Age and gender segmentation of indigenous ecological knowledge

Some elders from rural African communities are traditional keepers and users of local ecological knowledge and wisdom (Lalonde, 1993:56). The African adage, “when a knowledgeable old person dies, a whole library disappears” conceives of elders as the guardians, educators and practitioners of indigenous ecological knowledge. It grows in a spiral with time, but simultaneously, it is diminishing amongst the youth in every society as assimilation and environmental change escalate as well as the death of key elders (Lalonde, 1993:57; Turner et al., 2000:1277). As observed in Korup communities and in quantitative terms, youths and non-youths have different levels of indigenous ecological knowledge as is reflected in their livelihood activities. In most cases, the differences are species based. As an example, Njangsanga is used to explain how youths and non-youths (parents) demonstrate this knowledge by taking action to fight the poor yields trends. Several years of yields monitoring enables women to note a decline of Njangsanga and this knowledge and attitude urge them to propagate it (See Table 12).

Table 12: Conservation attitudes toward Njangsanga by Korup youths and adults

Age group Conservation method of Njangsanga Total

Plant at home Plant in forest Grows naturally Not applicable

Non-youths 2 (10%) 5 (25%) 13 (65%) 0 (0%) 20 (32.3%)

Youths 1 (2.4%) 14 (33.3%) 22 (52.4%) 5 (11.9%) 42 (67.7%)

Total 62 (100%)

From Table 12, conservation of Njangsanga is not popular with youths and non-youths in the sample who think it grows naturally and so there is no need to propagation. However,

35.7% of youth and 33% of non-youth, make little efforts to propagate its wildings⁵⁴. As youths clear farther in the forest, they create conditions necessary for its growth like;

cutting lianes around the wildly germinated plants to provide sunlight. Also, where one has a farm plot determines where conservation action is taken (at home or around houses). 10%

of non-youths and 2.4% of youths in the sample propagated njangsanga at home. Its propagation at home was mainly to avoid trekking long distances at old age. A 42 years old Esukutan woman said “I am planting all these plants on my farms around the house because when I am old, I shall not have the strength to go into the forest to collect large quantities that would fetch me money for kerosene, magi cubes, salt and soap to wash my dresses”. Also, the indigenous Chief of Ikondo Kondo I said, “Adults mostly propagate njangsanga around homes in preparation of their old age”. These support the general observation that farms around homes belong to the older persons in both communities.

Quantitative data show that the parent generation seems to conserve less than their children. Contrarily, parents’ extensive knowledge is explained by the fact that they are the most active farmers. Elders, whose knowledge is higher than that of others, are responsible for knowledge transfer in communities; die before they reach 90 years. They are often observed to be accompanied by their grandchildren to the forest. Grandmothers in Esukutan invite their grandchildren and tell forest related stories like tales, myths and legends. They illustrate how older generations use to do hunting with nets and how certain forest plants such as the Iroko tree could not be harvested without offering sacrifices.

A study argues that gender influences conservation knowledge (Kellert and Berry, 1987) which is also species-based (Czech et al., 2001:187; Gillingham and Lee, 1999:225). So, a gender-blind approach could isolate women from conservation and its benefits; reduce the value of the stake they have in biodiversity, and poor use of women's knowledge, skill and labour resources (Flintan, 2003:49). Marginalization of women in ICDPs negatively impact on them than men and does not help efforts in making ICDPs succeed (Flintan, 2003:2).

Also, transcending the land ownership boundary and with respect to plant NTFPs, women hold extensive indigenous ecological knowledge. However, the sample shows no

54A Pearson Chi-Square test returned a non-significant value of 5.030 at 17% level.

significant difference⁵⁵ in the gendered conservation attitudes towards bush mango. An explanation could either be that there is a difference but the sample is too large or too small to capture it. But the qualitative interviews and field observations reveal gender differences in conserving bush mango. Informants disclose that for long, men have been engaged in hunting and clearing of forests to open up cash crop plantations, while women mostly collect NTFPs and till the soil to plant food crops. Division of labour (along gender lines) has for long assigned special roles to men and women. The pilot study in Meka also reveals that out of the 10 male household heads, nine directed questions on NTFPs to their wives.

So, long term acquaintance with a resource means more knowledge of the resource.

There was a curiosity to investigate if indigenous ecological knowledge held by specialists is gendered. Extensive discussions with two healers and critical observations in Ikondo Kondo I reveal that the female healer domesticates medicinal plants while male healer mostly harvests inside the national park. The female healer keeps a small garden of medicinal plants around her house. The male healer domesticated only three species of the plants he uses for healing. The female healer who was also one of the six indigenous birth attendants of Ikondo Kondo I, Eno Anastacia treats menstrual pains, head ache, stomach ache, hernia, malaria, fractures and rheumatism. She uses a variety of herbs and barks of trees that are sourced from both the dense and the forbidden forests around the village.

The female healer nurses especially, plants that are scarce or not easily sourced around her compound. Among the rationales for this domestication is old age; she wants to reduce the distance traveled to harvest these plants when in need as well as to have multiple sources.

A community of domesticated medicinal plants demonstrates an interesting biology (Picture 8). The laws of symbiosis are respected with few cases of parasitism. That is, plant species are grown in a close ecological relationship that benefits both; and not at the other’s expense. This relationship is known as mutualism⁵⁶. With parasitism, one species benefits by harming the other. This healer notes that in her community of medicinal plants, there is competition (for food and sunlight) but neither species benefits; neutralism as both species is unaffected. She domesticates epiphytes; plants that live perched on sturdier ones and do

55A Pearson Chi-Square of 5.527, 3 at degrees of freedom is the result of the significance test.

56It is commensalism when one species benefits without the other being seriously affected.

not take any nourishment from their host but for exposure to sunlight. This knowledge, she explains, is based on her everyday experiences and usage handed down over her lifetime by her parents who always display, explain and describe their actions.

Picture 7: Community of domesticated medicinal plants by a female healer in Ikondo Kondo I

Mr. Tambe Alfred, the male healer treats stomachache, gastritis and helps nursing mothers to lactate. He uses the shoots of plants that grow by the roadside as medicine. A plant whose upper side of its leave is green and the down side is red grows wildly in his backyard and is used to increase the blood level of anemic patients. When asked if he cultivated the plants he uses, he replied, “I use to plant of them when we were still in the old village, but in this new village, I have planted just a few in my backyard”. He cited other very large trees including Irusutree that is found in the primary forest and cannot be planted in his “backyard because they are too large and will not grow”. When reminded of the fact that the female healer domesticates most medicinal plants she uses, this informant said “I think I should be doing same in the future”. This is an indication that he has postponed small scale conservation of medicinal plants. Like others do, he keeps at home, barks of trees that are only sourced from primary forest.

Another gendered indigenous ecological knowledge is linked to hunting or the killing of animals, which is entirely done by young males with many years of hunting experience.

However, the slight edge of the female population in the two villages as well as their role as [informal] teachers is an assurance that the prevalence, growth and spread of indigenous ecological knowledge, is probable. The discussions above show that age, gender long-term occupation with certain activities and social status are the major determinants of sound ecological knowledge. However, indigenous healers do not have an association that could serve as a networking platform for effective knowledge management and transfer.