The Kamba and the Maasai as “Christians”

Although Christianity has been slow in winning converts among the Maasai in the past, this has been happening at a faster rate in recent times. Schlosser‟s comprehensive study had approximated that only about 20% of the Maasai had been converted to Christianity compared to about 90% among other groups like the Luo and Luhya (1984: 171).

The first missionary to set foot in Ukambani was a German, Johan Ludwig Krapf who had been sent by the Church Missionary Society (CMS). Arriving at the East African coast in 1844, he visited Ukambani in 1849. He later learnt Kikamba and translated the gospel of Mark into this tongue in 1850. Krapf‟s entry into Ukambani set the ball rolling for other Christian missions. These included the East African Scottish Industrial Mission which opened a station at Kibwezi in 1891, the Leipzig Evangelical Lutheran Society (Leipziger Mission) which opened stations in Ikutha (Kitui) in 1892 and the African Inland Mission which set up a station at Nzaui in 1895 and the Holy Ghost Fathers who built their first station at Kabaa in 1913 (Ndolo, 1989: 76, 93). Christianity had a slow start in Ukambani all the same partly due to the missionaries being seen as an extension of the cruel colonial rule and two, due to their disapproval of Kamba cultural practices and lifestyles like polygyny, traditional dances, sacrifices and the administration of kithitu (oath). Ndolo notes that the reason why the Kamba later converted to Christianity and started going to school was that: “Under new social order this was the only way open for social betterment. In the 1930‟s, the Kamba saw that the Kikuyu, the Luo and the Luhya who had seen the light much earlier had better political representation than they did. Some Kamba contented that their passive resistance to the colonial and missionary incursions had left them behind, in comparison to the other peoples of Kenya” (Ndolo, 1989: 98).

This gives a glimpse of the „catch-up‟ crusade that has characterised ethnic competition in Kenya. This is not necessarily based on the western model of development but a comparative need predicated on what the other group is believed to have. But although the Kamba gave the

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impression that Christianity entered Maasailand through Ukambani, actually, Dr. Rebmann and Dr. Krapf had also made contacts with the Maasai as early as late 1840s. In Kenya today, Christian churches can be found nearly all over the country.

Like any other religion, Christianity infuses a sense of community and competes with ethnicity as a mobilising force, by excluding others. With only about 10% of the population being Moslem,¹⁹⁸ Kenya is predominantly a Christian society, at least going by the mere identification with Christian faith. Although my study was dominated by talk about cattle raids, enmity and hatred, what struck me was the kind of movements people make on Sundays, converging in churches and under trees to listen to a sermon. Then there are the open air charismatic groups preaching to multitudes (e.g. in Emali and Sultan Hamud), with interpreters translating Swahili and English sermons into Maa and Kikamba. In such situations, there is an air of commonality that sweeps across the ethnic divide.

With Christianity, noted a Maasai church elder (Solinketi), “the differences are narrowing down…we pray together, they are our brothers.”¹⁹⁹ In one of the open air sermons in Emali, it was stressed that “...we are all equal before the Lord...your neighbour is the one in need...do you remember the story of the good Samaritan? you see, he helped a Jew.” The “Jew” here was to be any Kamba or Maasai in „need‟. And it is not just the teachings about “love” for one another and care for the „poor‟ irrespective of ethnicity; material assistance in form of food and clothes are also accessed through churches. To some extent, the Christian faith seemed to be providing a common identity under which they would interact not necessarily as Kamba and Maasai but as „believers‟. Though latently, this notion of Christianity had brought in a new dimension where activities like cattle raids or early marriages were condemned not as

„outdated‟ but as “unchristian”. What is more, during peace and reconciliation initiatives, Christian religious leaders had gradually gained recognition as mediators.

It was difficult to gauge whether these churches had harmonised relations or enhanced closer interethnic relations. Some claimed that membership in common religious organisations had led to more ethnic convergence and the building of a community. In Maasailand, one notices that where Christianity has been widely embraced, these areas tend to have other facilities too (e.g. education and medical) while the people tended to be more receptive to „new‟ ideas.

Most churches along the border and inside Maasailand served both groups, with Kamba and a few Maasai pastors. Examples included the Redeemed Gospel Church and the Catholic church

198 Although there are mosques in Sultan Hamud and Makindu, very few local people are Moslems. But these mosques, among other things, assist people with foodstuffs during shortages.

199 In fact, it was in the local management council of the Anglican church that Mr Mutui, a Kamba and who introduced me to Mr Solinketi, had both met.

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at Simba and Emali. I witnessed „Kamba‟ Christian groups, participating in weddings or fund raisers organised by their Maasai counterparts and vice versa. At least, participation in common places of worship had provided an additional forum of interaction. Though at a limited scale, there were Maasai „Christian‟ families that had abandoned and abhorred female circumcision, and there were at least two cross-ethnic marriages involving „Christians‟ during the time of my study. Besides, Christianity had given people common names to identify with.

My research assistant, for instance, preferred to be called simply as „John‟.

The whole evangelisation process however had introduced other „differences‟. There were tensions between the „mainstream‟ churches (e.g. Catholic, Anglican and African Inland Church) and the fast growing charismatic groups. Besides, apart from these divisions along religious lines, it would be extremely simplistic to even imagine that “the days of enmity are long gone as people have turned their hearts to the Lord,” as one Maasai pastor told me. While churches have no doubt impacted on Kamba-Maasai relations and sense of identity, this has not superseded ethnic differences.

A Kamba pastor in Maasailand told of a myriad of difficulties he had faced “spreading the word of God” among the Maasai. He noted: “first they look at me as a Muukamba not as a man of God. The other day a church elder was asking me whether I have bought land...they still think I am just like any other person who comes here, buys land, starts commercial farming and makes money. I was distributing food relief another day and the chief was asking me whether I took some home and I knew that he was not being genuine. It is difficult to work here if you are not a mzungu.²⁰⁰ If you are a mzungu, they believe you, the rest of us are viewed as having a hidden agenda”. (Musau, Loitokitok, 21/09/2000). Although he had faced resistance, he saw the church as giving both groups a medium for resolving their problems, for negotiation and mutual understanding. He asserted that if Christianity had a penetrated Maasailand like in Ukambani, there would be fewer areas of misunderstanding between the two groups. However, as more Kamba and Maasai become „Christians‟, there has not been a corresponding reduction in ethnic tensions and quest for ethnic identity. One reason was that the groups‟ “tribal leaders” hardly used the church as a medium when advancing ethnic interests or even in the resolution of conflicts. Besides, Barth warns us that that reduction of cultural differences between ethnic groups does not correlate in any simple way with a reduction in the organisational relevance of ethnic identities, or a breakdown in boundary-maintaining process (1969: 33).

200 Mzungu is the Swahili word for a White.

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