"Explanations and Pictures Concerning the Responses and
Incarnations of Lao-chiin During All Generations"
{Lao-chün li-shih ying-hua t'u-shuo, Chengdu 1936)
By Florian C. Reiter, Berlin
The hterary presentation of the "responses and incarnations of Lao-chiin" in
this world shows abundant variations. In 1990 I translated and edited the
Lao-chiin pa-shih-i hua t'u-shuo )\-\' ^ WLMM (LCTS) which is a
Ming edition. LCTS is based on materials which the Ch'iian-chen ^ ^ Tao¬
ists Ling-hu Chang ^ if and Shih Chih-ming ^ J^, (1" half of
13'*^ ct.) assembled. They compiled the stories of the "responses and incarna¬
tions of Lao-chiin" quite a time after the disastrous struggle between Taoists
and Buddhists under Mongol supervision.'
The cabinet of "rare books" at Peking University owns a book with the
dde Lao-chün li-shih ying-hua t'u-shuo ^^MWBitMM (LSYH)} We
' E C. Reiter: Leben und Wirken Lao-Tzu's in Schrift und Bild, Lao-chün pa-shih-i hua t'u-shuo. Würzburg 1990, pp. 21, 79, where the names of the two Taoists appear. Also see my artiele "Die 'Einundachtzig Bildtexte zu den Inkarnationen und Wirkungen Lao-chün's', Dokumente einer tausendjährigen Polemik in China." In: ZDMG 136, 450-491. The abbre¬
viation LCTS always refers to the flrst title (Würzburg 1990). Also see Y. Yoshioka: Dökyö to Bukkyö.'Xokyo 1959, vol. l,pp. ISOsq. Yoshioka refers tothe edition of ad 1374 which in Japan had been studied in two copies (Hang-chou pen and T'ai-ch'ing kung pen). Yoshioka pins down (pp. 190-192) the close relationship between the Ming-edition of ad 1374 and
hagiographies like TT 770 Hun-yüan sheng-chi and also the works by Ling-hu Chang,
Shih Chih-ming (1232), Sung Te-fang (1244), Ch'en Chih-hsü (1330) who all were
Ch'üan-chen Taoists.
^ I am indebted to my colleague Wang Tsung-yü of Peking University who was kind
enough to help me to obtain a microfilm of this book. I also wish to express my thanks to Mr.
Volker Olles M.A. (Chengdu) who managed to buy a copy of this book in tradidonal
binding, which more recently became again available at the Ch'ing-yang kung in Chengdu/
Sichuan. It does not reprint the appendix with the fragments of the Hua-hu ching. The edi¬
tion at Peking University still has the Tun-huang fragments of the Hua-hu-ching which
Wang Fu-yang compiled, comparable with the respective edition by Lo Chen-yü ^^3i-
The undated preface by Hsiao-hsüan tzu of the more recent edition (Chengdu/Ch'ing- yang kung, undated), "On the Reasons for Anew Publishing the Li-shih ying-hua t'u-shuo"
(Hsin-k'an Lao-chün li-shih ying-hua t'u-shuo yüan-ch'i^f\\%^M.\^f^AtMMW1S^),
learn from its second preface by Hsia Hsin-jung 5 'Ij' ^> dated 1936, that Ling-hu Chang transmitted these "pictures" or "charts" {t'u M) whereas
Shih T'ung-wei (Chih-ching /J; worked out the explanations
{shuo IÄ). That original work was dated ad 1374/ We also learn that since
then a very long time has passed and the book suffered great losses.
Perusing the book and looking carefully at the eighty one pictures in both
editions, LCTS and LSYH, we notice that most pictures in both books look
fairly similar. The details, however, are never identical. We also detect that
quite a few titles of the eighty one tracts in LSYH read different from those in
the LCTS.^ LSYH clearly is an extended re-edition (1936) of the old book
LCTS and its story.
In fact, the brand new copy of LSYH which nowadays is on sale in
Chengdu has three prefaces whereas the edition in Peking has only two of
them. The new edition opens up with some laudatory statements by one
Hsiao-hsüan tzu -^^^ and a preface by the same author' . His preface re¬
veals that the old precursor LCTS was well known to the modern editors of
LSYH. They felt that LCTS was a very sketchy production which lacked any
evidential documentation and therefore was unlikely to convince the reader.
The great need to reprint the book was discussed and finally decided upon by
a number of Taoists at Mt. Ch'ing-ch'eng near Chengdu. The probably most
outstanding Ch'üan-chen ^ Taoist who was involved was I Hsin-jung
^ 'C^^. He had a guiding hand in the effort. I Hsin-jung greatly contributed
to collect and assemble documents or related information in order to bolster
up the compilation. The basic descriptions of each of those eighty one para¬
graphs and their appended commentaries were worked out to be much more
opulent and informative in comparison with the old LCTS. In other words,
LSYH is a beefed up version of LCTS which, however, in Sichuan most likely
shows that the detection of a copy of LCTS (printing house: Ma-nao ching-fang J^i^j^J^) sparked this new compilation (LSYH). The author of that first preface, Hsiao-hsüan tzu
^ ^ -f- was associated with the Taoist cloister Yü-hsü tao-yüan i )iB iS ^ (Ch'ing-yang kung). His preface also points to the Shang-wu Publishing Company which was very helpful in procuring Taoist sources. The edition T'ang I-chieh (comp.): Tao-shu chi-ch'eng. Pe¬
king: Chiu-chou t'u-shu Comp. 1999, contains in vol. 7 the studies of Lo Chen-yü concern¬
ing the fragments of the Hua-hua ching, but the Lao-chiin U-shih ying-hua t'u shuo (LSYH) is not contained in this collection.
' All three prefaces have the pagination LSYH I a-1 b.
* See below "Synoptic Survey".
^ This name was not identified and we do not take up the identification of the other Tao¬
ists involved. They obviously all lived during the first decades of the 20''' century in Sichuan and most likely were associated with the sphere of Mt. Ch'ing-ch'eng shan.
was not available in a complete version. Otherwise the stunning discrepancies
between the two editions are very hard to explain.
The other two prefaces by Liu Hsien-jung M]^^ and Hsia Hsin-jung
respectively are identical in both editions LSYH. They tell us that the LSYH
is based on the sincere religious and scholarly impetus to preserve traditions
which document in eighty one paragraphs the workings of Tao. Three per¬
sons, namely Wang Fa-shih 3E }Ä CT (Fu-yang f;^ ^), Ma I-liang MjM^
and Hsia Hsin-jung, "diligently co-operated" in order to provide the book
for later students. The most important name for the actual production of the
book seems to be the recluse (abbot) Wang Fu-yang of the cloister Erh-hsien
an ZLi\liM in Chengdu (Sichuan) which is located close to the temple Ch'ing-
yang kung.'' Wang Fu-yang signed the cover of "the reprint". Ch'en Chi
W did the calligraphy.
This book is a remarkable contribution. It enhances our knowledge about
the pervading importance of Lao-chün and the welter of traditions around
him. Wang Fu-yang and his collaborators attempt to prove the correctness
of the statement that "Lao-chün converted the barbarians". The book associ¬
ates Emperor Sung Li-tsung S ^ with the statement that neither Taoist
nor Buddhist sources must be consulted for the purpose of historic documen¬
tation. The emperor instructs the reader that Confucian works alone could be
trusted in order to prove that provocative statement to represent a historic
matter of fact.^ We understand that LSYH explicitly claims to rely on ac¬
cepted literary traditions that are well beyond the spheres of Taoism and Bud¬
dhism. The underlaying notion that "the three teachings unite in one" turns
out in the second and third prefaces (Liu Hsien-jung and Hsia Hsin-jung),
and yet, they hardly conceal the real intent of their production which is the
' I thank Mr. Volker Olles very much for the information (1999) that the temple Erh-
hsien an ^ fill first established in ad 1695 and dedicated to Lii Tung-pin S aud Han
Hsiang-tzu nowadays still exists, however in a deplorable state. It is located on the
right hand side of the Ch'ing-yang kung ^i^^ within a pubhc park (Wen-hua kung-yüan), separated from the Ch'ing-yang kung only by a high wall. The Erh-hsien an was a centre where printing blocks of Taoist books like Tao-tsang chi-yao were kept. The printing blocks of the LSYH ire said to be still extant and stored in the Ch'ing-yang kung. See Minea
KuNio: Chiigoku dökyö no genjd. Tokyo: Kyuko Shoin Comp. 1990, vol. 1, pp. 293, 295;
vol. 2 (pictures), p. 285, picture no. 1419.
' This information is contained in a text which is attributed to Emperor Sung Li-tsung, see the translation below (LSYH 6a). There are quite a few famous sources which this book seems to quote like Shih-chi ("nobody knows where he ended up") and Lieh-hsien chuan ("he ... entered Ta Ch'in"). The "Secdon on the Western Regions" of Wei-lüeh and Pei-shih are said to "speak about [his] conversion of the barbarians", LSYH 9i~9b. A great number of
quotations in LSYH were undoubtedly taken from TT 593 Yu-lung chuan and TT 770
Hun-yiian sheng-chi.
promotion of Taoism. It is worthwhile having a synoptic survey of LCTS and
LSYH, but first we want to turn the pages of LSYH one by one.
Page 1 b in LSYH shows Lao-chiin who is seated on a throne with a large
cushion in form of a lotus flower. His right hand holds a fan {Wu-ming san
£ ^ ^) and his left hand a small pagoda.* The text on the following page
starts out with a dedication in two columns concerning the cosmic dimension
of the traces of the Saint (T'ai-shang Lao-chiin) by the Taoist San-feng tzu
= who was the master of Hsiao-hsüan tzu.' Hsiao-hsüan tzu in turn
adds some short statement of his master concerning the task of commenting
and revising the descriptions of those charts which had been entrusted to his
followers.
We have already said that the first preface by Hsiao-hsüan tzu concen¬
trates on the genesis of the publication of LSYH. The following two prefaces
take up fundamental principles and convictions which also characterise some
tenets of Ch'iian-chen Taoism. We read statements like "saints, nobles, im¬
mortals and Buddhas are almost without any difference as far as the help is
concerned that they exert towards mankind Liu Hsien-jung indicates in
his undated preface {Ch'ung-ting Lao-chün li-shih ying-hua t'u-shuo hsü £
sl^MMi^fBitMMlf) that the abbot Wang Fu-yang was responsible for
the cutting of the printing blocks. The following much longer preface by Hsia
Hsin-jung is dated "Chinese Republic 1936".
The "Table of Contents"" follows, first listing two texts which are Sung
Li-tsung huang-ti yü-chih hua-hu pien ^S^M'^f^PSs'fkfiS^? "Emperor
Sung Li-tsung's Discussion of the Conversion of the Barbarians", and sec¬
ondly T'ang Kao-tsung ch 'ien-feng erh-nien chieh-yü cheng-lun ch 'ih 1^ ^
^ii^^T^M^mMl. "Imperial Decree by Emperor T'ang Kao-tsung,
Dated 667, To Proclaim Restrictive Rules Concerning Competitive Dis¬
putes". A third title reads "Discussion on [remaining] pieces of the Hua-hu
ching, 1 chapter" {Ihua-hu ching chuang 1 chüan IS'fkS^MJi^)-'^ After that a
listing presents the eighty one titles of the responses and incarnations of Lao-
chiin. In some cases it indicates briefly the actual contents. The statement
"Appendix: Lao-tzu hua-hu ching, 2 chapters" concludes this introductory
section of the book LSYH}^
' This Lao-chiin in LCTS does not hold that small pagoda in his left hand.
' Again this is a Taoist name of honour which was not identified.
'° LSYH 1 a, preface by Liu Hsien-jung.
" LSYHli-ia.
We get in small print the information "altogether eight pieces".
" LSYHiiJi
LSYH TtZrAh present the titles of those seventy nine scriptures, charts and
explanations which aUegedly were used as sources of reference "for this
book". Only in some cases we get indications of authorship. A concluding
statement points out that "amongst the books hsted above those dealing with
Buddhist matters are certainly not rare".''* Another listing introduces thirty
five titles that were used for corrections. Again, one title is marked as being es¬
peciahy informative about Buddhist matters."
The two texts attributed to Sung Li-tsung and T'ang Kao-tsung on
pages 5a-7a, and 7a-7b ostentatiously head the presentation of the eighty one
paragraphs which feature Lao-chiin's incarnations and actions in the cosmos
and the world of man.'* This expose of LSYH is weighty. However, we notice
that the presumably older text (T'ang) does not precede the text that is attrib¬
uted to Emperor Sung Li-tsung. This arrangement is unusual. The text by
Emperor Sung Li-tsung is rather detailed and gives quite a few sources of
reference. So far I could not yet document both texts which are very impor¬
tant within the frame of LSYH and worthwhile being presented in transla¬
tion. The two texts show remarkable parallels to information in Sung hagio¬
graphie sources like TT 770 Hun-yiian sheng-chi and TT 774 Yu-lung chuan.
We should not rule out that the texts by Sung Li-tsung and T'ang Kao-
tsung are either apocryphal attributions or more recent fabrications. In any
case, they stand for the intrinsic reasoning which shapes texts and commen¬
taries in LSYH, disregarding any declarations about the "Three Teachings".
Both texts give some strong authority to the notion of a perceived historical
priority and superiority of Taoism vis-a-vis Buddhism. We notice that the two
texts attributed to Emperors Sung Li-tsung and T'ang Kao-tsung had not
been included in the old or original LCTS. They serve the modern LSYH as
eloquent introduction to the whole presentation.
Sung Li-tsung focuses his discourse on the question of the historic "ear¬
lier" and "later" of both schools, relying on Confucian documentation. T'ang
Kao-tsung refers to Huang-ti and Lao-chün, the two great saints of China,
who naturally have priority. Buddha was just "a good man" amongst the bar¬
barians. Again, the "earlier" and "later" turns out to be the key argument.
Right after the text attributed to Emperor T'ang Kao-tsung the intro¬
ductory part presents a discourse by the modern compilers of LSYH in the
form of quotations from key sources, starting out with the "Statement on the
'* LSYH A3..
" LSYH An-Ab (Fo-tsu ch'uan-teng).
Starting on p. 5 a, see the following translations.
[remaining] Pieces of the Hua-hu ching in 1 chapter" (I hua-hu ching chuang)^^
for which the "Section on Literature" of T'ang-shu 1^ is referred to. The
subsequent statements were quoted from a seemingly large variety of sources
like Hou-Han shu and Shih-chi)'^ In fact, the many lines of quotations on
pages 8 a/2-10 a/6 can be found almost verbatim in the hagiographie text
IT 770 Hun-yiian sheng-chi. LSYH imitates even the arrangement of that
text.^° The point is made that
Taoism has its basis in China. Buddhism emerged in the western regions. The
teachings were established according to the [specific] environment. They have a
common function (t'ung-t'i |W] f§), yet different names {i-ming ^ ^). The muta¬
tions of Lord Lao are without local [confinement]. He altered his outer appear¬
ances and changed his names of honour. Eventually he is God-Emperor in the
Heavens, or "teacher master" in this world. He makes his appearances visible ac¬
cording to the actual circumstances and shows magic responses which are hard to
fathom and do not provide suitable evidence for the compilation of historical re¬
cords.^'
These legitimising discourses speak about Lao-tzu and convey the flair of
grand history and also the prevalence of Taoism. Turning the page we see
{LSYH Ila) the picture of "the first incarnation (or mutation)" with the title
"Rising from Non-Beginning". The picture shows a radiant sun with a few
clouds in the background.
" LSYHii-\Oh.
'* E.g. see Hsin T'ang-shu. Ed. Peking 1975, ch. 59,49, p. 1521 b, which refers to the year AD 696 when the monk Hui-ch'eng petitioned to have the Hua-hu ching destroyed, and the official Liu Ju-HSÜAN from the Ministry of Justice (et al.) were ordered to present a discus¬
sion of the text. This most likely is a quotation of TT 770 Hun-yiian sheng-chi 8.20 b
" L5y'//8a,9aand 10a.
2° TT 770: 8.17b-20b. There are minimal mistakes in LSYH: LSYH83/S Yü-t'ien country has 7«, H. A. Giles: no. 13515, instead of no. 13537; P.8b/2 has shih, H. A. Giles: no. 9983, instead of fo H.A. Giles: no. 3589. P.9a/10 has to H.A. Giles: no. 11302 ("many") which obviously reads better that "vile" yin H. A. Giles: no. 13244. P.9b/4 has chung H. A. Giles:
no. 2894, instead of jan H.A. Giles: no. 5551. LSYH omits only the hnes TT 770: 8.18 b/5-8.
It appears that the claim to quote a vast array of sources is rather pretentious. Concerning the Sung source TT 770 (Preface ad 1191), see Jen Chi-yü et al. (comp.): Tao-tsang t'i-yao. Pe¬
king 1991, No. 0764, p. 554; and no. 0768, p. 556, concerning TT 774 Yu-lung chuan.
" LSYH 8b-9a, the statement is attributed to Chang T'ai-yuan, with the title "Grand Master of Palace Leisure, acting in charge of the Foods Service of the Heir Apparent, Upper Pillar of the Country". Concerning the following statements LSYH pp. 10a/7-10b/9, we can also partly identify them in Shih-chi 130,70, p. 1054b sq. (T'ai-shih kung tzu-hsü). These are statements about the various philosophical schools, the working of "Great Tao" and similar information. See above note 20: TT 770: 8.17b-20b.
Generally speaiting, the texts in LSYH show quite a new approach. There
is much information that LCTS did not include. This is evidently due to the
different circumstances of time and production. The texts in LSYH are not in¬
serted in the pictures themselves but always follow them on the next page.
They are printed in large characters. Often there is too much text for just one
page, but the text is still being squeezed onto one page, partly using double
columns with smaller characters. In some cases we get the text arranged over
two or more pages. A different printing style helps to distinguish the com¬
mentaries and addenda by the modern authors. Now the translation of the
texts by Sung Li-tsung and T'ang Kao-tsung follows in order to document
the basic flair and tendency of LSYH.
Emperor Sung Li-tsung's Discussion of the Conversion of the Barbarians
(5a-7ap:
(5a) "I regularly looked at ah those books, which [attempt to] destroy
Confucianism and Taoism. The barbarians all hate about Lao-tzu that he
is [connected with] the theory about the conversion of the barbarians.
They say that Lao-tzu was born at the time of King [Chou] Ting-wang,
and that Buddha was born before Lao-tzu left [China passing] the
[Han-ku] pass, on a day at the time of King Chao-wang.^^
Because this is not in accord with the entries in the Chinese Confucian
books, I took the Confucian codices in order to check it out. Following
the T'ung-chien^'* it surely was the generation of [Chou] King Yu-wang,
when the Luo-ho [river] dried out. There is the story that Lao-tzu sighed
[about this event] which is contained in the historical record.^' King
For this and the following text by T'ang Kao-tsung, see the Appendix. Here we do not insert Chinese characters.
King Chao-wang is the 4''' king of Chou, and Ting-wang the 21". See Shih-chi. Taipei:
Tung-hua Comp. 1970, Chou pen-chi ch. 4, pp. 41 b, 46b. Concerning King Chao (r. 977-957 Bc), also see E. L. Shaughnessy: "Western Zhou History." In: M. Loewe and E. L. Shaugh¬
nessy (ed.): The Cambridge History of Ancient China, From the Origins of CiviUzation to 221 B. C. Cambridge 1999, pp. 322-323. E. Zürcher: The Buddhist Conquest of China. Tai¬
pei 1975 rp. , p. 272, gives the 24''' year of King Chao (958 bc). For a survey on the apparitions of Lao-chün during the Chou-dynasty, see TT 770 Hun-yiian sheng-chi 1.17b sq.
" Tzu-chih t'ung-chien wai-chi. Shanghai 1927. In: Ssu-pu ts'ung-k'an no. 012, 3.50a (Yu-wang).
King Yu-wang was the 12''' king of the Chou. Shih-chi 4, p. 44a-44b "the Hsia dynasty
perished when the I-Luo rivers dried out, and the Shang perished when the [Huang-] Ho
river dried out. Today the virtue of the Chou being [as weak] as it was that time, the springs of these rivers are getting obstructed and dry out. This is indicative of the approaching end of the [Chou] dynasty." King Yu-wang received the information that "the Chou are about to perish" from Po-yang fu whom the commentary identifies with Lao-tzu. Concerning King
Yu-wang was the ancestor of King Ting-wang, living ten generations ear¬
lier. [King Yu-wang] lived before King Ting-wang, [and so] they were
mutually separated from each other for ten generations.
Why is it that the name Lao-tzu existed first?^* Again, I examine Liu
Hsiang's compilation Lao-shih chuan?^ It contains [the information]
that during the Shang period Lao-tzu acted as Keeper of the Secret Ar¬
chives for Hsi-po. Furthermore examining the Confucian codices [I find
them] to say that Lao[-tzu] and P'eng [Tsu] were worthy lords of the
Shang.^* Again examining this back and forth throughout all the scrip¬
tures and historical documents they contain [reports on] the factual
traces of Lao-tzu becoming Buddha and completing Tao. Proceeding on
this basis we clearly could discern that Lao-tzu was born in the Shang
period.
Now, those who exactly at that time received the mandate of heaven
and acted as rulers in the world were called "Heavenly King". Because
they employed the virtue of King Wen, Almighty Heaven was fond of
them and ordered them to have a hold of all within the four seas and so be
rulers in the world. Their virtue thus had plenty and fruitful influences
[all around], (5b) and those myriad regions obeyed them without any
further hesitation. Therefore ah the regions [sent emissaries to] the court,
and they all were steeped at the utmost in the fruitful influences of the vir¬
tue of the Son of Heaven.
That person Lao-shih then was an official servant [at the court] of the
Heavenly King of the Chou. Employing the virtue of the Son of Heaven
Yu (r. 781-771 bc) also see E. L. Shaughnessy: "Westem Zhou History", pp. 348-349. Also see Ch'u-hsiieh chi. Peking: Chung-hua Comp. 1980, ch. 6/7 (Luo-shui) p. 133, which addi¬
tionally quotes the Kuo-yü, speaking about Chou Ling-wang's 22"'' year. My translation takes into account the information that the Shih-chi offers.
^' This means "before Buddha".
" This very likely refers to the biography of Lao-tzu in Liu Hsiang's TT 294 Lieh-hsien chuan 1.4b-5a which says that Lao-tzu was born under the Yin (Shang) dynasty and served as Chu-hsia shih for the Chou. Hsi-po is Chou Wen-wang. Also see e.g. TT 770 Hun-yüan sheng-chi 8.19a-19b which reports that Lao-tzu entered "Ta Ch'in", referring to Lieh-hsien chuan. Also see M. Kaltenmark: Le Lie-sien tchouan. Peking 1953, pp. 60-65. I could not find any Lao-shih chuan. The usual attribution of the Lieh-hsien chuan to Liu Hsiang (77-6 Bc) most likely is wrong, see E. Zürcher: The Buddhist Conquest of China, p. 291; the chapter "The Conversion of the Barbarians" is a splendid presentation of relevant materials.
^' Concerning P'eng-tsu, see Shih-chi 40 (Shih-chia) 529b. TT 294 Lieh-hsien chuan
1.8b-9a which appears to be an important source for this texL See M. Kaltenmark: Le
Lie-sien tchouan, p. 82-84. For all these names we also find information in G. Güntsch: Das Shen-hsien chuan und das Erscheinungsbild eines Hsien. Frankfurt am Main 1988 (Würz¬
burger Sino-Japonica. 16.).
he converted the western [regions]. He crossed the Han-ku [pass] in or¬
der to convert all the chiefs of the Ch'iang [peoples]. His teachings about
the [proper] way of government came from China. If we speak about
those who cultivate the study of Tao, this single character Tao, was [in
this sense] first used by Lao-tzu. When we say "cultivating Tao", now
without any doubt at all, this had been taught (hua) by Lao-tzu. How
could this refer to anybody else but the followers of Lao-shih? The
Chung-yung says: "The cultivation of Tao constitutes the very teach¬
ing".^' All these words about "cultivating Tao" surely mean the cultiva¬
tion of the teachings of Lao-tzu. Again, how could we have any doubt?
Now, concerning Buddha, there are records about him in the
Wen-hsüan which Emperor Liang Wu-ti and Heir-Apparent Chao-
MING compiled. As to the date of birth of Buddha [the Wen-hsüan] al¬
ready gives [sufficient] testimony. This text says that the two Chuangs of
Chou and Lu [respectively] personally [saw] reflections shining up in a
nightly scenery, although the regular stars were not to be seen.-'° In the
Han and Chin periods the two Emperors Ming all decreed that orna¬
mented icons be made.-" It says that at that time the teachings of Buddha
began to flourish. It is [also] said that Buddha was born in the ninth year
of King Chuang of the Chou^^ which exactly is the seventh year of Lord
Chuang of Lu.^'
Under Emperor Han Ming-ti the teachings of Buddha came [to China]
for the first time, and those teachings flourished under Emperor Chin
Ming-ti for the first time.^'' Therefore it is said that [at the time of] the two
Chuangs [Buddha] was born, and [at the time of] the two [Emperors]
^ J. Legge: The Four Books. Taipei: Wen-hua Comp. 1975 rp., The Doctrine of the Mean, Chapter I., p. 43: "What Heaven has conferred is called THE NATURE; an accordance with this nature is called THE PATH of duty; the regulation of the path [hsiu-tao] is called
INSTRUCTION [chiaoY
'° This indicates the time of the birth of Buddha which is said to be the 7''' year of Lu Chuang-kung (693-662 bc), which would mean 687 bc Por this informadon and this report as a whole see Wen-hsüan. Tainan: Ko-ta Comp. 1974, ch. 59 (T'ou-t'a shih pei-wen), p. 814.
Also see Ch'un-ch'iu Tso-shih chuan chiu-chu shu-cheng, (Chuang kung 7) p. 145 (ed. P'ing- p'ing Comp., Tainan 1974). Also see TT 770 Hun-yüan sheng-chi 1.26b.
See Wen-hsüan, as above.
" TT 770 Hun-yüan sheng-chi 8.20a.
" For a slightly different dating see E. Zürcher: The Buddhist Conquest of China, pp. 271-272.
Tzu-chih t'ung-chien. Tainan: P'ing-p'ing Comp. 1975, ch. 45 (Han-chi 1)7, Ming-ti yung-p'ing 8, that is ad 65), pp. 1447-1448. For this information also refer to the commen¬
tary (Li Shan) on the Wen-hsüan (T'ou-t'a shih pei-wen), Wen-hsüan8l4; see above. E. Zür¬
cher: The Buddhist Conquest of China, p. 27.
Ming his teachings flourished. Emperor Liang Wu-ti thus adduced ah
the Confucian codices, using them as evidence for aU the world. The
official discourses of a myriad of generations (6a) cannot be altered.-" Is it
not [through] the presence of the will of heaven, that [we] know the
traces of the birth of the Saint [Lao-tzu] in China and the very facts about
him converting the barbarians? The Tao of Heaven is something which is
not to be obscured. Oh, how difficult would it be!
We therefore today undertake an investigation of the emergence of
[that] large scale trickery between the two teaching systems of Taoism
and Buddhism which began with Wang Fou.-'* In the beginning [of his ca¬
reer] he became a novice. Because of his outstanding brightness a great
number of monks envied and poisoned him, but he did not die. Wang Fou
then let his hair grow, became a Taoist and rose to [the rank of] libationer
(chi-chiu). Following his friction with the community of the [Buddhist]
monks he altered the old edition of the Hua-hu ching, enlarging it with
his fabricated theories. [Buddhists and Taoists subsequently] mutually
fought and despised each other. Thereupon [the Buddhists] shifted the
[date of] birth of Lao-tzu to the generation of [Chou] Ting-wang, [and]
shifted [the date of] birth of Buddha to the time of [Chou] Chao-wang,
well before the time of Lao-tzu's teaching activities in the West and his
departure across the [Han-ku] pass. Following this, [such] trickery oc¬
curred not just on one day only.
I say that the facts concerning the conversion of the barbarians must
not be documented by rehance on the books of the two communities, the
Taoists and Buddhists. [We] should use the Confucian manuals to find
evidence. Thus we know by whom the teachings were estabhshed, and by
whom conversion was brought about. These matters can be well seen in
the "Section on the Four Barbarian [Tribes]" of the K'uo-ti chih,^^ in
the Hsi-jung chuan of the Wei-liieP^, in the "Reports on the Western
This points to the Wen-hsüan, but should refer to its commentary -which introduces a fair number of historic sources.
" E. Zürcher: The Buddhist Conquest of China, pp. 293-302. 307.
Hsin T'ang-shu 58,48, p. 1506 a which gives 550 chapters for this work which is no lon¬
ger available. See Yü-han shan-fang chi-i shu hsü-pien san chung. Shanghai: Ku-chi Comp.
1989, p. 292a.
For translations of important passages see, E. Zürcher: The Buddhist Conquest of
China, p. 291-292, which refer to P'ei Sung-chih's commentary on the San-kuo chih quot¬
ing from the Wei-lüeh hsi-jung chuan. See San-kuo chih. Peking: Chung-hua Comp. 1985, ch.
30, note 1 (Wei-lüeh), pp. 859-860. See Hsin T'ang-shu 58, 48, p. 1464b. Also see TT 770 Hun-yüan sheng-chi 1.24a, 8.20a, for the most likely source of this quotation.
Regions" (Hsi-yü chuan) of the Sui-shih}"^ in the extended memorial
which [Hsiang] K'ai"*" had submitted to Emperor Han Huan-ti, and in
aU those commentaries on the San-kuo chih.*^ [Other titles are] the
Lai-hsiang chi by Ts'ui Yüan-shan/^ the biographical works by Chi
K'ang/^ Huang-fu Mi'*'' and others, the historical work by Fan
See Sui-shu. Peking: Chung-hua Comp. 1973, ch. 83, Lieh-chuan 48, pp. 1852-1853, speaking about the country Yü-t'ien (Khotan) and the Monastery Pi-mo, which is said to be
"the place where Lao-tzu converted the barbarians and became Buddha" (p. 1853). Also see TT 770 Hun-yüan sheng-chi 1.26 a.
*° Our text has P'ei (H. A. Giles no. 8831) which most certainly is a mistake. It should be Hsiang (H. A. Giles no. 4266), see E. Zürcher: The Buddhist Conquest of China, pp. 36-38
(The imperial sacrifice of 166 AD; Hsiang K'ai's memorial). See Hou Han-shu 30 hsia,
pp. 1075 sq., especially pp. 1082 sq. The name "P'ei" K'ai is repeated in our text on p. 9b. For this also see TT 770 Hun-yüan sheng-chi 8.20a.
■" The bibliography (p. 3b) mentions the commentaries by Fan [I] , Ch'en [Shou] and P'ei [Sung-chih].
For this title see e.g. TT 770 Hun-yüan sheng-chi 1 .9 b, 21 a-21 b which quote it together with the Ch'u-sai chi (for these dtles see bibliography LSYH p. 3b which also gives the names of the authors). For their names also see TT 770:1.21 a. Concerning the Lai-hsiang chi,
TT 770 names Ts'ui Yüan as author, Yüan being the taboo for Hsüan (H. A. Giles
nos. 13744/4790). See Sung-shih i-wen chih kuang-pien, Sung-shih i-wen chih fu-pien, Pi-shu sheng hsü ssu-k'u shu-mu. Taipei: Shih-chieh Comp. 1975, p. 415 (Lai-hsiang chi 1 chüan by Ts'ui Hsüan), which also points to the Sung-chih where this title was misprinted. LSYH ob¬
viously enlarges the name (Ts'ui YiiAN-Shan) by mistake. Also see the T'ang source TT 1123 I-ch 'ieh tao-ching yin-i miao-men yu-ch 'i 9 a where the Lai- hsiang chi is being listed together with the titles Kao-shang Lao-tzu pen-chi, Hsüan-chung chi, Shen-hsien chuan and Ch'u-sai chi with common statements about Lao-tzu's apparitions as "teacher of the emperors" and his activity at the time of Fu Hsi. For the Taoist administrative and geographic unit Lai-hsiang chih see, TT 1139 San-tung chu-nang 7.2b, 14b which point to Ml Hsiao-shih shan. Also see F.C. Reiter: Der Perlenbeutel aus den Drei Höhlen (San-tung chu-nang), Arbeitsmaterialien zum Taoismus der frühen T'ang Zeit. Wiesbaden 1990 (Asiatische For¬
schungen. 112.), pp. 107,114. Lao-tzu was allegedly born in District K'u, Lai-hsiang Circuit, e.g. see TT 770 Hun-yüan sheng-chi 9.26b.
Kao-shih chuan 1 chüan, indicated in: Yü-han shan-fang chi-i shu hsü-pien san chung.
Shanghai: Ku-chi Comp. 1989, pp. 313b-314a (biography of Lao-lai tzu). TT 770 Hun-yüan
sheng-chi 1.1a, which names both, Chi K'ang and Huang-fu Mi. TT 770 could have been
used by Sung Li-tsung.
** This refers to the two titles Kao-shih chuan, compare bibliography LSYH 3 a. For the
Kao-shih chuan by Huang-fu Mi see: Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu shih-pu chuan-chi lei, and the
same title by Chi K'ang, see Yü-han shan-fang chi-i shu pu-pien. See Lo Hsüeh-t'ang hsien- sheng ch'üan-chi san pien. Taipei: Wen-hua Comp. 1970, vol. 1, p. 2219. Important trans¬
lations from Kao-shih chuan (Huang-fu Mi), are E. Zürcher: The Buddhist Conquest of
China, p. 292. The text of Sung Li-tsung reminds strongly of TT 770 Hun-yüan sheng-chi 2.38a;8.17b-18a.
Wei-tsung"", (6b) the Nan-hsing chi by Sung Yün''*, Emperor T'ang
T'ai-tsung's Shih-lu*^ the discussions of the academicians ah around,
the eulogies by emperors and kings throughout the periods of history, the
prefatory statements by Emperors T'ang Hsüan-tsung and Sung
Kuang-tsung. Ah of them show [appropriate] statements.
Starting out with the books of the Confucian scholars and completely
perusing them like a stallion [that swift] I measured thoroughly the fac¬
tual truth of the matter. It shines up like sun and stars [that bright] and
cannot be covered up. Such is the enlightening [quality of] the official dis¬
courses of the myriad generations in this world. What could I again add
to this?
Collating the teachings of the Buddhists [I found that] they guide peo¬
ple by compassion and love, the teachings of Huang-ti guide people by
humanity and propriety, the teachings of the Taoists (Lao-shih) guide
people by "the Way and its Virtue" (Tao-te), arranging order by loyalty
and filial piety. The teachings of Confucianism guide people by etiquette
and music, arranging order by bonds and virtues. Can the very basis of
the initiation and influence of the three teachings be somewhere else but
*^ See LS YH 9b, where some of the other titles show up again, with a summary of the con¬
tents: "They all say that Lao-tzu in the West entered the drifting dunes [of the desert]. They all say that he converted the barbarians (hua-hu)". For the historian and author of Hou-Han
shu Fan [I] Wei-tsung, see Sung-shu. Peking: Chung-hua Comp. 1974, ch. 65, 29,
pp. 1819 sq. The modern preface (Vol. 1, p. 6) of this edition of Hou-Han shu says that Fan I was "against Buddhism". TT 770 Hun-yiian sheng-chi 8.20a.
Wang Wei-ch'eng: Lao-tzu hua-hu shuo k'ao-cheng. Peking 1934. In: Kuo-hsüeh
chi-k'an 4:2, p. 92, has a book Hsing-chi by Sung Yün, referring to the Wei-shu. See Wei-shu 102, Lieh-chuan 90 (Hsi-yii) which explains that the official Sung Yün and the Buddhist Fa-li (et al.) in ad 518-522 were sent to five Indian countries to retrieve Buddhist materials. The same title is also given in Tun-huang pen Hui-ch'ao wang wu t'ien-chu kuo chuan ts'an- chiian pa, see Lo Hsüeh-t'ang hsien-sheng ch'üan-chi ch'u-pien. Taipei: Wen-hua Comp.
1968, vol.l. pp. 314-316, especially p. 316. And also Lo Hsüeh-t'ang hsien-sheng ch'üan-chi san pien. Taipei 1970, vol. 6, pp. 2073-2127, especially p. 2102. Lo Chen-yü also refers to the
Lo-yang chia-lan chi. See E. Chavannes: "Voyage de Song Yun dans I'Udyana et le
Gandhara (518-522 p.C.)." In: BEFEO III, pp. 379-441 (1903). See Genowefa Zdun: Mate¬
riaux pour Tetude de la culture chinoise du Moyen age: le Lo-yang k'ie-lan ki. Varsovie 1981, p. 8. Also see H.A. Giles: A Chinese Biographical Dictionary, p. 703; no. 1842. See Hsin T'ang-shu 58,48, 1505b which has a Wei-kuo i hsi shih-i kuo-shih, 1 chapter, by Sung Yün.
The book [Nan-] hsing chi is not available, but in a way extant in form of ch. 5 of Lo-yang chia-lan chi, e.g. see Lo-yang chia-lan chi. Taipei: Shih-chieh Comp. 1974, no. 0028, ch. 5, pp. 144 sq, for the encounter of the "emissary of Great Wei [country] Sung Yün" and a bar¬
barian king. Sung Yün explains the localisation of China and some of her heritage, hke the virtues of the philosophers "K'ung, Chuang, Lao". Also see Wang Wei-ch'eng: Lao-tzu hua-hu shuo k'ao-cheng. p. 92, referring to Sun Yün's Hsing-chi quoted in Wei-shu.
*^ TT 770 Hun-yüan sheng-chi 8.18 a.
in the one common ground? How could it be admissible that having a
common profession they mutually envy and attack [each other]? We
look at the differences between the barbarians and the Chinese, at the in¬
dividual particularities of customs and manners, and yet what they con¬
sider to be good is just one [and the same].
In the time before the Han [period] China only knew the two teaching
systems of Confucianism and Taoism. As to Confucianism, there still
were Yang Chu and Mo Ti who had their special [and differing] reason¬
ing which stood against [each other].'" By the Sung period again all the
scholars [who are known by the name] Lien-Lo, produced erratic learn¬
ing fwei-hsüehj. Consequently each of them established schools and
affiliations, [but] did not follow the basic tracks of the early kings.'"
Now, when the Saints established their teachings they must have had
subtle principles. If adherents of Confucianism still say that the princi¬
ples have not yet been thoroughly penetrated and knowledge has not yet
been extended to the utmost, the Saints then were superior [to them]. (7a)
How could it be that simple people and ordinary gentlemen were able to
fathom and know [such matters] ? Is it not that they envy those who are
their elders and slander the heavenly emperors (t'ien-ti), demote [the sta¬
tus] of Confucius and are full of jealousy? This is to say, if the Saints had
not been [active], there would not have been any law, [but] this is the Tao
of revolt [and chaos]. Is it not just so?
Imperial Decree by Emperor T'ang Kao-tsung, Dated 667, To Proclaim Re¬
strictive Rules Concerning Competitive Disputes (7a-7b)'°:
Concerning both philosophers, see D. S. Nivison: "The Classical Philosophical Writ¬
ings." In: M. Loewe and E.L. Shaughnessy (ed.): The Cambridge History of Ancient China, pp. 761-763 and pp. 765-767. For a very similar statement see TT 770 Hun-yiian sheng-chi 3.21 a.
Lien-Lo [liu chiin-tzu] ("the six gentlemen of Lien-hsi and Lo-yang") refers to six Sung philosophers who were either connected with the two locations of Lien-hsi or Lo-yang.
They are Chou Tun-i, Shao Yung, Si-ma Kuang, Ch'eng Hao, Ch'eng I and Chang Tsai. For a detailed description see Sung Yiian ju-hsUeh an hsii-lu. Taipei: Kuang-wen Comp. 1971. In:
Sung-yiian hsiieh-an, chiian shou, 2b-3a/16b-17a.
Concerning Lao-chün's apparitions during the reign of T'ang Kao-tsung see TT 770 Hun-yiian sheng-chi 1. 37a-38b. The year before, Ch'ien-feng 1, T'ang Kao-tsung had per¬
formed the feng-shan sacrifices at Mt. T'ai-shan and visited Lao-tzu's birth place at Po-chou, enfeoffing Lao-tzu with the title Hsüan-yüan huang-ti. The following statements are quite in tune with these activities, see TT 770: 1.37b. See TT 972 Kung-kuan pei chih 14b (Yiian ch'ung-hsiu Po-chou T'ai-ch'ing kung T'ai-chi tien pei). For a complete translation see F. C.
Reiter: "A Chinese Patriot's Concern with Taoism: The Case of Wang O (1190-1273)." In:
Oriens Extremus 33,2, pp. 99-109. Also see Sun K'o-k'uan: T'ang-tai tao-chiao yii cheng- chih (Ch'ung-tao/Kao-tsung yii Wu-hou). In: Sun K'o-k'uan (comp.): Han-yüan tao-lun.
(7a) "Since I received the mandate of Heaven I have [in control] all the
myriad regions. How would I venture then not to reverence respectfully
the Tao of Heaven by proclaiming the Virtue of Heaven. Those who
competed [disputing] were the hbationer (chi-chiu) Yang T'ai-hsüan of
the Belvedere Hao-t'ien, and the monk of the temple Hua-yen yüan,
[Shih] Tsung-ching." They disputed the "later" and "earlier" [of the ap¬
pearance of Taoism and Buddhism]," but my regular restrictive orders
[as to such disputes] have still not yet been respected in practise.
I always examined [this matter] in the antique manuals and ordered
the scholars to compare the excellent and weak points [of Taoism and
Buddhism], in order to know precisely the "later" and the "earher" [of
the origin] of Taoism and Buddhism, and to see the lightness [or] the
weight of the barbarians and the Chinese. The scholars defined what is
today, and they considered antiquity. They penetrated the principles and
exhaustively [researched] the origins, and especially took heaven and
man [as basis] for their discourses.
Tao then is the mother of Heaven and Earth and the myriad creatures.
Buddha, however, cultivated Tao and was successful. Tao has "Heaven"
as appellation, [whereas] Buddha has his ranking amongst mankind. Who
would venture to position man above Heaven and Earth?
Taipei 1977, pp. 74-78. Especially see T. H. Barrett: Taoism under the T'ang, Religion &
Empire During the Golden Age of Chinese History. London 1996, pp. 28 sq. who features Kao-tsung as a protagonist of Taoism and also explains the importance of the controversy about the Hua-hua ching at that time.
^' The Hao-t'ien kuan once was the lodge of the "Prince of Chin" who became Emperor Kao-tsung. In 656 it was dedicated to be a Taoist cloister, see Th. Thilo: Chang'an Metropole Ostasiens und Weltstadt des Mittelalters 583-904, Ted 1, Die Stadtanlage. Wiesbaden 1997 (opera sinologica. 2.), pp. 208-209. See T. H. Barrett: Taoism under the T'ang, pp. 29-30, 33.
See TT 957 Ku lou-kuan tzu-yün yen-ch'ing chi 1.7b. It is not clear if the Buddhist Hua-yen yüan in this text can be identified with a location of the same name which Th. Thilo men¬
tions on p. 252. We do not have details about the identity of the two contestants. Hsü wen- hsien t'ung-k'ao ch. 246,4b-6a, p. 3720 referring to Ch'ien-feng yüan-nien (ad 666; p. 5b) explains that after the feng-shan sacrifices the emperor set up in each prefecture (chou) one Taoist and one Buddhist temple, and seven persons had to operate each of them. This may give evidence for his attempt to keep the balance between the two religions.
" This reminds of e.g. the edict Hsien Lao hou Shih chao (T'ang Kao-tsu, Wu-te 8 i.e. ad 625), see T 2060 Hsü kao-seng chuan 24, 634 a, explaining that Taoism and Confucianism are the original Chinese convictions whereas Buddhism came later and had to adopt the style of a guest [in China]. Generally see T 2104 Chi ku-chin fo-tao lun-heng and T 2105 Hsü-chi ku- chin fa-tao lun-heng.
I take [the difference between] the barbarians and the Chinese to judge
[this question]. The initiators of the Taoist teachings are Huang[-ti] and
Lao[-chün] of our China. The beginnings of the Buddhist teachings [are
to be found] in Chi-pin [country] of those western barbarians. Huang[-
ti] and Lao[-chiin] are great saints of China, but Buddha was just a good
man'-' of the western barbarians. Taking this [difference between] the
barbarians and Chinese into account for our discussion, how could it be
acceptable that the foreign (7b) barbarians are positioned above China?
Again, taking this "earlier" and "later" into account for our discus¬
sion, Tao was before Heaven and Earth. Buddha emerged later and
flourished later. Tao was first, [even] before r'an-ku'"* was. Buddha
[lived] in the epoch of the Chuang's" of the Chou [dynasty]. There is a
distance [in time] between the upper and lower [limits of the scale] of
more than three milhon and seven thousand years.'* Who would dare [to
shift] the time of the Chuangs of the Chou [dynasty] before [the time of]
P'an-ku?
Again, I take the epochs of the ruling houses to judge [this question].
Tao was explained during the generation of Hsien-yüan.'^ Buddha ap¬
peared in the time of Han[-emperor] Ming. Tao was present before the
dragon-horse" [appeared], [but] Buddha came [to the world] when the
[might] of the Han-ruling house" was fading out. Who would dare to
consider [the period] of the Later Han as exalted and [the period of]
Huang-ti as lowly? Furthermore, according to the old chapters of rules
of the Buddhists, they are very clear about the "later" and the "earlier".
Who earlier joined (ju) a Buddhist temple, even being a young person.
Shan-jen means a meritorious man.
K-WANG-CHm Chang; "China on the eve of the historical period: The Cosmogony of the Ancient Periods." In: M. Loe-we and E. L. Shaughnessy (ed.): The Cambridge History of Ancient China, pp. 66-67. This features two divergent traditions which, however, show Pan Ku as a mythological figure at the very beginning of this world.
This means King Chuang and Lord Chuang of Lu (Chou Dynasty), see above the text
by Sung Li-tsung.
Pointing to the time before P'an Ku.
Hsien-yüan is the name (ming) of Huang-ti. See Shih-chi, Wu-ti pen-chi 1,1 b.
58 -j-p 770 Hun-yüan sheng-chi 1.6b-7a. This means the "dragon-horse" which at the time of Fu Hsi emerged from the Huang-ho with the Pa-kua on its back, presenting the formula for the world which came to structure the Lching. See the illustration of a dragon-horse from the Chou-i ts'ai-t'u on the cover of L. G. Thompson (trsl.) and G. Seaman (ed.): Yao-Yü Wu: The Taoist Tradition in Chinese Thought. Los Angeles 1991.
^' The text has mao-chin (H. A. Giles: nos. 7693 and 2032) which circumscribes the char¬
acter liu (H. A. Giles: no. 7270), pointing to the surname of the ruling family of the Han dy¬
nasty (Liu).
must take the upper rank. Who later joined a Buddhist temple, even being
an old person, must take the lower rank. This is their "Pure Rule"
( Ch 'ing-kuei). The principles which do not change are the very potential
of Heaven and Earth and Spontaneity (tzu-jan). How could there still be
any doubt that Taoism was earlier and Buddhism later?
Today, after I have announced this restrictive [statement], both schools
[should] entirely realise my words in practise. If they dare not to respect
them and embark on [such] disputes as before, I shall apply the most
severe punishment in grave cases. In light cases the punishments of [hard
labour] as wall builders and grain pounders*° will be applied. I order that
all the lower [executive] offices comply with my judgement."*'
A Synoptic Survey on the Titles and Texts in LCTS and LSYH^^
1) Both texts, LCTS and LSYH, have "Rising from Non-Beginning" (Ch'i
wu-shih).''^ LSYH focuses on the definition of Tao which existed before chaos
split up. The "Great Saint" has his genuine hfe endowment by exactly that
"Great Tao". This explains the name "The One Without Beginning" (Wu-
shih che ^^^) which means the "August One" (T'ai-shang).*'' He is "the
body (shen ^) of Great Tao", the "ancestor of the primordial breaths", "the
very root of Heaven and Earth". This text is an extension of LCTS no. 1. A
concluding and unsigned commentary connects the "three breaths" which
emerge from the "Perfect One" (Chen-i ^ —) with the "One Breath". The
Ch'eng-tan chih ch'ung, "wall builders" is a punishment for men, and "grain pounders"
in this case are convicted women, see A. F. R Hulsewe: Remnants of Ch'in Law, an annotated translation of the Ch'in legal and administrative rules of the J"' century B.C., discovered in Yiin-meng Prefecture, Hu-pei Province, in 1975. Leiden 1985 (Sinica Leidensia. 17.), p. 14.
" We notice that in ad 668 the imperial order was issued that throughout the country the Hua-hu ching was to be destroyed, after the Taoists had given a poor show at an official dispute on this text, see Hsii wen-hsien t'ung-k'ao. Peking: Hsin-hua Comp. 1991, ch. 239.22a-22b, p. 3608b.
This does not include a complete listing of all those works of reference which LSYH names or allegedly quotes.
" I have documented the sources of LCTS (i.e. Lao-chiin pa-shih-i hua t'u-shuo) in my earlier publications on this subject. I do not repeat all the details of my earlier annotation in the "Synoptic Survey" (see below) but give some additional information which can prove the paramount importance of just a few Taoist sources.
T'ai-shang Lao-chiin.
commentary displays the creative processes from which finally Lao-chün emerges, being the body of "Great Tao".*' (11 b)
2) LCTS has "Revealing the Perfect Body" (Hsien chen-shen) -whereas LSYH
has "Transferring Spontaneity" (Yün tzu-jan). LSYH continues the theme
and thematic disposition of no. 1, starting out from "Lao-chün being the basis
of the Breath of Origin, the perfect patron of creation, the embodiment of
Spontaneity". The scope of this topic is greatly elaborated. Even when Lao-
chün adopted "shape" he still represented all the cosmic dimensions. The text
is more sophisticated than LCTS, although the message is the same. (12b)
3) LCTS has "Honouring the Line of Succession" (Tsun tsung-shih) whereas
LSF// has "Making the Perfect Body Visible"** (Hsien chen-shen). This sec¬
tion in LSYH corresponds with LCTS no. 2.*' It largely displays the wonder¬
ful events of Lao-chün's epiphany with a human body. He still has the radiant
body of cosmic dimensions. All of this reminds of the descriptions of "Lao-
chün [visiting] the West", which texts like Wen-shih nei-chuan 'Xia\H iM-
present. The indication of Lao-chün having a "body of reality" (fa-shen ^)
with 72 hsiang and 81 hao 0 (physical symbols of status) is an established
theme.*' A concluding paragraph speaks about the veneration of images
representing Lao-chün. They help the faithful to recognize Lao-chün by his
identifying marks. The final lines deal with the production of such sacred
icons.='°(13b)
4) LCTS has "Passing the Cycles of Kalpas" (Li chieh-yün) whereas LSYH
has "Sending down the Rules of the Teachings" ( Ch 'ui chiao-fa). This section
in LSYH corresponds with LCTS no. 3. LSYH shows in a rather detailed way
Compare the paragraphs Ch'i wu-shih and P'in tzu-jan in TT 774 Yu-lung chuan
l.la-2a;2a-3b.
See H. A. Giles: A Chinese-English Dictionary, no. 4539 whereas LCTS has no. 4523 in the corresponding title.
" Concerning the titles and contents of the sections 1, 2 and 3, compare TV 593 Yu-lung chuan l.la-2a (Ch'i wu-shihy, 1.2a-3b (P'in tzu-jan); 1.3b-6a (Chien chen-shen) and the following paragraphs.
" "Corresponds" in this context always means that the basic tendency and the core of the story are the same.
" Compare TT 1139 San-tung chu-nang 8.1 a-24a and ch. 9.8b-14b (Wen-shih hsien-sheng wu-shang chen-jen kuan-ling nei-chuan), also see F. C. Reiter: Der Perlenbeutel aus den Drei Höhlen (San-tung chu-nang), Arbeitsmaterialien zum Taoismus der frühen T'ang Zeit, p. 129 sq. and 162 sq. TT 774 Yu-lung chuan 3.8b-10a (Ch'i-shih erh hsiang pa-shih-i hao).
^° F. C. Reiter: The Aspirations and Standards of Taoist Priests in the Early T'ang Period.
Wiesbaden 1998 (Asien- und Afrika-Studien der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. 1.),
pp. 84-92 ("The Creation of Icons").
the paramount importance of "affihation" and "transmission". We learn that
"... therefore Lao-chiin took Yti-ch'en ta-tao chün 5. )^ ^ jM ^ to he his
teacher master". Ta-tao chün is said to be a follower of Yüan-shih t'ien-tsun
TC $p ^ Lao-chün is seen in the hne of succession of these two divine
teachers. (14b)
5) LCTS has "Opening up Heaven and Earth" (Pi t'ien-ti) whereas LSYH has
"Receiving the Charts on Jade" (Shou yü-t'u). This section in LSYH corre¬
sponds with LCTS no. 7. The story is the same. Lao-chün travels to the "west¬
ern river" where he sees Yüan-shih t'ien-tsun. That divinity spat out the
"Jade-Talisman-for-the-Internal-Vision of the Tung-hsüan [Scripture] ^|5] ^
Si3E^?"^' and passed it on to Lao-chün, who also received the twenty four
charts of the eight spheres and the three parts. Lao-chün orders the protecting
immortals to write them down. This extends the presentation in LCTS.
LSYH olTers a concluding list of the twenty four charts which we identify in
TT 1407 Tung-hsüan ling-pao erh-shih-ssu sheng t'u-chin^^. There are minor
variants. We learn that these twenty four charts constitute the skills for "culti¬
vating the body and attaining longevity". They had been formed out of the
breaths of the "Prime Origin of the All Pervading Heavens" {Tung-hsüan
yüan-shih chih ch'i ^ ^jtta^ M.)- (15 b)
6) LCTS has "Hiding in the Mysterious and Magic Mother" (Yin hsüan-ling)
whereas LSYH has "Mounting the Throne of Might" (Teng wei-t'ung). This
paragraph does not have a counterpart in LCTS. The text starts with naming
the triple divine leadership of the cosmos at the time of prime origin (Yüan-
shih chih tsun TC $p ^ #; Tao-chün chih sheng ü ^ ;i 1^; Lao-chün has the
rank following Tao-chün), but even so, "ranking" does not matter at all.
Thereupon the text describes the evolution of the structure of the pantheon,
featuring the "Kings of the Law" (Fa-wang }Ü), the deities of the astral con¬
stellations and various heavens with all their obedient attitude towards Lao-
chün. LSYH also mentions the forces at the lower strata of the world that are
entrusted with "the registers of the immortals" and lead on the "divine men, perfected and immortals, saints and nobles". These spiritual administrators have to do a lot of inspection and travel, whereas "the One Lao-chün eternally
resides in his T'ai-chi Palace in the Heaven of Highest Purity". (16b)
7) LCTS has "Receiving the Charts on Jade" (Shou yü-t'u) v/herczs LSYH has
"Passing the Cycles of Kalpas" (Li chieh-yün). See above no. 5. The text is an
Also see TT 774 Yu-lung cljuan 2.11 a.
Compare TT 1407: 3a-3b. TT 774: 2.11 a.
elaboration of the information which LCTS no. 4 provides. LSYH includes the calculation of time periods, defining the "short kalpa" and the "long
kalpa" 7^ A commentary presents discourses on cyclic developments which
are due to the influences of Yin and Yang. Yin and Yang condition the cre¬
ation and the constitution of "chaos". (17b)
8) LCTS has "Creating the True Scripts by Mutations" (Pien chen-wen)
whereas LSYH has "Creating Heaven and Earth" (Tsao t'ien-ti). Compare
LCTS no. 5. The chart in LSYH (p. 18 a) shows a round hemisphere with
fairly realistic features, indicating e.g. the shape of Africa, Europe and Austra¬
lia. We notice that the chart in LCTS features nine layers of heavens which do
not appear in the modern presentation (LSYH).^* The text in LSYH includes
some statements of LCTS no. 5, but extends them greatly. Lao-chiin appears
as "ancestor of Chaos" and "father and mother of Heaven and Earth". LSYH proceeds to display the distribution of the "three breaths" being cosmic con¬
stituents which form the "nine heavens". The names of these heavens are
listed on p. 18 b. Each of the nine heavens gives birth to three breaths, which in
turn combine to form one heaven each. In the end these additional 27 heavens
and the original 9 heavens make 36 heavens. The text then correlates all these
heavens with the notion of the Three Realms, each of them meaning a heaven
in itself (like Yü-chieh t'ien W^^^, see p. 19a). Man can live in these heavens
having experienced an adequate rebirth. This is documented by quotations
from various sources, (pp. 19a-20b)
9) LCTS has "Sending Down the Teaching of the Scriptures" (Ch'ui ching-
chiao) whereas LSYH has "Birth by the Mysterious and Magic Mother" (Tan
hsüan-ling). This section compares well with LCTS nos. 6 and 18. LSYH ex¬
tends the information in LCTS no. 6, also including elements of LCTS no. 18.
We learn that Lao-chün appearing for the first time used the surname "Valley"
(Ku ^) and the personal name "Bright Sphere" (Yao-ching Hung 5!/,
and the tzu-name Tzu-kuang ^ ^ were other names he used. The personal
name Hsüan-shui ^[tK and the tzu-nume Shan-yüan [UM also represent
Lao-chün." (21b)
10) LCTS has "Transmitting the Crafts of the Five Gentlemen" (Ch'uan wu-
kung)^^ whereas LSYH has "Creating the True Scripts by Mutations" (Pien
chen-wen). This paragraph has a counterpart in LCTS no. 8. LSYH says that
" TT 774 Yu-lung chuan 1.7b-8b (Li chieh-yün).
^* See F. C. Reiter: Leben und Wirken Lao-Tzu's in Schrift und Bild, p. 85.
This follows closely TT 770 Hun-yüan sheng-chi 2.8 b.
See below section no. 54.
Lao-chün appeared in the central country Ta-fu-t'ang kuo X Ii ^
where he issued the "true scripts and red documents" {Chen-wen ch'ih-shu
%) in order to "teachpeople to attain longevity". Much more detailed
are the descriptions of the other four countries and the sorts of scriptures pre¬
sented there, like the "fire refined true scripts" in the country "Radiant Red
Light of the South Pole" {Nan-chi ch'ih-ming chih kuo \^W.^^^i^^). The
concluding commentary explains the very nature of the "true scripts". They
are believed to be "the essences of the true breaths of the five [cardinal] direc¬
tions which coagulated to be texts {wen X)-^* The basic contents of LCTS
surface in the last lines on p. 22 b, speaking about the emergence of the cosmic
characters. (22 b)
11) LCTS has "Eulogising [the Scripture of] the Original Yang" (Tsan yüan-
yang) whereas LSYH has "Sending Down the Teaching of the Scriptures"
( Ch 'ui ching-chiao). This text in LSYH corresponds with LCTS no. 9. LSYH
does not feature Lao-chün who ordered the divinity Ch'ing-t'ung chün to re¬
vise "the heavenly scripts, amulets and charts" (LCTS). LSYH focuses on the
Three Caves (San-tung H ^M), combining their formation with corresponding
names of Lao-chün, e.g. T'ien-pao chün ^ J ^ (Tung-chen ~/|5]^ scriptures),
Ling-pao chün M Ä ^ (Tung-hsüan ^ scriptures) and Shen-pao chün
1$ Ä ^ {Tung-shen scriptures). Each section is said to have twelve parts.
Lao-chün is shown to be the divine patron and creator of the whole canon.
The concluding definition of the term San-tung describes the effects which
these different scriptures can exert, like "summoning and ordering ghosts and
divinities" (Tung-shen pu). The commentary points out that the word tung
"cave" means t'ung "penetrate" or "get through to". E.g. Tung-chen (sec¬
tion of Shang-ch'ing Jc-'M scriptures) means "get through to heaven and reach
the subtle mysteries" {t'ung-hsüan ta-miao 35 ^ A i'^)-^'^ LCTS speaks only
about a San-tung canon and does not make mention of the term Ssu-fu |Z9 Uf.
The modern LSYH (pp. 24a-24b) explains the "Four Supplementing Sec¬
tions" (Ssu-fu) with their guiding principles, and also describes how three of
them support the San-tung canon. As to the fourth section, Cheng-i'\^—, we
learn that "it takes the True One as the guiding principle {tsung ^) of ortho¬
doxy in order to set straight what is evil (or unorthodox). The True One is to
rule over the myriad [ways]. The guiding principles are Tao and Te. [This
^ Compare TT 770 Hun-yiian sheng-chi 2.9b
This information is in small print. It also refers to the crucial Taoist source Tu-jen ching.
E.g. seeJ. Lagerwey: Wu-shang pi-yao, somme taoiste du Vie siecle. Paris 1981, p. 83, for the other "countries".
" H.A. Giles: no. 12266 ("cave") and no. 12294 ("go through").
Cheng-i section] "adores" the Three Caves and arranges what is ah around the
"Three Vehicles". This statement seems to support the idea that the Cheng-i section is the basic frame for the canon. A listing of the "Seven Parts" {Ch 'i-pu
"b pß) foUows. Finally the Twelve Sections" {Shih-erh pu -\- ZL pß) are being
introduced with general explanations of the words in the various titles. A final
statement explains the combination of "three times twelve" or thirty six sec¬
tions "of venerable scriptures". The number 36 is well known. There are 36
heavens, 36 god-emperors of the three realms, and e.g. 36 palaces in the human
body, which here again demands some new explanation, beside other consid¬
erations about the number 36.'° Nothing of the sort is contained in LCTS
no. 9. (23b-24b)
12) LCTS has "Establishing Pottery and Metallurgy" ( Chih t'ao-yeh) where¬
as LSYH has "Writing out the Magic Chapters" (Chuan ling-p'ien). Compare
with LCTS no. 9 which also shows Ch'ing t'ung-chiin" to be the reviser and
first recipient of the heavenly scriptures, in order to make them available "for
students in later generations and for persons who have jade names and harmo¬
nise with the perfected". The text in LSYH no. 12 points to the heavenly pro¬
tection of these scriptures and their accessibility. Those who have not yet
studied them but wish to do so must e.g. hand in a petition on gilt tablets at the
"Blue Palace" (Ch'ing-kung). In the celestial "Jade Bureau of Manuals and
Registers" the moral behaviour of human beings is scrutinised, and only those
down on earth who had diligently laboured can receive the heavenly (hsüan)
[scripts]. All of this is much more elaborate than the text in LCTS has it. (25 b)
13) LCTS has "Teaching Sowing and Harvesting" (Chiao chia-se) whereas
LSYH has "Becoming Teacher of the Emperors" (Wei ti-shih). The titles of
LSYH and LCTS 16 are identical. The text in LSYH no. 13 does not reveal
any meaningful connection with the actual title "Becoming Teacher of the
Emperors", but discourses on Lao-chün's cosmic creativity like the separa¬
tion of day and night or the calculation of the days of a month (30). LSYH
shows Lao-chün to have the names of honour T'ung-hsüan t'ien-shih 3M S
^ CT ("The Heavenly Master Who Communicates With Heaven") and sec¬
ondly, with a similar meaning, Hsüan-chung ta fa-shih BÜJ. The
chapter ends with a quotation concerning the myth of P'an Ku §g and the
cosmos (heaven and earth) which was shaped like an egg.'^ (26b)
'° Compare e.g. TT 774 Yu-lung chuan 2.3l>-5a; 12b-13b.
F. C. Reiter: "Der Name Tung-hua ti-chün und sein Umfeld in der taoistischen Tradi¬
tion." In: G. Naundorf et al. (ed.): Religion und Philosophie in Ostasien. Würzburg 1985, pp. 87-101. See TT 774 Yu-lung chuan 2.13a.
Compare TT 770 Hun-yüan sheng-chi 1.3a. See above the text by T'ang Kao-tsung.
14) LCTS has "Initiating the Use of the Tools of Daily Life" (Shih ch'i-yung)
whereas LSYH has "Estabhshing Pottery and Metahurgy" (Chih t'ao-yeh).
This section in LSF// corresponds with LCTS no. 12. LSYH does neither fea¬
ture the culture hero Chu-jung |Ä ü and the scriptures which were revealed
to him, nor Lao-chün's name of honour Kuang-shou tzu ^ -f-. This text
adds one element of LCTS no. 14 ("Initiating the Use of the Tools of Daily
Life"), which is "the time for trading at the market". LSF// introduces the in¬
vention of the calendar by observing the constellations and the use of fire. A
quotation from the stele Po-chou T'ai-ch'ing kung pei ^ ;j'H ^ 5? con¬
cludes this text, introducing some titles of honour of Lao-chün (T'ung-hsüan
t'ien-shih, Chin-ch'üeh d-chün ^ H ^ ^, P'an-ku hsien-sheng Si^Tfe^)"
which are said to have been revealed for the first time more than 45,000 years
ago. (27b)
15) LCTS has "Living at Mt. K'ung-tung" (Chu k'ung-tung) whereas LSYH
has "Eulogising [the Scripture of] the Original Yang" (Tsan yüan-yang). This
paragraph in LSYH corresponds with LCTS no. 11. LSYH parallels and ex¬
tends greatly the information given in LCTS.^^ The text ends with a commen¬
tary on six terminological elements. (28 b)
16) LCTS has "Becoming Teacher of the Emperors" (Wei ti-shih) whereas
LSYH has "Teaching Sowing and Harvesting" (Chiao chia-se). This para¬
graph of LSYH corresponds with LCTS no. 13. LSYH extends the basic in¬
formation which LCTS conveys, also referring to Shen-nung ^ and Lao-
chün (Master Ta-ch'eng tzu -?•). Mention is made of the scripture Yüan-
ching ching tcIh ^M-^^ The commentary introduces the text K'ung-tzu chia-yu
?L ^ ^ fp.^* Confucius explains that he learned from Lao Tan ^ ^ about the
operations of the Five Elements and the respective divine forces that are the
Five God-Emperors. The five names are given, together with the elements
with which they go (e.g. Yen-ti i)i ^/fire; Huang-ti ^ ^/earth). (29 b)
17) LCTS has "Transmitting the Hidden Texts" (Shou yin-wen) whereas
LSYH has "Initiating the Use of Utensils and Material Objects" (Shih ch'i-
wu). This paragraph of LSYH corresponds with LCTS no. 14. LSYH says
that Lao-chün at the time of Chu-jung descended on Mt. Heng-shan. He had
the name of honour Kuang-shou tzu and based his instructions for Chu-jung
83 j-j- Hun-yiian sheng-chi 1.2 a-3 a; also see e.g. TT 756 Ch'ing-ching ching chu 1 b.
^* Compare TT 770: 1.7a which makes mention of the Pa-kua but omits the Yüan-yang ching. For this title and context see TT 774 Yu-lung chuan 2.14a.
" TT 507 T'ai-shang huang-lu chai-i 52.14b.
This closely follows TT 770: 1.11 b-12a.
on the Jen-huang nei-ching A A M and five thousand Ling-pao M Ä
scripts.'^ This information does not show up in LCTS. Finahy, the commen¬
tary quotes the Shang-shu hung-fan ^'/^Jb with statements about the Five
Elements and their effects (e.g. "earth" supports "the harvest"). The Huang-ti
nei-ching ^ ^ M "supports this statement with minor variants". (30b)
18) LCTS has "The Day His Holiness Was Born" (Tan-sheng jih) whereas
LSYH has "Staying at Mt. K'ung-tung" ( Chü k 'ung-tung). This paragraph of
LSYH corresponds with LCTS no. 15. LSYH reproduces almost completely
the text in LCTS, but extends the report on the encounter of Huang-ti and
Lao-chiin. Huang-ti is said to receive texts like the Tzu-jan ching ^ M and
the Yin-fu ching ^ ^ M.'* The intention of the transmission of such texts is
supported by a commentary which quotes the Ch'ien-Han shu i-wen chih^^
iu tn * ^ l5r and Chao Sung Ou-yang Wen-chung kung ch'ung-wen
tsung-mu M ^ 15^ ^ l5l # l5C Ü S Two philological emendations con¬
clude this section. (31b)
19) LCTS has "Becoming an Archivist" (Wei chu-shih) whereas LSYH has
"Transmitting the Collections of the Scriptures" (Ch'uan ching-yün). This
paragraph of LSYH should correspond with LCTS no. 17 which is extremely
short ("Transmitting the Hidden Scriptures"). Whereas LCTS only names
some of those legendary emperors whom Lao-chün allegedly instructed,
without indicating individual texts, LSYH zlso lists the positive effects result¬
ing from the revelation of specific scriptures. The revealed titles are Chuang-
ching ching ^ ^ Wei-yen ching ® M> Huang-t'ing ching ^ M &
Chiu-t'ien chen-ling san-t'ien pao-fu ;^ ^ Ä M E. 7^ Ä (32 b)
20) LCTS has "Abandoning His Position at the Chou Court" (Ch'i Chou
chüeh) whereas LSYH has "Preaching the Tao-te fchingj" (Shuo tao-te). This
paragraph in LSYH does not have corresponding parts in LCTS no. 54 ("Ex¬
plaining Tao and Te") and no. 23, which explicitly deals with the compilation
of the Tao-te ching. In LSYH Lao-chün makes two apparitions at the time
of Emperor Yao preaching the Hsüan-te ching ^ At the time of
Emperor Shun ^ he gives a talk on the Tao-te ching and exposes the Tao of
87 770 Hun-yiian sheng-chi 2.13a which does not mention the Ling-pao scripts.
TT 770: 2.14b. See F.C. Reiter: "The 'Scripture of the Hidden Contracts' (Yin-fu ching), a short survey on facts and findings." In: NOAG 136 (1984), pp. 75-83.
*' Compare Han-shu. Peking: Chung-hua Comp. 1975, ch. 30 {I-wen chih 10), p. 1732.
TT 770 Hun-yiian sheng-chi 7.1 Oa. Also compare the references to Wen-chung kung chi ku-lu in TT 770: 5.14b; 8.13a.
" This follows closely TT 770: 2.25a-25b.
wu-wei ^ ^.'^ This is said to be internahy good for seh-cuhivation and ex¬
ternally for governing the country (et al.). (33 b)
21) LCTS has "Crossing the Han-ku Pass" (Kuo Han-kuan) whereas LSYH
has "Giving Substantial Aid By Means of the Precious Scripts" (Tzu pao-
wen). This section in LSYH does not have a counterpart in LCTS. LSYH fea¬
tures the encounter of deities which on behalf of Lao-chün instruct the cul¬
ture heroes of antiquity, passing on to them texts like Ling-pao wu-fu hsü
M Ä £ ff and "True Scripts for Controlling the Waterways" (Chih-shui
chen-wen ta tR Ä Ä)- When Ta Yü A ^ started his work ordering the water¬
ways, Lao-chün dispatched the lady deity Yün-hua fu-jen § ^ ^ A to help
him. Ta Yü being in great distress met the divinity and showed his reverence.
The divinity let attendants transmit books to Ta Yü about the summoning of
ghosts and divinities. LSYH gives the names of these divinities. They helped
Ta Yü to control the waters and performed deeds that no human hand could
have managed. Examples are listed, like the locking up of Wu-chih-ch'i ^ ^
^£ under Turtle Mountain. Wu-chih-ch'i was the deity of the rivers Huai and
Wo.'-' Ta Yü later entered the Grotto Heaven Yang-ming tung-t'ien |^ ^
and became the perfected Tzu-t'ing chen-jen ^j@ M A- He stored the perfect
scripts at the site of Mt. Pao-shan ^ LÜ. The commentary quotes the Yüeh-
chüeh 5^« M IS ^ with a statement about the geographic name Kuei-chi ^
which is said to date back to Ta Yü when he climbed Mt. Mao-shan ^ |JL|
(24b). The following pages are completely devoted to statements about geo¬
graphical and revelatory traditions concerning Ta Yü.''' The discovery of
antique scripts is most important, especially when they are identified "done
by [Ta] Yü". The literary sources for this information are the Wu lu^^ and
Wu-yüeh ch'un-ch'iu ^M^^X- (34b-35b)
22) LCTS has "Tesdng Hsü Chia" (Shih Hsü Chia) whereas LSYH has "Be¬
queathing Bowl and [its] Inscription" (Ip'an-ming). This paragraph does not
have a counterpart in LCTS although the title seems to parallel LCTS no. 39.
LCTS no. 39 however partly corresponds with LSYH no. 39. In LSYH no. 22
Lao-chün has the name of honour Hsi-tse tzu ^ iO He descended on
Mt. Ch'ien-shan and preached the Ch'ang-sheng ching § ^ IS.'* After this
he went on to Mt. Chieh-shih shan where he wrote the T'ung-hsüan ching^^
'2 Compare TT 770: 2.26a-26b.
This partly follows TT 770: 2.29a-29b which however does not make mention of the water divinity Wu-chih-ch'i. For Wu-chih-ch'i see the forthcoming book by P. Andersen.
CompAreTT 596 Hsien-yiian pien-chu 1.3a-3b.
" TT 774 Yu-lung cljuan 2.17 b.
" TT 770 Hun-yüan sheng-ciji 2.33 a.
