Housing transactions: Technology transfer?

Despite the fact that there were „clear‟ distinctions in the way the two groups construct their dwelling structures in the olden days, overtime, there has been imitations, overlaps and deployment of external labour. Historically, Kamba and Maasai houses varied in shape, size, construction, materials, partition, who constructed them, their permanence and organisation.

In both cases, the construction would begin with the erection of a wooden structure. But, whereas the Maasai would fill in the structure with mud and cow dug, the Kamba used grass.

At some point, the Kamba are believed to have borrowed the use of clay (mud) from the Maasai. This changed the „traditional‟ Kamba house to be mud-walled with a grass-thatched roof. Normally, Kamba houses used to be circular in design with a central pole holding up the roof. This pole was also used to hang things like bows and quivers. Though now associated more with poverty rather than an aspect of cultural heritage, these structures can be seen in various parts of Ukambani. The colonial period saw the adoption of „western‟ designs. Ndolo talks about Kamba who worked in urban centres during the British rule coming back home and building houses similar to those “where the Europeans lived” (1989: 121).

It is also crucial to state that contrary to popular belief that the Maasai are keen to retain their traditional structures, what one sees in Maasailand is a revolution in housing. In fact, in his study, Holland had found out that in a sample of 47 Maasai women, only 2 preferred to live in traditional Maasai houses while the rest (45) wanted to live in houses with corrugated iron roofs (1996: 269). A possible explanation is that traditional house construction is women‟s

231 The largest in Kajiado district, the Emali cattle market (soko ya ng‟ombe), brings together cattle traders from as far as Kitengela, Nairobi and Mombasa. It is not only a major source of income for many Maasai and Kamba cattle traders but an arena of social intercourse. Held every Thursday, it is a place where Maasai cattle breeds and Kamba ones change hands; those interested in trading in goats go to Sultan Hamud on Fridays.

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responsibility, including regular maintenance. So adoption of other housing models free women from this enormous responsibility.

While some Maasai have adopted “Kamba houses,” this was generally not seen as

„technology transfer‟ but simply as a form of exchange. Over the years, the Kamba circular houses have been superseded by rectangular ones, and these are the ones the Maasai adopt.

According to Palalelei, who had some of the “Kamba houses” in his homestead (see photo below), it was a question of pragmatism. He argued that “you (Kamba) have some good things, we also have some good things, that is how things are”. Actually, he did not need to be defensive, for part of this „technology‟ he had „imported‟ was originally Maasai. Nevertheless, he said that the “Kamba houses” were bigger and it was relieving to enter into the house

“upright”.²³² Although it proved difficult to ascertain exactly when this adoption process could have taken root, it was established that it was indeed a „recent‟ phenomenon that appeared to have gained currency among the Kaputiei Maasai in the 1950‟s. It appeared that unlike among the Kamba, having a traditional house among the Maasai was not necessarily a reflection of income. Having a „modern house‟ had more to do with „exposure‟, occupation and level of education. Palalelei noted that there were many Maasai who would neither have the „Kamba houses‟ nor “step inside.” During the construction process, he was despised by some of his age-mates and his first wife. His wife had sarcastically asked him why he had paid for the construction of the houses while Maasai women did the same work without any monetary compensation. His argument was that the wife should have been “grateful” that she had been “relieved” of such trouble, adding: “Our huts need to be repaired all the time...the cow dug keeps on peeling ...when it rains, the cow dug and mud roof is soaked very quickly...during El Nino²³³, most Maasai had no place to hide”.²³⁴

Contrary to „traditional‟ Kamba practices, most of these houses had been wholly constructed and even thatched by Kamba men. Normally, thatching of houses among the Kamba is women‟s work, including the harvesting of the grass. The men cut the wood logs, dig the holes that hold the logs firmly on the ground, fix the roof and usually apply mud to the walls.

In this particular case, the Kamba men appear to have been motivated by the monetary gains, forcing them to sideline their women.²³⁵ They would negotiate for an average of Ksh 5,000

232 One has to bend to enter a „traditional‟ Maasai dwelling.

233 In reference to the unprecedented heavy El Nino rains that hit parts of East Africa in the 1997/1998 season.

234 During the rainy season (nowadays) most Maasai homesteads use canvas and plastic materials to cover the roofs.

235 Although Kamba women may claim to be more influential in their homesteads compared to their Maasai counterparts, on matters of income opportunities, men often sideline them. Men will draw water, if it is for sale and not for the homestead. A woman complained that when they bought an oxen-drawn cart, she thought that her agony of carrying water gourds on her back was put to rest only for her husband to use it specifically for ferrying

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(EUR 65) for their skill and labour. It was also surmised that the Kamba feared exposing their women to Maasai men who could court them. Another explanation was that being a good opportunity for the two groups to interact, Kamba men wanted to be in charge of this important gesture.

Plate 4: Palalelei‟s homestead (Kiboko group ranch). Note the mix between the „traditional‟ Maasai hut in the foreground and the two grass-thatched “Kamba houses”.

Let me turn to other housing structures. This is what one would call „modern‟ ones;

permanent structures where bricks, concrete blocks or stones are used in the construction of walls by highly skilled masons, and roofed with iron sheets or tiles. The more „progressive‟

Maasai are increasingly erecting such structures. How do the Kamba come in? Most of the masons undertaking such jobs are usually non-Maasai. And because Kikuyu masons were said to be “expensive” and “exploitative”, the Kamba were preferred.²³⁶ Then there was „trust‟ and

„honesty‟. A Maasai whose stone house near Sultan Hamud had been constructed by Kikuyu artisans complained of “theft of cement and some other construction materials...” As if that was not enough, he continued, “that house you are seeing there (pointing to a house about 3 kilometres away); the owner lost a lot of things to some Kikuyu ..they even breached the

water to the residents in Emali at a fee. She said that “the only thing they (men) are shy to do is to sell firewood”.

Actually, some did.

236 The Kamba are stereotyped as not being ambitious.

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contract and demanded more money in the course of the construction...you can‟t trust them”

(Tuteti, Kibini, 15/08/2000). Apart from the accusations about theft, charging more money in the course of the construction appeared to be legitimate as the cost of materials keep on escalating. The Kikuyu masons being referred to here were also found to be a bit more

„professional‟ and they would charge their labour as per the „market rates‟.

Apart from the two sets of houses above, there were also some medium level or “improved”

houses. These would be mud walled, then plastered with cement and have a corrugated iron sheets roof. As expected these ones were cheaper to construct and the Kamba „masons‟ hired for the job were not necessarily trained but those who „hands on‟ experience. Labour charges for two-roomed house would be in the region of Ksh 20,000 (EUR 260). In most of the cases, the Kamba masons would have a „Maasai rate‟ (usually higher) and a „Kamba rate‟. One of them told me that this was not aimed at exploiting the Maasai but that “the Maasai just pay, they don‟t complain”. It was established that on average, a Maasai seeking to have his house

„improved‟ will have, ordinarily, a lot more money at his disposal than a Kamba opting to do the same.