Moving beyond tradition - Tanuku and Na’ambεa Pu’usego

Results from in-depth interviews and focus group discussions reveal that some local forms of manure for improving soil fertility in food crop farming evolved overtime because of changing circumstances. These in the local parlance include Tanuku Pu‟usego and Na‟ambεa Pu‟usego. The Tanuku and Na‟ambεa forms of organic manure are practised by few farmers and inspired by new information. In preparing Tanuku Pu‟usego, a pit (Tanuku) usually located within the immediate surrounding of the homestead is used. Originally, Tanuku (pit) is created through digging for moulding bricks for housing construction. As such, it is typical for every house to have one. Although it is not dug for making manure, a few households are resorting to its use for such purposes. In practice, a combination of crop residues and animal droppings are the materials used for preparing Tanuku Pu‟usego. Na‟ambεa Pu‟usego involves the direct on farm application of cow dung. In my next case (Box 4.5), I describe how Atanga has adapted new information from

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external sources to the preparation of Tanuku Pu‟usego for improving soil fertility on his farm for sustaining crop production.

Box 4.5: Atanga – TanukuPu‟usegoas innovation for improving soil fertility

Atanga is a 50 years old male head of household. He has four wives and ten children. Six children live with him while two have migrated. This household represents a case in which wide diversity of methods are used for producing manure for farming. These include the two traditional forms of manure (Tampugerε Pu‟usego and Nandeene Pu‟usego), two evolved traditional forms of manure (Na‟ambεa and Tanuku). In addition, the household also makes compost from a „pit‟, which is a new mode of compost production (See Photos 4.7 and 4.8). Although the diversity in this case is unique, I intend to show how Atanga adapted new information to producing Tanuku Pu‟usego. I pay attention to the form of manure, sources and processes of information flows, materials and participants in manure making.

Atanga started preparing Tanuku Pu‟usego some six years ago following advice by Agriculture Extension Officers. These officers went round compounds advising farmers to dig pits in which organic materials can be dumped for making compost for improving soil fertility. These officers did not return to the community since their initial contacts. Around the same time, the Information Service Department was also disseminating information asking farmers to stop burning their farms as a bush fire prevention measure. Following these interventions, Atanga decided to deepen a Tanuku he inherited from his father. Atanga and his household members will gather and deposit a wide variety of crop residues and animal droppings into the Tanuku. He stopped the practise of burning crop residues during land preparation. Rather he will deposit all plant stumps generated during land preparation into the Tanuku (pit) at the beginning of the rainy season (April). Atanga also dumps remnants of chicken feed, that is, cow dung particles used for trapping termites for feeding poultry in the Tanuku. Atanga has 5 cattle (comprising a set of bullocks, two heifers and a calf) and these provide some cow dung, which he also adds to other organic materials in his Tanuku. The organic material is left in the Tanuku throughout the raining season so that rainwater provides moisture for decomposition of the materials. The manure is collected at the beginning of the next rainy season for application on the Sammani thus, creating room for starting the process anew. Atanga also plants grass strips Saasi and makes „stone bunds‟

for checking soil erosion and conserving soils on his Sammani.

Atanga‟s involvement in Tanuku Pu‟usego was also inspired by social contacts with his Uncle in Burkina Faso, specifically in a community called Ziko. Atanga visits his Uncle very often and returns the same day except on special occasions. When he is there to mourn with the family during a funeral, he spends between two and four nights. He recalls that a government department in Burkina Faso advised his Uncle and other farmers in Ziko to make compost from pits.

According to him, the Burkina government officials educated and supported farmers over there to dig pits to some specific measurement standards, line the pits with stone and concrete, and use cement provided by the government to plaster the pits. Water channels are factored into the construction design to allow free flow of water into the pit during the raining season to facilitate decomposition. Atanga‟s Uncle also told him that sprinkling salt in the pit accelerates decomposition of the materials. Although Atanga has learnt about digging the pit to specific measurement standard and cementing it for compost making, he has not cemented his Tanuku because he lacks money to buy cement for the purpose. He has not dug his Tanuku to any given specification but provided channels to aid flow of water into the pit. Atanga also has no money to

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buy salt for compost making. However, Atanga occasionally goes to the Sirigu market with his children to sweep and collect the top soils of sections of the market from which salt is sold. These top soils often contain some salt particles that drop on the ground and mix with the soils during trade activities. Atanga and his children will then carry these soils home and sprinkle it over his compost materials in his Tanuku to aid decomposition.

Through Tanuku Pu‟usego, Atanga has been able to improve soil fertility on his Sammani and increased his crop yields over the past few years. He had this to say in support of his assertion: I have observed a difference since I started applying „Tanuku Pu‟usego‟. My harvest has increased. I cannot easily estimate by how much my harvest has gone up for all crops that we produce. What I can say is that I could not harvest more than 4-5 baskets of „Naara‟ (early millet) previously. Now, I harvest between 9 to 10 baskets of „Naara‟ and this makes me believe that these new ways of making manure really makes a difference in improving soil fertility. That is the reason everyone in my family is serious and committed to making manure in new ways. As I speak to you, my children and I have started digging to specification the type of pit that is used in Burkina Faso. I invited „Nsoh‟ to take the measurement for us. We plan to start with the new pit type of compost making this year. Over the past five years, Atanga and his family have been self sufficient in food production through commitment to traditional and new forms of making manure. They have combined this with checking soil erosion. Atanga and his first wife attest to self-sufficiency in household production despite the unreliability of rainfall. They harvest enough to meet all year round consumption needs except in 2007 when floods destroyed most crops.

Source: In-depth Interviews (Atanga and Apogbire), Yua, 2008 and 2009

In this case, (Box 4.5), Atanga‟s strategy has been to increase crop yields for household consumption through the application of manure using new methods of making compost.

The results show that Atanga has been able to increase total household production through innovations in compost making and they have attained self-sufficiency in household production even though this is also a large family. However, it is important to underscore that Atanga‟s innovations were inspired by first, the interventions of some external agencies, that is, the agriculture officers who advised that farmers dig pits for compost making. Secondly, bush fire prevention education conducted by the Ghana Fire Service Department around the same time - discouraging burning of crop residues on farms most probably gave an additional impetus inspiring Atanga‟s receptivity to new technology. Along the way, Atanga learnt about the pit method of compost making from his Uncle in Burkina Faso and adapted new information about this method to improve the quality of manure that he produces from his Tanuku. For instance, the use of salt as a facilitating agent of decomposition was inspired by new information he gained from his Uncle in Burkina Faso.

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Na‟ambεa Pu‟usego evolved alongside increasing participation of households in rice cultivation in the community. Although cereal crops remain the staple crops in the community, the cultivation of rice is increasingly becoming an important and widespread activity among men and women, especially the latter. The challenge that most rice farmers face is poor soil fertility. In most instances, grazing lands are being turned into rice farms and these are not suitable enough for cultivation or fertile as valley rice fields.

In response, some farmers have resorted to direct application of cow dung („Na‟ambεa‟) as a means to improving soil fertility for rice cultivation. In the „Na‟ambεa‟ form of organic manure (Photo 4.5), farmers hand pick cow dung from grazing fields and stock pile the dung directly on the farms during the off farm season.

Photo 4.5: Stockpile of „Na‟ambεa‟ on a rice farm in the dry season in Yua.

Source: Field Photo, 2009

The pile of cow dung on this rice farm in the dry season is in preparation for the next farming season. The onset of rainfall will soak and facilitate break down of the dung and this is mixed with the soil during plough and weeding to improve soil fertility. This is a new form of organic farming practise that is particularly useful and practiced by non-cattle owning households although the practice is not exclusive to them. I will now

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examine a case invoving Anseem, a female rice farmer (Box 4.6). The case explores Anseem‟s use of Na‟ambεa, the context and factors that inspired her innovation in the use of this organic manure type in rice cultivation.

Box 4.6: Anseem – Na‟ambεa for soil fertility improvement in rice cultivation

Anseem is a 22 years old female farmer who lives together with her husband, two children and father in-law. Anseem cultivates a small rice farm located on a large grazing land that is increasingly, put into rice cultivation by community members. The portion on which she cultivates is part of their family land. She cultivates rice on her own. Rice cultivation is increasingly becoming important in the community and many more women are resorting to rice cultivation because of its benefits for household consumption and income generation potential.

Anseem started cultivating a new rice variety called Sane ki ya in the local parlance some four years ago. She obtained the rice seed from Guelwongo market in Burkina Faso. She learnt about this rice variety from rice farmers in a neighboring community, Yorogo, in Burkina Faso.

From her interaction and observation of Yorogo rice farmers, she knew that the new rice variety could yield very well but only if chemical fertilizer was applied. Anseem knew soils on her farm were not fertile but she did not have the money to buy fertilizer. So she resorted to the use of Na‟ambεa (cow dung) to sustain the cultivation of the new rice variety. She will go around grazing fields to pick cow dung and stockpile them on her rice farm during the dry season. Her household had only two cattle and the dung that they produce are used to support cereal crop production on the Samani. When she starts cultivation of her rice farm in the rainy season, the rainfall combined with tilting of the land help breakdown the cow dung into smaller particles that mix with the soils. This mix of cow dung and soil particles over the years has improved soil fertility on her farm.

Anseem has also resorted to bunding her rice farm as a water conservation measure, but also as a means of conserving soil fertility that she is investing time and resources to improve. Rice field

„bunding‟ is a departure from past practices of non- bunding. Anseem learnt about rice bunding from her friend Apogbire who is a native and rice farmer in Yorogo, Burkina Faso. Anseem also learnt about „bunding‟ rice fields by observing the practices of other rice farmers in Yorogo. The rice fields of Yorogo are located along the Ghana-Burkina Faso border. Given proximity of the Yorogo rice fields to Yua, Anseem is able to observe farming practices through daily interactions with the Yorogo rice farmers.

Through the application of Na‟ambεa, Anseem has consistently increased her rice yields to supplement cereals produced for household consumption. The first year she cultivated rice, it was without Na‟ambεa and she harvested one basin of rice (Photot 4.4). She attributed the low harvest to poor soils and poor rainfall. The second year she planted, she applied Na‟ambεa and did

„bunding‟ of her rice field. She harvested three basins of rice from the same size of farm. For the next two years, she harvested approximately 4 basins of rice per year and she attributes the increase in yield to the application of Na‟ambεa combined with „bunding‟ of her rice field.

Although total crop output is insufficient, increased yields from rice cultivation supports household consumption budget and this is significant in reducing livelihood vulnerability.

Source: In-depth Interviews, Yua, 2008/2009.

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The main strategy of Anseem (Box 4.6) has been to increase the yields of her rice through application of Na‟ambεa. Her first experiment with Na‟ambεa in rice cultivation yielded positive results and served as a source of motivation for manure application. Based on her success in increasing rice yields through manure application, Anseem even plans to increase her farm size.

This suggests that Anseem perceives manure as an important decisive factor in her crop yields.

Anseem‟s decision to experiment with Na‟ambεa was based on her knowledge that rice farmers in neighbouring Yorogo community in Burkina Faso apply chemical fertilizer in order to have good yields with the same variety of rice that she plants. Since she does not have the money to buy chemical fertilizer, Anseem joined in the „open competition‟ of picking cow dung from open grazing fields in the community to support her rice cultivation. Although total crop production for Anseem‟s household is insufficient to meet all year round consumption needs, the increase in rice cultivation would have helped reduce the food „deficit supply gap‟ because the rice supplements grains in household consumption. This achievement of Anseem with „Na‟ambεa‟ has enabled the household reduce its vulnerability to poor soil fertility.

From the discussions so far, four different traditional forms of organic manure are identified in household food crop production practices in Yua in particular and the Atankwidi basin in general. However, most households combine their application in various ways. In Yua for instance, every household uses Tampugerε Pu‟usego and nine (9) out of every ten (10) households use Nandene Pu‟usego in crop production. Nandene Pu‟usego is commonly associated with cattle owning homes although it is not exclusive to only cattle owning households. As a „rule‟, households generally combine Tampugerε Pu‟usego and Nandene Pu‟usego in crop production and in few other instances also practice a third form – either Na‟ambεa Pu‟usego or Tanuku Pu‟usego. The choices that households make depend on the extent of commitment to organic manure in production and access to organic materials especially given that organic materials have become scarce. In a study on local farmers‟ knowledge of soils and traditional crop management in Dalun in northern Ghana, Mikkelson and Langohr found a Farmers‟ Soil Classification (FSC) system as revealing two hierarchical levels comparable to soil profiles of the ISSS/ISRIC/FAO (1998) „World Reference Base for Soil Resources‟ (Mikkelson and Langohr, 2004:1). Drawing on their analysis, they observe that “the FSC is strongly based on the requirements for optimal crop production as a function of the climatic

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conditions of the area, and its application is oriented towards a traditional and sustainable form of agriculture” (Ibid.:1). Despite the subordination of African science and knowledge system in general, as facilitated by decades of implementing the „Technology Transfer Model‟ even after independence, the African knowledge system persists albeit marginally and has sustained many lives over a long period (Millar, 2004). Among the Frafra ethnic group in the UER, several traditional soil and water conservation techniques including stone lines, contour tillage, ridging and border grasses have been practised for sustaining farming in the context of unfavourable land conditions (Millar et al., 1996). Although water conservation techniques have not been sufficient to counter land degradation, (van der Geest, 2004), they have been vital for sustaining livelihoods of many small-scale farmers who cultivate under difficult environments. The utility of traditional forms of organic manure for reducing vulnerability to land degradation and soil fertility in Yua and in the Atankwidi basin feeds into the on-going discourse and indeed, re-kindled interest in the relevance of indigenous knowledge to sustainable development. Many researchers are increasingly acknowledging the advantages of the efficiency of small-scale farmers and their ability to use land resources in carrying out their livelihoods in a sustainable way (Baker, 2000; Corbeels et al., 2000; Millar, 2004;

Mikkelson and Langohr, 2004). Local farmers‟ knowledge show features of innovation³⁸ so that their resource management strategies are described as „indigenous sustainable approaches‟ that takes cognizance and great care of the specific needs of plants and is closely adapted to fluctuating physical environmental conditions at the local level (Baker, 2000; in, Mikkelson and Langohr, 2004:1). It is also in this context that the works of Paul Sillitoe is relevant to the discourse on indigenous knowledge³⁹ and development. He

38As stated in my discussion, households generally combine Tampugerε Pu‟usego and Nandene Pu‟usego in foodcrop farming. These are indigenous forms of manure. I have also described some „evolved forms‟ of local manure as innovations inspired by self experimentation, changing circumstances, new information and the need for sustaining livelihoods as illustrated by the cases of Anseem (Box 4.6) and Atanga (Box 4.5). This corroborates the assertion that indigenous knowledge is innovative, dynamic and relevant for development (Sillitoe, 1998; Pottier, 2003 Aluma, 2004) and that innovation is driven by the need for sustaining livelihoods (Nuffic and UNESCO, 1999).

39 There is a large discourse on indigenous knowledge that underscores its utility for local level development.

However, it is important to caution that some indigenous knowledge may also become obsolete over time due to changing circumstances. An example from the Atankwidi basin will illuminate this issue. Among first generation households, the commonest form of organic farming practice was to leave plant stalks on the farm after harvest. The

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argues that indigenous knowledge is holistic and can therefore; facilitate interdisciplinary research towards accelerating development and addressing poverty in the Developing World (Sillitoe, 2004).