Javanese Root as cultural root
7.2.2 Spatial Structure of Alun-alun Yogyakarta
7.2.2.1. Cosmological Arrangement of Alun-alun Yogyakarta
As affirmed by Handinoto (2015, p. 32), Alun-alun is an integral part of the Palace. The north-south axis cosmology, from Mount Merapi, Tugu (Monument), North Alun-alun, Palace, South Alun-alun, Krapyak Stage, to the South Sea, is a symbol that the spatial structure here is part of the macrocosm’s meaning.
It is important to understand the city’s meaning as Kostof (1961) stated in The City Shaped,
‘the city form as a receptacle of meaning, so it needs an understanding of the cultural condition.’
The design of Alun-alun and Jeron Beteng area represents a cosmic city. As Lynch (1981) stated in Good City Form, the cosmic city is marked by a monumental axis. This place is indicated by a cosmological axis from north to south, enclosed and protected (by the Palace walls), and possesses dominant landmarks (the Sultan’s Palace and other important buildings). Further, it relies on a regular grid from north to south (for sacred buildings), from east to west (for the development area), and a spatial organisation by hierarchy (in the courtiers’ kampong). Moreover, the shape enjoys protection against military invasions by its physical geographic condition since it is surrounded by a mountain, sea, and two rivers.
Urban planning fabrics were built upon philosophy and cosmology. Handinoto (2015, p.
9) said that traditional spatial planning is usually influenced by the mindset and the pattern of human life in its time. Further, these generate the static form of Alun-aluns today due to an arrangement based on the religious culture of the Javanese community (Handinoto, 2015, p. 26).
This cosmic line creates a symbolic meaning, which functions as a cultural and physical connection.
The physical and cultural connection is important to strengthen the contextualization with the Palace to preserve the social meaning (Carr et al., 1992) since connection is a sense of rootedness.
The social meaning is vital to maintain the congruence of the site with cultural norms and practices since Alun-alun is a heritage public space.
Culture World View
Values Image/
Scheme
Lifestyle Activities Public space as Spatial Setting
121 Figure 7.8. Cosmological Line of Yogyakarta Hadiningrat Palace
Source: Redrawing based on Brongtodiningrat (n.d.), Handinoto (2015), and Ikaputra in Widiyastuti (2013)
7.2.2.2. Changing Activities in Alun-alun Yogyakarta A. North Alun-alun Yogyakarta
The era from Hamengkubuwono I (1776) to Hamengkubuwono X (1982–now) brought changes to the sacredness of space and activities in both North and South Alun-alun. Research by Widiyastuti (2013) shows the changing activities in North Alun-alun Yogyakarta in and after the Colonial Era. See Figure 7.9.
From the beginning, North Alun-alun was built to serve the needs of royal activities (Handinoto, 2015, p. 35). It has one main gate into the outside world, and three other gates connecting the other parts of Jeron Beteng area. Based on the position, it is like a ‘semi’ public space, with half of it connecting with Malioboro Street (the most important street in Yogyakarta), and the other half connecting a part of the Palace area. So, for the first time it was establishment, Alun-alun is an open public space.
Colonial Era
1756–1939 HB I–HB VIII • The front yard and the main entrance to the Palace area
• Space for military training exercises and royal ceremonial purposes
Sacred Closed area Private area
SYMBOLIC PUBLIC SPACE
1939–1945 HB IX • Continues to be a space for massive Palace ceremonies
Sacred and profane
Post-Colonial (Indonesian Era)
1945–1982 HB IX • Dynamic activities in North Alun-alun due to changing role of the Palace as a cultural centre
• A venue for massive mobilisation where Indonesian nationalism was boosted in Soekarno Era.
• Certain activities relating to nationalism and physical exercise in Soeharto Era.
• Special events, like Garebeg and Sekaten, were held thrice a year
• This area became the centre of public activities
Sacred and profane
CONTROLLED PUBLIC SPACE, especially in Soeharto Era, due to lots of regulations in public space for non-political cultural functions
1982–now HB X • Space for royal
ceremonies
• Centre for public activities, sports and tourism activities
• Tourism parking before 2015
Sacred and profane
URBAN CIVIC SPACE
Figure 7.9. Historical Pathways of Activities in North Alun-alun Yogyakarta Source: Reconstructed from Widiyastuti (2013)
B. South Alun-alun Yogyakarta
Research by Astuti (2010) shows the changing activities in Figure 7.10. From the historical pathways described below, it can be concluded that sacred functions decline when profane functions appear. Although it has ceremonial, religious, and political functions, South Alun-alun’s functions have transformed into socio-economic and socio-cultural ones.
Regarding the issue of urban equity in public space, South Alun-alun has changed from the private land of the Palace into a public space for Yogyakarta communities and tourists. The arrangement quickly adapts to changing conditions and users’ needs, such as accommodating areas for sports, leisure, and culinary activities. Residents and visitors feel blessed that they can freely pursue their social and economic activities. They feel this blessing comes from the Palace, and they do not ask for more, except for giving advice for the Alun-aluns’ management (Mr Siswomihadiwiyono, personal communication, December 2014).
123
Colonial Era
1756–1921 HB I–HB VII • Space of women soldiers’
regular rehearsal, ‘Langen Kusuma’.
• The rehearsal space for a specific event, such as Garebeg, on Maulud, Shawwal, and Besar months
• Gate for Sultan’s body to be taken to Imogiri cemetery
Sacred Closed area Private area
SYMBOLIC PUBLIC SPACE
1921–1945 HB VII–HB IX • Gate for Sultan’s body to be taken to Imogiri cemetery
• Space of exercise of last Palace soldiers in 1940 before the Japanese colonisation
Sacred Closed area Private area
Post-Colonial (Indonesian Era)
1945–1970 HB IX • South gate was closed from 06:00 hours to 20:00 hours because it was located within the inner wall of the Palace area; there is a gatekeeper at the south gate
Sacred until 1970
SYMBOLIC PUBLIC SPACE
• Starting in 1970, the soldiers’
training moved to North Alun-alun, and the soldiers’ base camp moved to Pracimosono.
Soldier exercise was to support the Palace procession
1960 • South Alun-alun turned into
the traffic park at the time of Mayor Purwokusumo. After that, the place was damaged and deserted
Profane URBAN CIVIC CENTRE
• There was an artistic mission exhibition, which showed the pros and cons of allowing foreigners to stay in the Jeron Beteng area.
1970–1980 • An empty field and a lot of criminals
1996 HB X • Space for elephant show Profane URBAN CIVIC CENTRE
1997–2006 • A venue for Klitikan Market (second-hand market from 07:00 to 12:00 hours), street hawkers, elephant show.
2006 • 120 traders relocated to
Pakuncen Market.
2007–2010 • It becomes a public space with street hawkers and elephant show.
• It becomes a public space for sports with many tools, such as a students’ sports centre, a mass gymnastics arena, and a joggers’ track. There is also the Alkid SSB sports club.
2009 • A venue for political parties’
campaign, concerts, Ied prayers, Independence Day
celebrations and soldiers’
ceremonies
2010–now • A tourist attraction, leisure, and light cars space.
Figure 7.10. Historical Pathways of Activities in South Alun-alun Yogyakarta Source: Reconstructed from Astuti (2010)
7.2.2.3. Land Rent Type in Alun-alun Yogyakarta and its Surroundings
Jeron Beteng area is a special land owned by the Sultanate. This land is called the Sultan Ground (The King’s Land). The Sultan Ground is divided into two domains—the Crown Land Domain and the Sultanaad Ground Domain. Crown Land means that Sultan Ground cannot be inherited. It includes government property, such as Ngayogyakarto Hadiningrat Palace, Alun-alun, Kepatihan, Ngasem Market, Ambarukmo Guest Houses, Bed & Breakfast Ambarbinangun, Gunung Jati Forest, the Great Mosque, and so on. The Sultanaad Ground (land owned by the Sultanate) is land that can be given. The Ngayogyakarto Hadiningrat Empire gave the land to the family and the courtiers, and the land can be controlled by the people. To use the land, the community must show evidence of the right over the land. The Kekancingan Letter represents such evidence.
Nowadays, the Sultan Ground and the Ground of Paku Alaman face several problems and need adjustment. One issue is that the ownership of the land is unclear and large sections of Sultan Ground have no definite land certificate. The missing regulation on ulayat or adat ground explains the bias of the ownership of Sultan Ground. The inhabitants do not care about official rights; giving the land to their children or selling it without the Sultan’s permission (Widiyastuti, 2013).
7.2.2.4. Land Use System in Alun-alun Yogyakarta and its Surroundings
Jeron Beteng Yogyakarta was built as the centre of the government and the place for the Sultan, his family, and his employees, who lived and worked in the Palace. So, the land use type at that time was for residential and government use.
The changing times brought different impacts to the land-use system. One impact occurred during the Hamengkubuwono IX Era (1945-1982). He implemented the ‘Tahta Untuk Rakyat’ Concept (Power for The Communities), permitting non-courtier people to stay in the Jeron Beteng area with the Kekancingan Letter. Another impact was that Yogyakarta Palace became the most important tourist attraction in Yogyakarta since 1969. Both impacts altered the land-use system and administration. Tourist accommodations, restaurants, facilities, and other economic activities were developed. The land-use system changed from the residential to mixed type.
Land use on primary roads has mainly changed into the commercial type, especially on Ngasem Street, Rotowijayan Street, and Wijilan Street. They have become the centre of industries, souvenir shops, and traditional restaurants (warung gudeg). Many houses in the residential area have developed into guest houses, homestays, home industries, batik and puppet (wayang) galleries, and food sellers (Budiarto, 2014). The land transformation process is still contextual with the Palace functioning as a tourist attraction and cultural centre in Yogyakarta City. Hence, even though there has been a land use transformation, it has not eliminated cultural roots: tourism
125 actors and businesses still rely on the existence of the Palace and its ritual activities. So, the Javanese culture is being maintained just as before and does not influence the meaning of equality. The percentage of land use in Jeron Beteng area has been stated in Table 7.5. Outside the heritage area (the Palace and Tamansari), the primary land use is residential (61%), and the rest supports tourism functions (39%), consisting of businesses (commercial area), restaurants (warung gudeg), souvenir galleries and industries.
Figure 7.11. Land Use Map in Jeron Beteng Area Source: Budiarto, 2014
Table 7.5. Land Use Percentage of Jeron Beteng Area
Land Use Percentage
Residential Area 61%
Business Area 12%
Place for Batik Business 11%
Place for ‘Wayang’ Business 3%
Home and place for eating (Restaurant, etc.) 13%
Total 100%
Source: Budiarto and Suwandono, 2015
7.3. Socio-Spatial Structure in Simpang Lima Semarang