over 120,000 visitors on Sundays and national holidays. j .
4. P o llu te d S o c i a l i s t C i t i e s : Sone P r a c tic a l S u g g e stio n s
Environmental improvement of cities should have top priority among the East European countries. Therefore, what practical so
lutions may be suggested to improve the present environmental sit
uation in many city areas?
Clearly, physical planning has room for improvement; East Euro
pean planners should make greater efforts to harmonise relations between municipal, regional and national policy. This includes en
vironmental policy, which should foster better public under
standing of, and interest in, the problem. Moreover, greater em
phasis should be placed on the city environment as a national re
source when projects are formulated, particularly if they have a significant impact on the environment. At the municipal level, city authorities should make more effective use of powers for in
stigating developments to improve the quality of urban life.
Stricter control should also apply to specific pollution sec
tors . There must be adequate technical/administrative mechanisms to deal with industrial discharges, if the threat of quality de
terioration in inland waters is to be overcome, for example more and better sewage treatment plants. City authorities should also ensure regular publication of results obtained from pollution data collected from monitoring stations. Environmental standards and regulations should reflect international norms to ensure that pol
lution levels, not only in the city, but elsewhere, should be kept to a minimum and accompanied by constant revision of legislative controls on public health.
17
There should also be immediate implementation of new waste dis
posal methods based on internationally accepted standards. The individual urban planning authorities should encourage the recy
cling of waste which could then be used for further economic gain.
This in turn, implies much stricter measures to reduce both the volume and quantity of waste matter, and hopefully would dis
courage the irrational dumping of waste. In particular, chemicals should be carefully monitored and existing legal regulations
vastly improved, not only within city limits, but nationally and internationally through measures agreed mutually with neighbouring countries.
Noise pollution deserves closer study in socialist cities, to determine, along with vibration, the effects it has on health. The governments should clearly define noise abatement zones within ur
ban areas and near heavy industrial plants. Noise intensity levels should have fixed norms based on social and medical evidence.
There is also a need in socialist cities for noise insulation standards, which would apply in confined built-up areas. Finally, government action should ensure that less noisy vehicles, machin
ery and other equipment are introduced, particularly in built-up areas and large industrial enterprises.
5. C o n c lu s io n s
The main theme of this paper has been an appreciation of the problems of environmental disruption in the socialist city since the second World War with specific reference to Eastern Europe.
Three city case studies were examined for environmental disrup
tion, based on the author's personal acquaintance with the urban areas of Cracow, Prague and Sofia.
Air, water, soil/vegetation and noise pollution problems were apparent in all these cities, and there is no reason to believe that inhabitants of other socialist cities have escaped the trau
mas of such problems of urban living. Finally, some practical so
lutions were offered, which it is thought may alleviate the pre
sent urban situation in Eastern Europe.
13
Four general conclusions have emerged from the overall discus
sion. First, the main guestion is one of attitude towards the en
vironment. This is largely a government responsibility, but also involves the ordinary people of each socialist country. Old atti
tudes towards the environment are gradually being forsaken; these were closely linked with the belief that socialist societies were incapable of committing any ecological atrocities. Such views are now slowly being replaced by a more coherent logical approach, which admits that any true socialist society cannot afford to ne
glect its environment. Unfortunately, believers in this idea still remain in a minority; until they begin to influence important de
cision-making processes (economic/political/social), environmental progress in the socialist countries cannot take place.
Secondly, the role of government is paramount if environmental degradation is to be curbed. Legal measures and national pollution norms must be rigidly and effectively applied. Collusion between a socialist state's environmental protection agencies and industrial enterprise polluters must be strictly prevented, although both are government agencies. Pollution laws are meaningless if they are not strongly adhered to and applied.
Thirdly, there must be more cohesion between planners and the planned. The urge for economic development through industrial growth has to be understood as extremely dangerous for the envi
ronment, especially because of the use of low quality domestic fu
els such as lignite. Decades of environmental neglect and heavy reliance on heavily polluting fuels, means greater financial sup
port from the state to lessen the impact of this legacy.
Fourthly, this paper has shown that in the European socialist countries, despite public ownership of the means of production
(including natural resources) the respective governments have been unable to prevent pollution of their cities and wastage of re
sources, in spite of elaborate planning methods. This has resulted from governmental decisions focussed on economic growth at the ex
pense of all else. Pollution was perceived as a rather troublesome offshoot of more significant economic goals. This included trying to catch up with the world's more advanced nations, inevitably at
19
the expense of safer living conditions for their inhabitants, who were increasingly residing in urban areas.
All the evidence suggests that unless adequate action is taken soon, the urban proletariat (and their rural counterparts) will suffer from further environmental deterioration. The economic ver
sus ecological predicament has reached deadlock. Unless structural changes are implemented, possibly supported by international
organisations or environmental-conscious neighbouring states , the socialist city, together with the surrounding natural habitat has a very bleak future indeed.
20
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New Towns and Their Environment , GeoJournal, Vol. 2, 1, 1978, p. 35-39.
3. F. Engels: The Dialectics of Nature, New York, 1940, p. 291- 292.
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7. Z. Strzyszcz: Oddzialywanie przemyslu na srodowisko glebowe i mozliwosci jego rekultywacyi (P.A.N. - Oddzial w Katowicach), Wroclaw, Warszawa, Gdansk, Lodz, 1982, p. 50.
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Krakowie , Ochrona Przyroda, Vol. 35, Warszawa, 1970, p. 161- 220.
9. L. Timberlake: Poland - The Most Polluted Country in the World?, in:New Scientist, Vol. 92, No. 1276, (22/X/1981), p.
249 .
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11. I. Novak et al: Ochrana Cistotv ovzdusi v C.S.R., Prague, 1972, p. 18-19.
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sion Making, Vol. 1, 3, The Hague, 1980, p. 219.
13. D. Bl'skova, et a l : Nyakoi rezultati ot eksperimenta izsled- vaniya na zam'rsyavaneto na atmosferata v gradovete K'rdzhali,
21
Burgas i Sofiya , in: Problemi na geografiyata, V o l . 2, Sofia, 1979, p. 22-35.
14. G. Stankov and E. Lozanov: Izmeneniya na ekologichnite usloviya v Sofiya i prilezhastata i teritoriya , Geografiya, Vol. 36, 3, Sofia, 1981, p. 4.
15. Ibid; G. Geshev: Problemi na transportno-komunikatsionata sistema v golemite gradove v N.R. B'lgariya , in:Geografi y a , Vol. 39, 8, Sofia, 1984, p. 3.
16. M. Dakov: Environmental Management in the People's Republic of Bulgaria, Sofia, 1975, p. 20; F. W. Carter: Prague and Sofia: An Analysis of their Changing Internal City Sructure in: R. A.
French and F. E. I. Hamilton (Ed), The Socialist City: Spatial Structure and Urban Policy, (Wiley), Chichester,New York, Bris
bane, Toronto, 1979, p. 447, Figure 15:10.
17. F. Auriac and M. Sivignon: Pouvoir politique et croissance urbaine a Sofia , Villes en parallele^ Vol. 2, Paris, 1978, p.
10-21; K. Kolarov and C. Karakashev: Prognoza za razvitieto na grad Sofiya do 2000 godina , Geografiya, Vol. 35, 8, Sofia, 1980, p. 17-19.
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W. Carter: Pollution Problems in Post-war Czechoslovakia , in:
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