Case and Passive in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar

(1)

Case and Passive

in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar

Stefan M¨uller

Theoretische Linguistik/Computerlinguistik Fachbereich 10

Universit¨at Bremen Institut f¨ur Linguistik

Universit¨at Potsdam Stefan.Mueller@cl.uni-bremen.de

December 2, 2005

(2)

Outline

• Case

• The Phenomenon

• The Analysis

• Passive

(3)

Case and Passive in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Case

Case and Case Principles

• What kind of cases are there?

c

Stefan M¨uller 2005, CL, FB 10, Universit¨at Bremen & CL, Uni Potsdam 1/65

(4)

Case and Case Principles

• How does case depend on the syntactic environment?

(5)

Case and Case Principles

• How does case depend on the syntactic environment?

• Until now case was maximally specified in valency lists,

if we now the principles of case assignment, this is unnecessary.

We capture generalizations and reduce the number of lexical entries for verbs likelesen (‘read’) in (1):

(1) a. Er he-nom

m¨ochte wants

das the

Buch book

lesen.

read

‘He wants to read the book.’

b. Ich I

sah saw

ihn him-acc

das the

Buch book

lesen.

read

‘I saw him read the book.’

The case of the subject (and the object) is assigned by a principle.

c

(6)

Structural and Lexical Case

• If the case of an argument depends on the syntactic environment, the case is calledstructural case. Otherwise the argument haslexical case.

(7)

Case

Structural vs. Lexical Case Structural Case

Structural and Lexical Case

• Examples for structural case are:

(2) a. Der the

Installateur plumber-nom

kommt.

comes

c

(8)

Structural and Lexical Case

(2) a. Der the

kommt.

comes b. Der

the Mann man-nom

l¨aßt lets

den the

Installateur plumber-acc

kommen.

come

(9)

Case

Structural vs. Lexical Case Structural Case

Structural and Lexical Case

(2) a. Der the

kommt.

comes b. Der

the Mann man-nom

l¨aßt lets

den the

kommen.

come c. das

the

Kommen coming

des of.the

Installateurs plumber-gen

c

(10)

Structural and Lexical Case

(2) a. Der the

kommt.

comes b. Der

the Mann man-nom

l¨aßt lets

den the

kommen.

come c. das

the

Kommen coming

des of.the

Installateurs plumber-gen

• In (2) we have a subject that changes case, in (3) it is the object:

(3) a. Karl Karl

schl¨agt beats

den the

Hund.

dog-acc

(11)

Structural vs. Lexical Case Lexical Case

Genitive

Lexical Case

• Genitive that depends on a verb is a lexical case:

The case of the genetive object does not change in passives.

(4) a. Wir we-nom

gedenken remember

der the

Opfer.

victims-gen b. Der

the Opfer victims-gen

wird is

gedacht.

remembered c. *Die

the Opfer victims-nom

wird/werden is/are

gedacht.

remembered

c

(12)

Lexical Case

• Genitive that depends on a verb is a lexical case:

The case of the genetive object does not change in passives.

(4) a. Wir we-nom

gedenken remember

der the

Opfer.

victims-gen b. Der

the Opfer victims-gen

wird is

gedacht.

remembered c. *Die

the Opfer victims-nom

wird/werden is/are

gedacht.

remembered (4b) = impersonal passiv, there is no subject

(13)

Dative

Is the Dative a Lexical Case?

• No change with dative objects:

(5) a. Der the

Mann man

hat has

ihm him-dat

geholfen.

helped b. Ihm

him-dat wird was

geholfen.

helped

c

(14)

Is the Dative a Lexical Case?

• No change with dative objects:

(5) a. Der the

Mann man

hat has

ihm him-dat

geholfen.

helped b. Ihm

him-dat wird was

geholfen.

helped

• But what about (6)?

(6) a. Der the

Mann man-nom

hat has

den the

Ball ball-acc

dem the

Jungen boy-dat

geschenkt.

given

‘The man gave the ball to the boy as a present.’

b. DerJunge bekam den Ball geschenkt.

(15)

Dative

Is the Dative a Lexical Case?

• The status of the dative is still a controversial issue.

Three possibilities for dative arguments:

1. All datives are lexical.

c

(16)

Is the Dative a Lexical Case?

2. Some are lexical others structural.

(17)

Dative

Is the Dative a Lexical Case?

2. Some are lexical others structural.

3. All datives are structural.

c

(18)

Dative as a Lexical Case

•If we treat dative as a lexical case, we have to assume that lexical case can be changed into structural case in the dative passive.

(19)

Dative

Dative as a Lexical Case

•If we treat dative as a lexical case, we have to assume that lexical case can be changed into structural case in the dative passive.

•With lexical dative Haider’s examples in (7) and (8) are explained (Haider, 1986, p. 20):

(7) a. Er he-nom

streichelt strokes

den the

Hund.

dog-acc b. Der

the Hund dog-nom

wurde was

gestreichelt.

stroked c. sein

his

Streicheln stroking

des of.the

Hundes dog-gen (8) a. Er

he-nom hilft helps

den the

Kindern.

children-dat b. Den

the Kindern children-dat

wurde was

geholfen.

helped

‘The children were helped.’

c. das the

Helfen helping

der of.the

Kinder children-gen d. * sein

his Helfen helping

der of.the

Kinder children-gen

c

(20)

Structural Case and Bivalent Verbs

• If the only difference between helfenand unterst¨utzenis the case, one of the cases has to be lexical.

(9) a. Er he-nom

hilft helps

ihm.

him-dat b. Er

he-nom

unterst¨utzt supports

ihn.

him-acc

Von Stechow and Sternefeld (1988) and von Stechow (1990) and authors who see the structural/lexical case issue from a semantic point of view (Kaufmann, 1995; Stiebels, 1996; Olsen, 1997; Rapp, 1997) therefore assume that the dative of bivalent verbs is a lexical dative.

(21)

Dative

Dative Passive with Bivalent Verbs

• The case of ditransitive verbs can be derived by principles, but this is impossible with bivalent verbs (unless one has complex semantic strories).

→ Dative withhelfen is said to be lexical.

Prediction: dative passive is impossible with such verbs.

c

(22)

Dative Passive with Bivalent Verbs

• The case of ditransitive verbs can be derived by principles, but this is impossible with bivalent verbs (unless one has complex semantic strories).

→ Dative withhelfen is said to be lexical.

Prediction: dative passive is impossible with such verbs.

• Wegener (1985; 1990) provides the examples in (10):

(10) a. Er he

kriegte got

von by

vielen many

geholfen helped

/ gratuliert congratulated

/ applaudiert.

applauded

‘Many helped / congratulated / applauded him.’

b. Man one

kriegt gets

t¨aglich daily

gedankt.

thanked

(23)

Dative

Dative Passive with Bivalent Verbs (Corpus Examples)

(11) a.

”Da there

kriege get

ich I

geholfen.“¹ helped

‘Somebody helps me there.’

b.”Kl¨arle“

Kl¨arle h¨atte had

es it

wirklich really

mehr more

als than

verdient, deserved

auch also

mal once

zu to

einem a

”unrunden“

insignificant

Geburtstag birthday

gratuliert congratulated

zu to

bekommen.² get

‘Kl¨arle would have more than deserved to be wished a happy birthday, even an insignificant birthday.’

c. Mit with

dem the

alten old

Titel song

von by

Elvis Elvis

Presley Presley

[. . . ] bekam got

Kassier cashier

Markus Markus

Reiß Riss zum

to.the

Geburtstag birthday

gratuliert, congratulated

[. . . ]³

‘The cashier Markus Riss was wished a happy birthday with the old Elvis Presley song [. . . ].’

1Frankfurter Rundschau, 26.06.1998, p. 7.

2Mannheimer Morgen, 28.07.1999, Lokales; Kl¨arle“ feiert heute Geburtstag.

c

(24)

Accusative

We already saw structural accusatives, but there is also lexical accusative:

(12) a. Ihn him-acc

d¨urstet.

is.thirsty b. Die

the

Mutter mother

lehrte taught

ihre her

Tochter daughter-acc

ein a

neues new

Lied.

song-acc

(25)

Adjectival Environments

Lexical Case in Adjectival Environments (I)

The case of objects that depend n adjectives does not change.

Adjectives may assign genitive and dative:

(13) a. Ich I

war was

mir me-dat

dessen that-gen

sicher.

sure

‘I was sure of this.’

b. Sie she

ist is

ihm him-dat

treu.

faithful

‘She is faithful to him.’

c

(26)

Lexical Case in Adjectival Environments (II)

Accusative is also possible, but not so frequent (Haider, 1985):

(14) a. Das this

ist is

diesen this

Preis price

nicht not

wert.

worth

‘This is not worth this price.’

b. Der the

Student student

ist is

das the

Leben live

im in.the

Wohnheim dormitory

nicht not

gewohnt.⁴ used

‘The student is not used to the live in the dormitory.’

c. Du you

bist are

mir me

eine an

Erkl¨arung explanation

schuldig.⁵ owe

‘You owe me an explanation.’

(27)

Adjectival Environments

Structural Case in Adjectival Environments

The case of the subject of an adjective depneds on the syntactic environment (Wunderlich, 1984):

(15) a. Der the

Mond moon-nom

wurde got

kleiner.

smaller b. Er

he sah saw

den the

Mond moon-acc

kleiner smaller

werden.

get

‘He saw how the moon got smaller.’

c

(28)

The Case of Unrealized Subjects (I)

H¨ohle (1983, Chapter 6):

The case of elements that do not surface can be determined.

ein- nach d- ander-(‘one after the other’) may refere to constituents with plural reference.

Case and gender has to agree with the antecedent phrase.

(29)

The Case of Unrealized Subjects

The Case of Unrealized Subjects (II)

We have reference to subjects and objects in (16):

(16) a. [Die the

T¨uren]i

doors-nom-pl-fem sind are

[eine one-nom-fem

nach after

der the-dat-fem

anderen]i

other

kaputt broke

gegangen.

went

‘The doors broke one after another.’

b. [Einer one-nom-mas

nach after

dem the-dat-mas

anderen]i

other

haben have

wiri

we-nom die the

Burschen lads-acc

runtergeputzt.

down.cleaned

‘We took turns in bringing the lads down a peg or two.’

c. [Einen one-acc-mas

nach after

dem the-dat-mas

anderen]i

other

haben have

wir we-nom

[die the

Burschen]i

lads-acc-pl-mas

runtergeputzt.

down.cleaned

‘One after the other, we brought the lads down a peg or two.’

d. Ich I

ließ let

[die the

Burschen]_i lads-acc-pl-mas

[einen one-acc-mas

nach after

dem the-dat-mas

anderen]_i other

einsteigen.

enter

‘I let the lads get in (get started) one after the other.’

e. [Uns]i

us-dat wurde was

[einer one-dat-fem

nach after

der the-dat-fem

anderen]i

other der the

Stuhl chair

vor before

die the

T¨ur door

gesetzt.

set

‘We were given the sack one after the other.’

c

(30)

The Case of Unrealized Subjects (III)

In (17) we have reference to dative or accusative objects of embedded infinitives:

(17) a. Er he

hat has

uns us

gedroht, threatened

[die the

Burschen]i

lads-acc-pl-mas

demn¨achst soon

[einen one-acc-mas

nach after dem

the-dat-mas anderen]i

other

wegzuschicken.

away.to.send

‘He threatened us that soon he would send the lads away one after the other.’

b. Er he

hat has

angek¨undigt, announced

[uns]i

us-dat dann then

[einer one-dat-fem

nach after

der

the-dat-fem anderen]i

other den the Stuhl

chair vor before

die the

T¨ur door

zu to

setzen.

set

‘He announced that he would then sack us one after the other.’

c. Es it

ist is

n¨otig, necessary

[die the

Fenster]_i,

windows-acc-pl-neu sobald as.soon

es it

geht, goes

[eins

one-acc-neu nach after dem anderen]_i auszutauschen.

(31)

The Case of Unrealized Subjects (IV)

Reference to the subject of the infinitival VP:

(18) a. Ich I

habe have

[den the

Burschen]i

lads-dat-pl-mas geraten, advised

im in.the

Abstand distance

von of

wenigen few

Tagen days [einer

one-nom-mas nach after

dem the-dat-mas

anderen]i

other zu to

k¨undigen.

hand.in.their.notice

‘I advised the lads to hand in their notice one after the other, at intervals of a few days.’

b. [Die the

T¨uren]_i

doors-nom-pl-fem sind are

viel much

zu too

wertvoll, precious

um compl

[eine

one-nom-fem nach after der

other

verheizt burnt

zu to

werden.

be

‘The doors are much too precious to be burnt one after the other.’

c. [Wir]i

we-nom-pl sind are

es itextra

leid, tired

[eine

one-nom-fem nach after

der

other den the

Stuhl chair vor

before die the

T¨ur door

gesetzt set

zu to

kriegen.

get

‘We are tired of being given the sack one after the other.’

ein- nach d- ander-is nominative→Subjects are nominative as well.

c

(32)

The Case of Unrealized Subjects (V)

We have to make sure that non-realized subjects get case. If the case of the subject would be left unspecified, sentences like (19) would get a wrong reading:

(19) # Ich I

habe have

den the

Burschen lads-dat-mas

geraten, advised

im in.the

Abstand distance

von of

wenigen few Tagen

days

einen

one-acc-mas nach after

dem

the-dat-mas

anderen other

zu to

k¨undigen.

fire

‘I advised the lads to fire (them) one after the other, at intervals of a few days.’

einen nach dem anderen is the object ofk¨undigen and cannot refer to the

(33)

Outline

• Case

• The Phenomenon

• The Analysis

• Passive

(34)

The Case Principle (I)

• Dative is treated as a lexical case.

(35)

Case The Analysis

The Case Principle

The Case Principle (I)

• ditransitive verbs likegeben(‘give’) have the followingsubcatvalue:

(20) hNP[str], NP[str], NP[ldat]i str = structural case,ldat = lexical dative.

c

(36)

The Case Principle (I)

• ditransitive verbs likegeben(‘give’) have the followingsubcatvalue:

(20) hNP[str], NP[str], NP[ldat]i str = structural case,ldat = lexical dative.

• The assignment of structural case is done via the following principle (Przepi´orkowski, 1999b; Meurers, 1999):

Case Principle:

• In a list that contains both the subject and the complements of a verbal head, the least oblique element with structural case gets nominative, unless it is raised by a higher head.

• All other elements that have structural case and are not raised get accusative.

• In nominal environments, elements with structural case get genitive.

(37)

Case The Analysis

The Case Principle

The Case Principle (II)

• This principle is similar to the one by Yip, Maling and Jackendoff (1987) and therefore can explain the case facts of the languages that were discussed by these authors, in particular the complicated case system of Icelandic.

c

(38)

The Case Principle (II)

• This principle is similar to the one by Yip, Maling and Jackendoff (1987) and therefore can explain the case facts of the languages that were discussed by these authors, in particular the complicated case system of Icelandic.

• An important difference is that the principle above is monotonic, i.e. case that was assigned cannot be changed by a higher predicate.

(39)

Case The Analysis

Active

prototypical valency lists:

(21) a. schl¨aft(‘sleeps’): subcath NP[str]j i

b.unterst¨utzt(‘supports’):subcath NP[str]j, NP[str]k i c. hilft(‘helps’): subcath NP[str]j, NP[ldat]k i

d.schenkt(‘gives as . . . ’): subcath NP[str]j, NP[str]k, NP[ldat]l i

c

(40)

Active

prototypical valency lists:

(21) a. schl¨aft(‘sleeps’): subcath NP[str]j i

d.schenkt(‘gives as . . . ’): subcath NP[str]j, NP[str]k, NP[ldat]l i The first element in the subcat-Liste gets nominative.

All other elements with structural case get accusative.

(41)

The Analysis Passive

Agentive Passive

Passive

(22) a.schl¨aft(‘sleeps’): subcath NP[str]j i

d.schenkt(‘gives as . . . ’): subcath NP[str]j, NP[str]k, NP[ldat]l i When these verbs get passivized, we get the followingsubcatlists:

(23) a.geschlafen wird: subcath i

b.unterst¨utzt wird:subcath NP[str]k i c. geholfen wird: subcath NP[ldat]k i

d.geschenkt wird: subcath NP[str]k, NP[ldat]l i The first position is occupied by a different NP in (23).

If this NP has structural case, it gets nominative,

if it has not (as in (23c)) the case remains the way it is, namely lexically specified.

c

(42)

Dative Passive

(24) c. hilft(‘helps’): subcathNP[str]j,NP[ldat]k i

d. schenkt(‘gives as . . . ’):subcathNP[str]j, NP[str]k,NP[ldat]l i The dative argument becomes the first argument and

the lexical dative of the embedded verb is turned into a structural case:

(25) a. geholfen bekommt: subcathNP[str]k i

b. geschenkt bekommt:subcathNP[str]l, NP[str]k i The former dative argument is now in first position.

Since it has structural case, it gets assigned nominative.

In (25b), the second element (the direct object) gets accusative.

This change of lexical case into structural case is not nice,

(43)

The AcI Construction

The AcI Construction (I)

(26) a. schl¨aft(‘sleeps’): subcathNP[str]j i

b.unterst¨utzt(‘supports’):subcathNP[str]j, NP[str]k i c. hilft(‘helps’): subcathNP[str]j, NP[ldat]k i

d.schenkt(‘gives as . . . ’): subcathNP[str]j, NP[str]k, NP[ldat]l i The AcI Construction is analyzed as argument composition:

the arguments of the embedded verb become arguments of the AcI verb:

(27) a. schlafen l¨aßt: subcat hNP[str]i, NP[str]j i

b.unterstützen läßt:subcat hNP[str]i, NP[str]j, NP[str]k i c. helfen läßt: subcat hNP[str]i, NP[str]j, NP[ldat]k i

d.schenken l¨aßt: subcat hNP[str]i, NP[str]j, NP[str]k, NP[ldat]l i NP[str]i stands for the subject of the AcI verb.

NP[str]j, NP[str]k and NP[ldat]l are the arguments of the embedded verbs.

c

(44)

The AcI Construction (II)

(28) a. schlafen l¨aßt: subcat hNP[str]i, NP[str]j i

b.unterstützen läßt:subcat hNP[str]i, NP[str]j, NP[str]k i c. helfen läßt: subcat hNP[str]i, NP[str]j, NP[ldat]k i

d.schenken l¨aßt: subcat hNP[str]i, NP[str]j, NP[str]k, NP[ldat]l i Only the valency lists in (28) are relevant for case assignment.

The elements in the valnecy representations of the base verbs are irrelevant, since the case principle does not assign case to elements that are raised.

The first element in the lists in (28) gets nominative, the remaining elements with structural case get accusative.

(45)

Subjects of Adjectives

The case assignment to the subject of adjectives work analoguosly.

The copula is combined with the adjective and we get a valency list that contains the arguments of the adjective (29a).

If such a complex is embedded under an AcI verb we get (29b):

(29) a. kleiner werden: subcath NP[str]j i

‘smaller become’

b.kleiner werden sah: subcath NP[str]_i, NP[str]_j i

‘smaller become saw’

The first NP gets nominative, the second one accusative.

c

(46)

Intermediate Summary

• Case is assigned on a valence representation

(heresubcat, in other HPSG publicationsarg-st).

(47)

Summary

Intermediate Summary

• Case is assigned on a valence representation

(heresubcat, in other HPSG publicationsarg-st).

• There is no zero case for non-realized subjects,

these elements get case according to the normal principles.

c

(48)

Outline

• Case

• Passive

• The Phenomenon

• The Analysis

• Preliminaries (the Verbal Complex)

• Unaccusativity

• The Actual Analysis

(49)

Passive

The Phenomenon Agentive Passive

Agentive Passive

“personal” passive:

(30) a. weil because

Karl Karl-nom

den the

Schrank cupboard-acc

¨offnet opens b. weil

because der the

Schrank cupboard-nom

ge¨offnet opened

wird.

is

‘because the cupboard is opened.’

c

(50)

Agentive Passive

“personal” passive:

Karl Karl-nom

den the

Schrank cupboard-acc

¨offnet opens b. weil

because der the

Schrank cupboard-nom

ge¨offnet opened

wird.

is

‘because the cupboard is opened.’

“impersonal” passive:

Karl Karl-nom

arbeitet works b. weil gearbeitet wird.

(51)

Passive

The Phenomenon Dative Passive

Dative Passive

Peter Peter-nom

dem the

Jungen boy-dat

den the

Ball ball-acc

wegnimmt away.take

‘Peter takes away the ball from the boy.’

b. weil because

der the

Junge boy-nom

den the

Ball ball-acc

weggenommen away.taken

bekommt gets

‘The ball is taken away from the boy.’

c

(52)

lassen Passive

er he-nom

einen an

Fachmann expert-acc

den the

Wagen car-acc

reparieren repair

l¨aßt lets

‘because he has an expert repair the car.’

b. weil because

er he-nom

den the

Wagen car-acc

(von by

einem an

Fachmann) expert

reparieren repair

l¨aßt lets

‘because he has an expert repair the car.’

(53)

Passive

The Phenomenon Modal Infinitives

Modal Infinitives

ihr you-nom

den the

Aufsatz paper-acc

zu to

schreiben write

habt have

‘because you have to write the paper.’

b. weil because

der the

Aufsatz paper-nom

(von by

euch) you

zu to

schreiben write

ist is

‘because the paper is to be written by you.’

c

(54)

Morphological Identity of Forms (Participle)

The form of the participle is the same in the perfect, the agentive passive, the dative passive:

(35)

a. Der the

Mann man-nom

hat has

den the

Ball ball-acc

dem the

Jungen boy-dat

geschenkt.

given

‘The man gave the ball to the boy.’

b. Der the

Ball ball-nom

wurde was

dem the

Jungen boy-dat

geschenkt.

given

‘The ball was given to the boy.’

c. Der the

Junge boy-nom

bekam got

den the

Ball ball-acc

geschenkt.

given

(55)

Passive

The Phenomenon

Morphological Identity of Forms (Bare Infinitive)

The form of the bare infinitive is the same in the future, AcI,lassenpassive, and middle constructions:

ein a

Mechaniker mechanic-nom

den the

Wagen car-acc

reparieren repair

wird.

will

‘because the mechanic will repair the car.’

b. weil because

Karl Karl-nom

einen a

Mechaniker mechanic-acc

den the

Wagen car-acc

reparieren repair

l¨aßt.

lets

‘because Karl has the mechanic repair the car.’

c. weil because

Karl Karl-nom

den the

Wagen car-acc

(von by

einem a

Mechaniker) mechanic

reparieren repair

l¨aßt.

lets

‘because Karl has somebody / the mechanic repair the car.’

d. weil because

sich self

der the

Wagen car-nom

nicht not

reparieren repair

l¨aßt.

lets

‘because it is impossible to repair the car.’

c

(56)

Morphological Identity of Forms (Bare Infinitive)

The form of the bare infinitive is the same in the future, AcI,lassenpassive, and middle constructions:

ein a

Mechaniker mechanic-nom

den the

Wagen car-acc

reparieren repair

wird.

will

‘because the mechanic will repair the car.’

b. weil because

Karl Karl-nom

einen a

Mechaniker mechanic-acc

den the

Wagen car-acc

reparieren repair

l¨aßt.

lets

‘because Karl has the mechanic repair the car.’

c. weil because

Karl Karl-nom

den the

Wagen car-acc

(von by

einem a

Mechaniker) mechanic

reparieren repair

l¨aßt.

lets

‘because Karl has somebody / the mechanic repair the car.’

d. weil because

sich self

der the

Wagen car-nom

nicht not

reparieren repair

l¨aßt.

lets

‘because it is impossible to repair the car.’

Forzuinfinitives, we also have two modal infinitive constructions with different argument realizations.

(57)

The Phenomenon Unaccusativity Passivizability

Unaccusativity: Passivizability

Although certain intransitive verbs allow passivization, there are others that do not allow the passive.

(37) a. daß that

der the

Zug train

ankam arrived b. * Dort

there wurde was

angekommen.

arrived c. daß

the der the

Mann man

ihr her

auffiel noticed

‘She noticed the man.’

d. * Ihr her-dat

wurde was

aufgefallen.

noticed

c

(58)

Unaccusativity: Passivizability

Although certain intransitive verbs allow passivization, there are others that do not allow the passive.

(37) a. daß that

der the

Zug train

ankam arrived b. * Dort

there wurde was

angekommen.

arrived c. daß

the der the

Mann man

ihr her

auffiel noticed

‘She noticed the man.’

d. * Ihr her-dat

wurde was

aufgefallen.

noticed

(59)

The Phenomenon Unaccusativity

Adjectival Participles (I)

Adjectival Participles

Such verbs can be used as prenominal adjectival participles:

(38) a. der the

angekommene arrived

Zug train b. dem

the

Regime regime-dat

aufgefallene

part.fell ”Vaterlandsverr¨ater“⁶ traitors.to.their.country

‘the “traitors to their country” noticed by the regime’

The subject role of the particple is filled be the modified noun.

6Die Zeit, 26.04.1985, p. 3.

c

(60)

Adjectival Participles (II)

Transitive verbs are different:

The object role of the participle is filled by the modified noun:

(39) a. die the

geliebte loved

Frau woman b. der

the

geschlagene beaten

Hund dog

(61)

Adjectival Participles (I)

Adjectival Participles (II)

Transitive verbs are different:

The object role of the participle is filled by the modified noun:

(39) a. die the

geliebte loved

Frau woman b. der

the

geschlagene beaten

Hund dog

Verbs that do not have an accusative object usually do not allow for adjectival particples:

(40) a. * der the

getanzte danced

Mann man b. * der

the

(ihm) geholfene him

Mann helped man

c

(62)

Nominatives with Object Properties (I)

• Arguments of certain verbs that are nominative in active sentences have object properties.

(63)

Nominatives with Object Properties

Nominatives with Object Properties (I)

• Such verbs are calledunaccusative(Perlmutter, 1978) orergative(see for instance Grewendorf, 1989).

c

(64)

Nominatives with Object Properties (I)

• Grewendorf (1989): fourteen tests to differenciate between unaccusative and unergative/transitive verbs.

(65)

Nominatives with Object Properties (I)

• Fanselow (1992) six additional tests

c

(66)

Nominatives with Object Properties (I)

• Despite this big number of test researchers do not agree which verbs should be treated as unaccusative.

(67)

Nominatives with Object Properties (I)

• Some tests produce contradicting results (M¨uller, 2002, In Preparation).

c

(68)

Nominatives with Object Properties (I)

• Some tests produce contradicting results (M¨uller, 2002, In Preparation).

• Kaufmann (1995): Many differences btween unacc and trans/unerg

(69)

Nominatives with Object Properties (II)

• Data is explained if one assumes, that the subject of unaccusative verbs is an underlying object:

Passive = Suppression of the subject. No subject present→ passivization of ankommen andauffallenimpossible

7Die Zeit, 26.04.1985, p. 3.

c

(70)

Nominatives with Object Properties (II)

• The formation of adjectival participles is possible, if there is an element with accusative object properties.

(71)

Nominatives with Object Properties (II)

• The formation of adjectival participles is possible, if there is an element with accusative object properties.

• Since the subjects of ankommen a. auffallenare underlying objects, the well-formedness of the phrases in (41) is explained.

(41) a. der the

angekommene arrived

Zug train b. dem

the

Regime regime-dat

aufgefallene

part.fell ”Vaterlandsverr¨ater“⁷ traitors.to.their.country

‘the “traitors to their country” noticed by the regime’

7Die Zeit, 26.04.1985, p. 3.

c

(72)

Resultative Constructions

Resultative Constructions: Verb + Accusative + Predicate (Wunderlich, 1997; M¨uller, 2002, Chapter 5):

(42) weil because

niemand nobody-nom

den the

Teich pond-acc

leer empty

fischt fishes

‘because nobody fishes the pond empty’

If the verbs are unergative,

the resultative predicate predicates over the accusative.

(73)

Resultative Constructions

Resultative Constructions with Unaccusative Verbs

Resultative predicate predicates over the subject of the verb:

(43) a. [. . . ] und and

im in.the

Winter winter

fror froze

sein its

Wasser water

zu to

Eis.⁸ ice

‘and in the winter its water froze to ice.’

b. den the

Tonb¨andern tapes

im in.the

Archiv, archive

die which

in in

der the

tropischen tropical

Hitze heat

zu to

einer a schwarzen

black

Masse mass

schmolzen.⁹ melted Data are explained,

if the result predicate predicates over the element with object properties.

Subjects in (43) are not normal subjects but underlying objects.

c

(74)

Outline

• Case

• Passive

• The Phenomenon

• Various Types of the Passive

• Morphological Identity of Forms

• Unaccusativity

• The Analysis

• Preliminaries (the Verbal Complex)

• Unaccusativity

• The Actual Analysis

(75)

Case and Passive in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar Passive

The Analysis

Two Strategies

• In principle, there are two strategies for tackling the passive problem:

1. One (or more) lexical entries for the perfect participle and the passive participle(s). (Bresnan, 1978, 1982; Pollard and Sag, 1987, p. 214–218;

Bierwisch, 1990, p. 189; Kunze, 1996, p. 656; Manning and Sag, 1998;

Michaelis and Ruppenhofer, 2001, Chapter 4; Vierhuff, Hildebrandt and Eikmeyer, 2003, p. 231)

c