• Keine Ergebnisse gefunden

Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar

N/A
N/A
Protected

Academic year: 2021

Aktie "Constituent Order in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar"

Copied!
161
0
0

Wird geladen.... (Jetzt Volltext ansehen)

Volltext

(1)

Constituent Order

in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar

Stefan M¨uller

Theoretische Linguistik/Computerlinguistik Fachbereich 10

Universit¨at Bremen Institut f¨ur Linguistik

Universit¨at Potsdam Stefan.Mueller@cl.uni-bremen.de

December 2, 2005

(2)

Course Page and Material

Web page with the slides and handouts of the three lectures:

http://www.cl.uni-bremen.de/˜stefan/Lehre/LTC2005/

(3)

Course Page and Material

Web page with the slides and handouts of the three lectures:

http://www.cl.uni-bremen.de/˜stefan/Lehre/LTC2005/

The analyses are implemented.

A CD rom image which contains the grammar development software and the grammars can be downloaded from there.

If you have a writable CD we can burn it here.

(4)

Outline

General Overview of the Framework

Valency

Head Argument Structures

Scrambling

Verb Placement

Nonlocal Dependencies

Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG

(5)

General Overview of the Framework

General Overview of the Framework

lexicalized (head-driven)

(6)

General Overview of the Framework

lexicalized (head-driven)

sign-based (Saussure, 1916)

(7)

General Overview of the Framework

General Overview of the Framework

lexicalized (head-driven)

sign-based (Saussure, 1916)

typed feature structures (lexical entries, phrases, principles)

(8)

General Overview of the Framework

lexicalized (head-driven)

sign-based (Saussure, 1916)

typed feature structures (lexical entries, phrases, principles)

multiple inheritance

(9)

General Overview of the Framework

General Overview of the Framework

lexicalized (head-driven)

sign-based (Saussure, 1916)

typed feature structures (lexical entries, phrases, principles)

multiple inheritance

monostratal theory

Phonology

Syntax

Semantics

phon hGrammatiki

synsem|loc

cat

head

case 1 noun

subcat

DET[case1] cat

cont. . . instX

grammatik

loc

word

(10)

General Overview of the Framework

lexicalized (head-driven)

sign-based (Saussure, 1916)

typed feature structures (lexical entries, phrases, principles)

multiple inheritance

monostratal theory

Phonology

Syntax

Semantics

phon hGrammatiki

synsem|loc

cat

head

case 1 noun

subcat

DET[case1] cat

cont. . . instX

grammatik

loc

word

(11)

General Overview of the Framework

General Overview of the Framework

lexicalized (head-driven)

sign-based (Saussure, 1916)

typed feature structures (lexical entries, phrases, principles)

multiple inheritance

monostratal theory

Phonology

Syntax

Semantics

phon hGrammatiki

synsem|loc

cat

head

case 1 noun

subcat

DET[case1] cat

cont. . . instX

grammatik

loc

word

(12)

General Overview of the Framework

lexicalized (head-driven)

sign-based (Saussure, 1916)

typed feature structures (lexical entries, phrases, principles)

multiple inheritance

monostratal theory

Phonology

Syntax

Semantics

phon hGrammatiki

synsem|loc

cat

head

case 1 noun

subcat

DET[case1] cat

cont. . . instX

grammatik

loc

word

(13)

Valency

Outline

General Overview of the Framework

Valency

Head Argument Structures

Scrambling

Verb Placement

Nonlocal Dependencies

Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG

(14)

Valency and Grammar Rules: PSG

huge number of rules:

S→ NP, V X schl¨aft (‘sleeps’)

S→ NP, NP, V X Y liebt (‘loves’)

S→ NP, PP[¨uber], V X ¨uber y spricht (‘talks about’) S→ NP, NP, NP, V X Y Z gibt (‘gives’)

S→ NP, NP, PP[mit], V X Y mit Z dient (‘serves’)

(15)

Valency

Valency and Grammar Rules: PSG

huge number of rules:

S→ NP, V X schl¨aft (‘sleeps’)

S→ NP, NP, V X Y liebt (‘loves’)

S→ NP, PP[¨uber], V X ¨uber y spricht (‘talks about’) S→ NP, NP, NP, V X Y Z gibt (‘gives’)

S→ NP, NP, PP[mit], V X Y mit Z dient (‘serves’)

verbs have to be used with the right rule

(16)

Valency and Grammar Rules: PSG

huge number of rules:

S→ NP, V X schl¨aft (‘sleeps’)

S→ NP, NP, V X Y liebt (‘loves’)

S→ NP, PP[¨uber], V X ¨uber y spricht (‘talks about’) S→ NP, NP, NP, V X Y Z gibt (‘gives’)

S→ NP, NP, PP[mit], V X Y mit Z dient (‘serves’)

verbs have to be used with the right rule

→ Valency is encoded twice: in grammar rules and in lexical entries

(17)

Valency

Valency and Grammar Rules: HPSG

arguments represented as complex categories in the lexical entry of the head

(similar to categorial grammar)

(18)

Valency and Grammar Rules: HPSG

arguments represented as complex categories in the lexical entry of the head

(similar to categorial grammar)

Verb subcat schlafen h NP i lieben h NP, NP i sprechen h NP, PP[¨uber] i geben h NP, NP, NP i dienen h NP, NP, PP[mit] i

(19)

Valency

Example Tree with Valency Information (I)

Peter schl¨aft

V[subcath 1 i]

1 NP

V[subcathi]

V[subcath i] corresponds to a fully saturated phrase (VP or S)

(20)

Example Tree with Valency Information (II)

Peter Maria erwartet

V[subcath 1, 2 i]

2 NP

V[subcath 1 i]

1 NP

V[subcathi]

(21)

Valency

Valency and Grammar Rules: HPSG

specific rules for head argument combination:

V[SUBCAT A] → B V[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ]

(22)

Valency and Grammar Rules: HPSG

specific rules for head argument combination:

V[SUBCAT A] → B V[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ]

⊕is a relation that concatenates two lists:

ha, b i =h ai ⊕ h b i oder hi ⊕ ha, b i oder h a, b i ⊕ hi

(23)

Valency

Valency and Grammar Rules (II)

Peter Maria erwartet

V[subcath 1, 2 i]

2 NP

V[SUBCAT A] B V[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i] A =h 1 i, B = 2

V[subcath 1 i]

1 NP

V[SUBCAT A] B V[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i] A =h i, B = 1

V[subcathi]

(24)

Generalization over Rules

specific rules for head argument combinations:

V[SUBCAT A] → B V[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] A[SUBCAT A] → B A[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] N[SUBCAT A] → B N[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] P[SUBCAT A] → P[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] B

(25)

Valency

Generalization over Rules

specific rules for head argument combinations:

V[SUBCAT A] → B V[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] A[SUBCAT A] → B A[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] N[SUBCAT A] → B N[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] P[SUBCAT A] → P[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] B

abstraction with respect to the order:

V[SUBCAT A] → V[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] B A[SUBCAT A] → A[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] B N[SUBCAT A] → N[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] B P[SUBCAT A] → P[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] B

(26)

Generalization over Rules

specific rules for head argument combinations:

V[SUBCAT A] → B V[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] A[SUBCAT A] → B A[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] N[SUBCAT A] → B N[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] P[SUBCAT A] → P[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] B

abstraction with respect to the order:

V[SUBCAT A] → V[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] B A[SUBCAT A] → A[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] B N[SUBCAT A] → N[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] B P[SUBCAT A] → P[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] B

generalized, abstract shema (H = head):

H[SUBCAT A] → H[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] B

(27)

Valency

Application of the Rules

generalized, abstract shema (H = head):

H[SUBCAT A] → H[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] B

(28)

Application of the Rules

generalized, abstract shema (H = head):

H[SUBCAT A] → H[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] B

possible instanciations of the schema:

V[SUBCAT A] → V[SUBCAT A hi ⊕ h B NP i] B NP

Maria erwartet Peter

schl¨aft Peter

(29)

Valency

Application of the Rules

generalized, abstract shema (H = head):

H[SUBCAT A] → H[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] B

possible instanciations of the schema:

V[SUBCAT A] → V[SUBCAT A hi ⊕ h B NP i] B NP

Maria erwartet Peter

schl¨aft Peter

V[SUBCAT A] → V[SUBCAT A h NP i ⊕ h B NP i ] B NP

erwartet Maria

(30)

Application of the Rules

generalized, abstract shema (H = head):

H[SUBCAT A] → H[SUBCAT A ⊕ h B i ] B

possible instanciations of the schema:

V[SUBCAT A] → V[SUBCAT A hi ⊕ h B NP i] B NP

Maria erwartet Peter

schl¨aft Peter

V[SUBCAT A] → V[SUBCAT A h NP i ⊕ h B NP i ] B NP

erwartet Maria

N[SUBCAT A] → N[SUBCAT A hi ⊕ h B Det i ] B Det

Mann der

(31)

Valency

Representation of Valency in Feature Descriptions

gibt (‘gives’, finite form):

phon h gibt i part-of-speech verb

subcat D

NP[nom], NP[acc], NP[dat]E

NP[nom], NP[acc] and NP[dat] are abbreviations of complex feature descriptions.

(32)

Demo: Grammar 3

(1) a. der the

Mann man

schl¨aft sleeps

‘The man sleeps’

b. der the

Mann man

die the

Frau woman

kennt knows

‘The man knows the woman.’

(33)

Head Argument Structures

Outline

General Overview of the Framework

Valency

Head Argument Structures

Scrambling

Verb Placement

Nonlocal Dependencies

Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG

(34)

Representation of Grammar Rules (I)

Feature Descriptions as uniform means for describing linguistic objects

morphological rules

lexical entries

syntactic rules

(35)

Head Argument Structures

Modelling Constituent Structure with Feature Structures

Representation of Grammar Rules (I)

Feature Descriptions as uniform means for describing linguistic objects

morphological rules

lexical entries

syntactic rules

separation of immediate dominance (ID) and linearer precedence (LP)

(36)

Representation of Grammar Rules (I)

Feature Descriptions as uniform means for describing linguistic objects

morphological rules

lexical entries

syntactic rules

separation of immediate dominance (ID) and linearer precedence (LP)

dominance indtrfeatures (head daughters and non-head daughters)

(37)

Head Argument Structures

Modelling Constituent Structure with Feature Structures

Representation of Grammar Rules (I)

Feature Descriptions as uniform means for describing linguistic objects

morphological rules

lexical entries

syntactic rules

separation of immediate dominance (ID) and linearer precedence (LP)

dominance indtrfeatures (head daughters and non-head daughters)

precedence is implicit inphon

(38)

Part of the Structure in AVM Representation – phon values (I)

NP

Det N

dem Mann

phon h dem Mann i

head-dtr h

phonh Mann ii non-head-dtrs

h

phon h demi i

There is exactly one head daughter (head-dtr).

The head daughter contains the head.

a structure with the daughtersthe and picture of Mary → picture of Mary is the head daughter, sincepictureis the head.

(39)

Head Argument Structures

Modelling Constituent Structure with Feature Structures

Part of the Structure in AVM Representation – phon values (I)

NP

Det N

dem Mann

phon h dem Mann i

head-dtr h

phonh Mann ii non-head-dtrs

h

phon h demi i

There is exactly one head daughter (head-dtr).

The head daughter contains the head.

a structure with the daughtersthe and picture of Mary → picture of Mary is the head daughter, sincepictureis the head.

There may be several non-head daughters

(if we assume flat structures or in headless binary branching structures).

(40)

Representation of Grammar Rules

Dominance Rule:

head-argument-structure

subcat 1

head-dtr|subcat 1 ⊕ h 2 i non-head-dtrsh 2 i

The arrow stands for implication

alternative spelling, inspired by the X Schema:

H[SUBCAT 1]→H[SUBCAT 1 ⊕ h 2 i] 2 The arrow stands for replacement (rewriting)

(41)

Head Argument Structures

Modelling Constituent Structure with Feature Structures

Representation of Grammar Rules

Dominance Rule:

head-argument-structure

subcat 1

head-dtr|subcat 1 ⊕ h 2 i non-head-dtrsh 2 i

The arrow stands for implication

alternative spelling, inspired by the X Schema:

H[SUBCAT 1]→H[SUBCAT 1 ⊕ h 2 i] 2 The arrow stands for replacement (rewriting)

possible instantiations:

N[SUBCAT 1]→N[SUBCAT 1 hi ⊕ hDet i] Det V[SUBCAT 1]→V[SUBCAT 1 hi ⊕ h NP i] NP V[SUBCAT 1]→V[SUBCAT 1 hNP i ⊕ h NP i] NP

(42)

An Example

V[subcathi]

C H

1 NP[nom] V[subcath 1 i]

C H

2 NP[acc] V[subcath 1, 2 i]

C H

3 NP[dat] V[subcath 1, 2, 3 i]

er das Buch dem Mann gibt

(43)

Head Argument Structures

Modelling Constituent Structure with Feature Structures

Part of the Structure in AVM Representation – phon values (I)

V

NP V

NP V

D N NP V

D N

er das Buch dem Mann gibt

phon hdem Mann gibti head-dtr h

phonhgibtii

non-head-dtrs

*

phon hdem Manni

head-dtr h

phonhMannii

non-head-dtrs h

phonhdemii

+

(44)

Partial Structure in Feature Structure Representation

phon hdem Mann gibti subcat 1

NP[nom], NP[acc]

head-dtr

phon hgibt i subcat 1

2

non-head-dtrs

*

2

phon hdem Manni p-o-s noun

subcat hi head-dtr . . . non-head-dtrs . . . head-argument-structure

+

head-argument-structure

(45)

Head Argument Structures Projection of Head Properties

Projection of Head Properties

V[fin,subcath i]

C H

1 NP[nom] V[fin,subcath 1 i]

C H

2 NP[acc] V[fin,subcath 1, 2 i]

C H

3NP[dat] V[fin,subcath 1,2, 3 i]

er das Buch dem Mann gibt

The finite verb is the head.

(46)

Feature Structure Representation: the head Value

possible feature geometry:

phon list of phoneme strings p-o-s p-o-s

vform vform subcat list

(47)

Head Argument Structures Projection of Head Properties

Feature Structure Representation: the head Value

possible feature geometry:

phon list of phoneme strings p-o-s p-o-s

vform vform subcat list

more structure, bundling of information that has to be projected:

phon list of phoneme strings head

"

p-o-s p-o-s vform vform

#

subcat list

(48)

Different Heads Project Different Features

featurevform makes sense for verbs only

Prenominal adjectives and nouns project case.

Possible structure: a structure that contains all features:

p-o-s p-o-s vform vform case case

case no value for verbs,vformno value for nouns

(49)

Head Argument Structures Projection of Head Properties

Different Heads Project Different Features

featurevform makes sense for verbs only

Prenominal adjectives and nouns project case.

Possible structure: a structure that contains all features:

p-o-s p-o-s vform vform case case

case no value for verbs,vformno value for nouns

Better solution: different types of feature structures

for verbs:

vform vform verb

for nouns:

case case noun

(50)

A Lexical Entry with Head Features

A lexical entry contains the following:

gibt: (‘gives’)

(51)

Head Argument Structures A Lexical Entry with Head Features

A Lexical Entry with Head Features

A lexical entry contains the following:

gibt: (‘gives’)

phon h gibt i 

phonological information

(52)

A Lexical Entry with Head Features

A lexical entry contains the following:

gibt: (‘gives’)

phon h gibt i head

"

vform fin verb

#

phonological information

head information (part of speech, verb form, . . . )

(53)

Head Argument Structures A Lexical Entry with Head Features

A Lexical Entry with Head Features

A lexical entry contains the following:

gibt: (‘gives’)

phon h gibt i head

"

vform fin verb

#

subcat D

NP[nom], NP[acc], NP[dat]E

phonological information

head information (part of speech, verb form, . . . )

valency information: a list of descriptions of arguments

(54)

Head Feature Principle

In a headed structure the head features of the mother are identical to the head features of the head daughter.

headed-structure →

"

head 1

head-dtr|head 1

#

(55)

Head Argument Structures A Lexical Entry with Head Features

All Constraints for a Local Tree (Head-Argument)

head 1

subcat 2

head-dtr

"

head 1

subcat 2 ⊕ h 3 i

#

non-head-dtrs h 3 i head-argument-structure

(56)

Partial Structure in Feature Structure Representation

phonhdem Mann gibti head 1

subcat 2 hNP[nom], NP[acc]i

head-dtr

phonhgibti head1

"

vformfin verb

#

subcat 2 ⊕ h 3 i word

non-head-dtrs

*

3

phonhdem Manni head

"

casdat noun

#

subcathi head-dtr . . . non-head-dtrs . . . head-argument-structure

+

head-argument-structure

(57)

Head Argument Structures A Lexical Entry with Head Features

Demo: Grammar 4

(2) a. der the

Mann man

schl¨aft sleeps

‘The man sleeps’

b. der the

Mann man

die the

Frau woman

kennt knows

‘The man knows the woman.’

(58)

Outline

General Overview of the Framework

Valency

Head Argument Structures

Scrambling

Verb Placement

Nonlocal Dependencies

Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG

(59)

Scrambling

Constituent Order

We will look at German,

since it is interesting in regard to its reordering possibilities.

(60)

Constituent Order

We will look at German,

since it is interesting in regard to its reordering possibilities.

German is a SOV language, however in declarative main clauses and questions, the verb is placed in second and first position, respectively.

(61)

Scrambling

Constituent Order

We will look at German,

since it is interesting in regard to its reordering possibilities.

German is a SOV language, however in declarative main clauses and questions, the verb is placed in second and first position, respectively.

How do we account for the serialization of arguments?

(62)

Constituent Order

We will look at German,

since it is interesting in regard to its reordering possibilities.

German is a SOV language, however in declarative main clauses and questions, the verb is placed in second and first position, respectively.

How do we account for the serialization of arguments?

How do we account for the verb position?

(63)

Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments

Relatively Free Constituent Order

Arguments can be serialized in almost any order:

(3) a. weil because

der the

Mann man

der the

Frau woman

das the

Buch book

gibt gives

‘because the man gives the book to the woman’

b. weil der Manndas Buch der Fraugibt c. weil das Buch der Mannder Fraugibt d. weil das Buch der Frauder Manngibt e. weil der Frauder Manndas Buch gibt f. weilder Fraudas Buch der Manngibt

(64)

Relatively Free Constituent Order

Arguments can be serialized in almost any order:

(3) a. weil because

der the

Mann man

der the

Frau woman

das the

Buch book

gibt gives

‘because the man gives the book to the woman’

b. weil der Manndas Buch der Fraugibt c. weil das Buch der Mannder Fraugibt d. weil das Buch der Frauder Manngibt e. weil der Frauder Manndas Buch gibt f. weilder Fraudas Buch der Manngibt

For (3b–f) a different accenting is needed and the set of contexts in which the sentences may be uttered is restricted in comparison to (3a) (H¨ohle, 1982).

(65)

Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Adjuncts

Adjuncts in the Mittelfeld

Apart from the arguments, adjuncts may be serialized in the Mittelfeld.

(66)

Adjuncts in the Mittelfeld

Apart from the arguments, adjuncts may be serialized in the Mittelfeld.

These can be placed at arbitrary positions between the arguments:

(4) a. weil because

morgen tomorrow

der the

Mann man

das the

Buch woman

der the

Frau book

gibt gives

‘because the man gives the book to the woman tomorrow’

b. weil der Mannmorgen das Buch der Frau gibt c. weil der Mann das Buch morgen der Frau gibt d. weil der Mann das Buch der Fraumorgen gibt

(67)

Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Adjuncts

Scopal Adjuncts

scopal adjuncts may not be reordered without changing the meaning:

(5) a. weil because

er he

oft often

nicht not

lacht laughs

(sondern but

weint) crys

‘because he often does not laugh’

b. weil because

er he

nicht not

oft often

lacht laughs

(sondern but

selten seldomly

lacht) laughs

‘because he does not laugh often’

(68)

Binary Branching Structures

Sentences like (6) are unproblematic:

(6) weil because

[der the

Mann man

[das the

Buch book

[der the

Frau woman

gibt]]]

gives

(69)

Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Adjuncts

Binary Branching Structures

Sentences like (6) are unproblematic:

(6) weil because

[der the

Mann man

[das the

Buch book

[der the

Frau woman

gibt]]]

gives

The integration of adjuncts is easy as well:

(7) a. weil [morgen [der Mann [das Buch [der Frau gibt]]]]

b. weil [der Mann [morgen [das Buch [der Frau gibt]]]]

c. weil [der Mann [das Buch [morgen [der Frau gibt]]]]

d. weil [der Mann [das Buch [der Frau [morgen gibt]]]]

(70)

Binary Branching Structures

Sentences like (6) are unproblematic:

(6) weil because

[der the

Mann man

[das the

Buch book

[der the

Frau woman

gibt]]]

gives

The integration of adjuncts is easy as well:

(7) a. weil [morgen [der Mann [das Buch [der Frau gibt]]]]

b. weil [der Mann [morgen [das Buch [der Frau gibt]]]]

c. weil [der Mann [das Buch [morgen [der Frau gibt]]]]

d. weil [der Mann [das Buch [der Frau [morgen gibt]]]]

The difference in meaning in (8) follows from the difference in embedding:

(8) a. weil er [oft [nicht lacht]] (sondern weint) b. weil er [nicht [oft lacht]] (sondern selten lacht)

(71)

Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments

Permutation of Arguments in the Mittelfeld

Permutation of arguments is not explained yet.

(72)

Permutation of Arguments in the Mittelfeld

Permutation of arguments is not explained yet.

Until now we combine the head with the last element in thesubcatlist.

head-argument-structure →

subcat 1

head-dtr|subcat 1 ⊕ h 2 i non-head-dtrsh 2 i

(73)

Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments

Permutation of Arguments in the Mittelfeld

Permutation of arguments is not explained yet.

Until now we combine the head with the last element in thesubcatlist.

head-argument-structure →

subcat 1

head-dtr|subcat 1 ⊕ h 2 i non-head-dtrsh 2 i

Generalization of the Head-Argument-Schema:

Instead of append (⊕) we use delete.

delete takes one element from the list and returns the rest:

del(X,[1,2,3]) has the following results:

del(1,[1,2,3]) = [2,3]

del(2,[1,2,3]) = [1,3]

del(3,[1,2,3]) = [1,2]

(74)

The Head-Argument-Schema

old:

head-argument-structure →

cat|subcat 1

head-dtr|cat|subcat 1 ⊕ h 2 i non-head-dtrsh 2 i

new:

head-argument-structure →

cat|subcatdel(1,2) head-dtr|cat|subcat 2 non-head-dtrsh1i

(75)

Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments

Example: Normal Order

(9) a. weil because

jeder everybody

das the

Buch book

kennt knows b. weil das Buch jeder kennt

jeder das Buch kennt

2 NP[acc] V[subcat h1, 2i]

1 NP[nom] V[subcath1i]

V[subcath i]

(76)

Example: Reordering

jeder

das Buch kennt

1 NP[nom] V[subcat h1, 2i]

2 NP[acc] V[subcath2i]

V[subcath i]

The difference is the order in which the elements in subcatget saturated.

(77)

Permutation of Constituents in the Mittelfeld Arguments

Demo: Grammar 9

(10) a. daß that

der the

Mann man-nom

der the

Frau

woman-dat das the

Buch book-acc

gibt gives b. daß

that der the

Mann man-nom

das the

Buch book-acc

der the

Frau

woman-dat gibt gives c. daß

that der the

Mann man-nom

der the

Frau

woman-dat das the

Buch book-acc

morgen tomorrow gibt

gives d. daß

that der the

Mann man-nom

der the

Frau

woman-dat

morgen tomorrow

das the

Buch book-acc gibt

gives e. daß

that er he

oft often

nicht not

lacht laughs

(78)

Outline

General Overview of the Framework

Valency

Head Argument Structures

Scrambling

Verb Placement

Nonlocal Dependencies

Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG

(79)

Verb Placement

Verb Placement

kenntk er ihn [ ]k

NP V

NP V’

VP

V VhVPi

VP

A trace takes the position of the finite verb in verb initial sentences.

(80)

Verb Placement

kenntk er ihn [ ]k

NP V

NP V’

VP

V VhVPi

VP

A trace takes the position of the finite verb in verb initial sentences.

A special form of the verb is in initial position.

It selects the projection of the empty verb.

(81)

Verb Placement

Verb Placement

kenntk er ihn [ ]k

NP V

NP V’

VP

V VhVPi

VP

A trace takes the position of the finite verb in verb initial sentences.

A special form of the verb is in initial position.

It selects the projection of the empty verb.

The special lexical item is licenced by a lexical rule.

(82)

Verb Placement

kenntk er ihn [ ]k

NP V//V

NP V’//V

VP//V

V VhVP//Vi

VP

A trace takes the position of the finite verb in verb initial sentences.

A special form of the verb is in initial position.

It selects the projection of the empty verb.

The special lexical item is licenced by a lexical rule.

Connection between verb and trace is established by percolation.

(83)

Verb Placement

Demo: Grammar 9

(11) Gibt gives

der the

Mann man-nom

der the

Frau

woman-dat das the

Buch.

book-acc

(84)

Outline

General Overview of the Framework

Valency

Head Argument Structures

Scrambling

Verb Placement

Nonlocal Dependencies

Other Prominent Constituent Order Analyses in HPSG

(85)

Nonlocal Dependencies

Overview: Fronting

das Buchi kenntk jeder [ ]i [ ]k

NP V

NP V’

VP V

V

NP VP

VP

As in the analysis of verb movment: trace in the “base position”.

(86)

Overview: Fronting

das Buchi kenntk jeder [ ]i [ ]k

NP/NP V

NP V’/NP

VP/NP V

V

NP VP/NP

VP

As in the analysis of verb movment: trace in the “base position”.

Percolation of information through the tree

(87)

Nonlocal Dependencies

Overview: Fronting

das Buchi kenntk jeder [ ]i [ ]k

NP/NP V

NP V’/NP

VP/NP V

V

NP VP/NP

VP

As in the analysis of verb movment: trace in the “base position”.

Percolation of information through the tree

constituent movement is not local, but verb movement is

We use two features to model the two kinds of movement (slashvs. dsl)

(88)

Propoerties of the Analysis

percolation of non-local information

(89)

Nonlocal Dependencies Propoerties of the Analysis

Propoerties of the Analysis

percolation of non-local information

structure sharing

(90)

Propoerties of the Analysis

percolation of non-local information

structure sharing

Information is simultaneously present at every node in the extraction path.

(91)

Nonlocal Dependencies Propoerties of the Analysis

Propoerties of the Analysis

percolation of non-local information

structure sharing

Information is simultaneously present at every node in the extraction path.

Nodes in the middle of an unbounded dependncy may access this information

(Bouma, Malouf and Sag (2001): Irish, Chamorro, Palauan, Icelandic, Kikuyu, Ewe, Thompson Salish, Moore, French, Spanish, and Yiddish)

(92)

Data Structure: Local and Non-Local Information

HPSG devides the information into such that is locally relevant (local) and information that plays a role in long distance dependencies

(nonlocal)

phon list of phoneme strings

loc

 cat

head head

subcat list of synsem objects cat

cont cont loc

nonloc nonloc sign

(93)

Nonlocal Dependencies

Data Structure: Local and Non-Local Information

Data Structure for Non-Local Information

Thenonlocvalue has internal structure:

que list of npros

nonloc

que: list of indices of question words (interrogative clauses)

(94)

Data Structure for Non-Local Information

Thenonlocvalue has internal structure:

que list of npros rel list of indices nonloc

que: list of indices of question words (interrogative clauses)

rel: list of indices of relative pronouns (relative clauses)

Referenzen

ÄHNLICHE DOKUMENTE

A new approximate proximal point method for minimizing the sum of two convex functions is introduced. It replaces the original problem by a sequence of regularized subproblems in

Such an rule -based approach is not only in contradiction with the spirit of keeping the number of rules as small as possible - moreover, it does not allow to handle processes

The basic idea of HPSG–DOP is to parse all sentences of a represen- tative training corpus using an HPSG grammar and parser in order to automatically acquire from the parsing results

The analysis’ main features are the following: a predicational free rela- tive clause in subject position of specificational pseudoclefts in which the relative pronoun shares

We can gain some insights from looking at the quantum field theory of spin-1 particles (massless or massive QED) and extrapolating results to massless or massive spin-2 particles..

Online phase: multiobjective optimal control As regards the original multiobjective problem, we are interested in the solution of the parametric optimal control problem for a

This example illustrates how the approximate linearization method applied to a nonlinear system known to be exactly feedback linearizable can be employed in conjunction with the

zur