Migration as a major secondary household livelihood

Migration is a major secondary livelihood among majority of households. In the cases involving Atanga and Abowine, migration featured in their livelihood profiles as an important source of livelihood. Through migration, Atanga‟s daughter supports her family to meet their household needs for food and clothes. Atanga‟s two children are also away in Kumasi (a southern city) attending school and this is helpful to Atanga in a number of ways. In the first place, the host will contribute significantly (in most cases total responsibility) towards the education of their children. Secondly, the absence of the children at home means mouths to feed have reduced by two and this helps reduce pressure on household food stocks. In a thesis³¹ submitted to the University of Bonn, Schraven (2010:161) asserts that seasonal migration is prominent in the Atankwidi basin and that such migration reduces the pressure on limited household food stocks. This allows available food stocks to last a bit longer for meeting consumption needs of the household. This benefit is equally associated with the seasonal migration of Atanga‟s daughter. Anytime she is away, the numbers of mouths to feed are reduced by one and this reduces pressure on household food stocks. In the case of Abowine, she receives annual remittances to buy foodstuff during the lean season from her senior son who migrated to southern Ghana. From the two cases, it is the young men and a spinster who are the migrants. They are involved in both seasonal and permanent migration. The cases of Atanga and Abowine represent the „tip of an ice berg‟. Their experiences with migration are a reflection of a common phenomenon across many households in Yua and the Atankwidi basin in general. Results from focus group sessions show that migration,

31Schraven (2010) conducted a survey covering 150 households and 1003 respondents on irrigation and migration in the Atankwidi basin in 2007. From the survey, the share of households who had seasonal migrants in 2007 was 31.5 % among „irrigation households‟ and 29.5 % among „non-irrigation households‟. He also reviews two surveys conducted (one 2006 and the other 2008) on shallow ground water irrigation in the Atanwidi basin under the GLOWA Volta Project. His analysis show that for 2006, 15.7 % of „irrigation households‟ had seasonal migrants while that for 2008 was 15.5 % among „irrigation households‟. The seasonal migration for 2007 was unusually high and he attributes the phenomenon to market failure in 2007 for irrigated crops, especially tomatoes for which many farmers made losses. To compensate for their losses, most irrigation farmers, migrated to southern Ghana after the tomatoes harvest season to engage in income earning activities to help meet food needs of their families.

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especially migration to Kumasi (southern Ghana) is a major secondary livelihood in Yua.

Results from household survey corroborate this assessment on migration. From the survey, 98% of households were involved in migration as a livelihood. Out of this, 76%

of migrants migrated to Kumasi. The results also show that 58% of the migrants were young men (married/unmarried), 25% spinsters and 12.3% were the wives of heads of households. The importance of migration is corroborated by the NDSS³² age-specific net migration rates³³ for KND (Table 3.2).

Table 3.2: Net migration rate by age for Kassena –Nankana District (per 1000)

Age group 2000 2003 2005 2007

0-9 18.3 12.9 -0.43 -17.8

10-19 -3.4 -4.9 -12.4 -14.3

20-29 24.6 23.6 12.2 8.0

30-39 26.1 33.0 20.3 14.0

40-49 10.7 13.4 10.8 4.4

50-59 7.3 7.4 9.8 2.8

60-69 0.9 5.2 2.6 0.5

70 –79 3.1 6.4 4.6 2.0

80 + 1.8 7.2 10.1 0.2

Total 11.7 11.0 2.5 -6.0

Source: NHRC (2009).

From the analysis (Table 3.2), in- migration was the predominant form of migration in the past but an increasing trend of outmigration has led to a reversal of this pattern. For instance, more people came into the district than went out between 2000 and 2005 given

32 The Navrongo Demographic Surveillance System (NDSS) is the bedrock of all research carried out by the NHRC located in Navrongo, Ghana. The NHRC is a field station of the Health Research Unit of the Ghana Health Service and a reputable health research institute in Africa. With funding from the Rockefeller Foundation, the NDSS is a continuous population registration system, which assesses demographics of the entire population of the KND. In every 90 days, all 14,500 compounds in the district are visited to update vital events such as migration, births, deaths and pregnancy.

33The age specific net migration rate is an indicator for comparing out-migration and in-migration for specific age groups. The source data on migration for computation of the net migration rates was drawn from the NDSS database (Appendix 3.1) and the net migration rates as presented, computed by the Research Officer of the NDSS. I will draw on other data and computations sourced from the NDSS/NHRC in ensuing discussions.

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the total net migration rates. However, this declining trend of net migration rates also meant an increasing trend of outmigration within the same period. This scenario eventually reversed in 2007 with more people going out of the district than the numbers coming in with net migration rate of -6.0%. There has been consistent rise in the migration rate for 10 – 19 age group rising from -3.4% in 2000 to -14.3% in 2007. This clearly shows that for this age group, more of them have migrated out of the district than they have returned for the years under consideration. Another remarkable phenomenon is the migration trend for the youngest age group (0-9). The migration trend for this group shows that for 2000 and 2003, more children came into the district than the number that went out by as much as 18.3% for 2000 and then reduced to 12.9% in 2003. However, this trend changed for 2005 and 2007. More children within this age group went out of the district than they came in by -0.43% in 2005 increasing to -17.8% in 2007. It is important to observe that since children of that age cannot migrate on their own, intensified migration of mothers between the ages of 20 and 49 accounts for this phenomenon. The migration rates for the 20 to 49 age group show a consistent decline from 2003 to 2007. This implies a consistent increase in the number of people within this age group who joined in the out-migration stream over the period. More women most likely constituted the majority of increased migrants for this age group. As mothers with normative care roles for their children, they went along with their children driving migration rates for the 0-9 age group into the negatives for 2005 and 2007. The decision to migrate is associated with the search for work and income earning opportunities. From the household survey, 98% of migrations were closely associated with the search for employment and income earning opportunities. In a similar study, Schraven (2010:170) found that people within the Atankwidi basin migrated for purposes of economic gains.

This mainly includes the search for employment and income earning opportunities for family upkeep, acquiring farm inputs and for housing construction.

Another important aspect of migration is its seasonal dimension closely associated with livelihoods. Migration patterns show seasonality associated with farming activities in the community. Focus group sessions reveal that migration is lowest during the farming season and peaks during the off farming season. In both outmigration and in- migration,

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decisions to migrate are closely associated with the search for livelihoods. Hence, migration destination decisions are based on perceptions of where better income earning jobs exist. Southern Ghana generally referred to as Kumasi in the local parlance is the preferred destination in the search for jobs (Table 3.3).

Table 3.3: Out migration by sex and destinations for KND (%)

Destinations 2000 2003 2005 2007

Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Kassena-Nankana

District

31.1 38.5 36.7 29.7 28.1 35.1 36.6 40.1 Within Upper East

Region

XX XX 19.5 18.5 5.7 8.6 6.1 8.4

Outside Upper East Region

66.1 58.5 40.4 49.3 63.2 53.0 54.5 48.2

Burkina Faso XX XX 3.0 2.1 2.7 3.0 2.5 3.1

Other 2.8 3.0 0.4 0.4 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.2

Source: Navrongo Demographic Surveillance System (NHRC, 2009).

From the analysis (Table 3.3)³⁴, majority of migrants prefer destinations within Ghana but outside the UER. The percentages range between 40% and 66% of migrants for both sexes and for all years. However, the percentages for male migrants are higher than that of their female counterparts. This corroborates the assertion that most migrants prefer Kumasi as a destination – meaning southern Ghana including the Brong-Ahafo, Ashanti and Greater Accra regions because these are the areas where better job opportunities are perceived to exist. See Appendix 3.2 for monthly migration by destinations for 2007. An interesting phenomenon is that migration within the district is substantial and female migrants are in the majority for all years except for 2003. The percentages range from 28% to 40% for both sexes for the years under review. For instance, about 28% of all

„out-migrants‟ (10,808) in 2005 were males who migrated within the district but their female counterparts constituted 35% of all „out-migrants‟ who migrated within the district. The evidence on migration shows that irrespective of the form, characteristics of migrants and destinations, migration is generally a source of relief to many households.

34See Appendix 3.1 for total number of out-migrants and in-migrants for KND for 2000, 2003, 2005 and 2007. The computations were done relative to the total statistics on out-migrants and in- migrants for the district. For instance total out-migrant population for 2005 was 10,808 while that of in-migrants was 11,164.

128 3.4.3 Other secondary household livelihoods

Aside migration, the findings reveal a wide range of other secondary household livelihoods that are important for the sustainability of households. These include poultry and livestock rearing, food crop farming (as secondary livelihood), gardening, non-farm activities and grain purchases. Poultry and livestock farming is a secondary livelihood organized within the framework of mixed farming among households. The industry is a very important livelihood for many households except that diseases have undermined its progress among son‟s generation households. In the cases of Atanga and Abowine, keeping poultry and livestock is an essential part of their household livelihood portfolios.

In the category of poultry, fowls and guinea fowls are the commonest as typified by the two cases. Poultry is associated with a wide range of varied household types irrespective of economic standing in the community but it is also the hardest hit by diseases. In the category of livestock, goats and sheep are the commonest as exemplified by the two cases. Although cattle are common in the community, cattle rearing are commonly associated with few wealthier households such as in the case of Atanga. However, cattle and livestock rearing is hard hit by the lack of adequate vegetative feed due to desertification. Many livestock farmers have to store harvested and imported plant residue, which they ration as supplementary feed in the dry season. As a result of this and coupled with the sale of livestock to meet household food needs, many son‟s generation households lag behind their grandfather‟s and father‟s generations in livestock possessions. The commonest scenario among cattle owners now is that, they have two to three cows, one to two calves and a pair of bullocks. Abowine does not have cattle although she and her late husband had cattle in the past. However, more households strive to keep at least a pair of bullocks and/or a donkey for farming purposes (ploughing and transportation) even if they do not rear as in the case of Atanga. Poultry and livestock keeping is an important supplementary livelihood for many reasons. In the first place, poultry and livestock have constituted an important part of the assets and savings of families across generations. A cursory examination of trends in value placement show that while livestock keeping among grandfather‟s generation was more of a prestige and essential for dowry and other cultural reasons, the emphasis of value today is economic.

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Although son‟s generation households still keep livestock for cultural reasons, they are considered more as household savings and insurance against uncertainties in food supply and emergencies. As is the case with Atanga‟s household, they have to sell small ruminants in order to purchase foodstuff to supplement their food needs. Under more serious food shortage situations, Atanga sells a cow, which has higher economic value in order to meet his household‟s food needs. In the case of Abowine, she relied on sales of goats to finance food purchases in the recent past because of which she no more owns a single goat. However, she has held on to a sheep. The sheep has both higher cultural and economic value than the goat and she must still be holding on to it as her last asset. An important aspect of keeping poultry and livestock is the dynamics in the ownership.

Customarily, men are the leading actors in this domain. Among grandfather and father‟s generations, poultry and livestock in particular were often in a pool and owned by the Yidaana (head of the extended family). The Yidaana had under his domain a number of households who lived together in the same Yire (compound). In the event that a Yidaana is deceased, ownership is transferred to the next Yidaana who most likely will be the next senior male in the family who may be a brother, cousin or nephew of the immediate past Yidaana. In this system, custodian right and ownership of livestock kept moving from one Yidaana to another Yidaana and this meant from one household to another household. The Yidaana held the livestock in trust for the benefit of the entire extended family. This practise has not been sustained due to succession related conflicts. In the son‟s generation, ownership of poultry and livestock is customarily vested in heads of households who are mostly men. However, women and children are participating in the rearing of poultry and livestock at the household level. This is so in the case of Atanga but also for Abowine. The participation of women is driven by the desire to meet household food needs although some personal gains may also be the motive. It is perhaps due to this orientation that male heads of households are supportive or indifferent about the participation of women and children in poultry and livestock rearing. By entrusting ownership of livestock to their children, women have gradually negotiated their way and rights to participation in rearing and ownership of poultry and livestock. The commonest type of poultry and livestock women and their children keep are fowls and goats,

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although sheep may also be kept as in the case of Abowine. Female ownership of cattle exists but this is rare.

Non-farm livelihoods constitute the most varied and largest number of secondary livelihood options for households in Yua and the basin at large. In the case involving Atanga‟s household livelihood profile, his three wives are involved in agro-processing activities namely – malt processing, pito brewing, groundnut oil extraction and groundnut cake making (kulikuli). In the case of Abowine, she currently weaves ropes for sale and previously traded in maize. Focus group discussants list additional nonfarm livelihoods commonly associated with households (Appendix 3.3). These include sale of plant stalks, pottery, weaving, blacksmithing, carving, butchering, trading, head pottering, transport services, commercial bullock ploughing and wage labour. Although the results show a wide variety of secondary livelihoods for household members, there are mixed trends closely associated with environmental factors. Findings from the household survey³⁵ show that involvement of males in secondary livelihoods has generally declined relative to increments among their female counterparts across the three generations (Figures 3.2).

From the analysis, some spouses practise food crop farming as a secondary livelihood.

This practice is lower among sons generation than their grandfathers and fathers generations by a 5-percentage difference. In contrast, there is a consistent rise in the number of females taking to farming as a secondary livelihood within the household.

From less than 10% among grandfather‟s generation females, the percentage doubled to 20% for the father‟s generation and again doubled to almost 40% for the son‟s generation (Figure 3.2b). The incidence of handicraft has stagnated among males (Figure 3.2a) but has consistently risen among females (Figure 3.2b).

35The survey covered 131 households across three communities (Yua, Mirigu and Pungu) in the Atankwidi Basin. The target respondents were 131 heads of households comprising both male and female heads. The survey solicited information on secondary livelihoods of respondents and their spouses (living or deceased) – the third generation (son‟s generation). The survey also solicited information about secondary livelihoods of the first generation (as represented by grandfather) and second generation (as represented by father) of the same households (Figure 3.2).

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Figure 3.2: Secondary livelihoods by sex of spouse in the Atankwidi Basin

(a) Male (a) Female

Source: Field Survey, 2008

From 30% among grandfather‟s generation, female involvement rose to 50% and 65% for father and grandfather‟s generations respectively. Trade is the commonest secondary livelihood of all times among males (Figure 3.2a). However, more sons‟ generation males engaged in trade than in grandfathers‟ and fathers generations. The graph shows a remarkable leap in the number of males who trade among sons generation households.

The number of females involved in trade has seen the most phenomenal changes. From 15%, it more than doubled to 40% for the fathers‟ generation and then doubled again for the sons‟ generation peaking at a little over 70% (Figure 3.2b). Male involvement in industrial activities as secondary livelihood consistently declined from generation to generation. Although female involvement in industry rose consistently, inter-generational increases have been insignificant (Figure 3.2b).

The results on secondary livelihoods show that rural households are gradually drifting away from farming and agro-processing livelihoods. In place of this, migration, trade and handicrafts are preferred livelihood options. Unfavourable environmental factors are part of the driving factors for this phenomenon. While poor soil fertility and rainfall variability has negatively affected crop yields in farming, poor yields from farming has

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undermined community-based access to raw materials for agro-processing activities.

Many women import raw materials from Burkina Faso in order to stay in agro-processing businesses not so much for the „negligible profits‟, but to address underemployment. As a response to the impact of environmental change on agriculture, many household members have resorted to migration, trade, handicrafts, and a combination of these activities for supporting household livelihoods.

3.4.4 ‘Puuliga’ – making for the household food deficit

Food purchases to make up for household food deficits have become an annual affair for many households. This phenomenon has been „institutionalized‟ in the local seasonal calendar and in the local literature. This practise is serious business and worth discussing as a secondary livelihood. The scale and significance of this practise to social sustainability is enormous among households. Many households depend on grain purchases to supplement their own production for household consumption. This underscores the close interrelation between „grain purchases‟ and the wide range of income generation initiatives of household members. In the cases of Atanga and Abowine, both depended a lot on food purchases to meeting food requirements of their households during the „lean season‟. In the seasonal calendar, the lean season occurs approximately between May and July. This is referred to as koom taam while the practise of purchasing food for consumption during the period is called Puuliga in the local parlance. Thus, the development of local literature for describing the phenomenon underscores the importance of food purchases for sustaining households. Poultry and livestock sales are the main source of finance for Puuliga in Atanga‟s household. Non-farm activities of his wives and migration of her daughter are additional sources. In the case of Abowine, there seems to be a fair balance between remittances from her migrant son and the sale of livestock for financing Puuliga. The weaving of ropes is yet another source of finance while trade in foodstuff was previously another.

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Overall, the discussion shows that livelihoods of a typical rural household in the Atankwidi basin comprise multiple livelihood portfolios. Of these, food crop farming is a primary livelihood but often goes in hand with poultry and livestock rearing. Aside these, households are involved in a wide range of secondary (supplementary) livelihoods. These include poultry and livestock. The rest include migration, a range of non-farm livelihoods, wage labour and trade. Through such diversified livelihood portfolios, households are able to reduce their vulnerability to multiple environmental stressors. The discussion underscores that such diversification is part of the local knowledge of households and that this knowledge dates back to their grandfathers‟ generations. This knowledge was passed on from generation to generation as part of tradition through informal teaching and learning mechanisms and practices at household level. However, the forms of livelihood diversification are gradually changing from generation to generation and a gradual process of (de)agraniazation is observable.

Im Dokument Local Knowledge and Livelihood Sustainability under Environmental Change in Northern Ghana (Seite 147-156)