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Qädi Sä'id al-Andalusi's Account

of Science in Ancient Persia

By M. S. Khan, Calcutta

The Tabaqät al-Umam^ of Abü'l-Qäsim Qädi Sä'id al-An-

dalusi^ (d. 462/1070), written at Toledo around 1070 A.D., is the

first world history of science. It contains an aceount of eight an¬

cient and medieval nations who have contributed to the develop¬

ment of sciences. In this paper a study of the chapter on Persia is

presented. An English translation from this writer's own text is

given first.

"The second nation (which cultivated the sciences) are the Per¬

sians. They possess high nobility and great honour and reside in

the centre of the (inhabited) world more than any other nation,

in the noblest clime. Their kings were ablest administrators and

we do not know of any other nation which held sovereignty for

such a long time. They had kings who kept them united and had

leaders who protected them against their enemies, led them to

victory over those who attacked them and defended the oppressed

amongst them against the oppressors. They made them undertake

works which promoted their prosperity, continuously without any

interruption in perfect harmony and order. Thus the later kings

inherited (sound principles of administration) from the former

ones and those who came later received the legacy from their

ancestors."

Sä'id said: "There is a difference of opinion among the histori¬

ans of the nations regarding the duration of the Persian Empire ;

' Ed. by L. Cheikho (Beirut: 1912) pp. 124. See M.S. Khan: Proposal for a new edition of Qädi Sä'id al-Andalusi's Tabaqät al-Umam, in: Islamic Quarterly. Lon¬

don 1968, pp. 125-39 footnotes on pp. 126-27.

^ For a full biography of the author and its sources see M. S. Khan : An Eleventh Century Hispano-Arabic Source for Ancient Indian Science and Culture, in : Profes¬

sor H.K. Sherwani Felicitation Volume, edited by P.M. Joshi & M.A. Nayeem.

Hyderabad 1975, pp.356 to 389.

(2)

34 M.S. Khan

but this is not the place for its discussion. These differences have

been discussed by us in our work entitled Gawämi' Ahbär al-

Umam min al-'Arab wa'l-'Agam (Comprehensive History of the

Arab and the non-Arab peoples).

The most correct (view) regarding what has been stated on this

subject is that the period from the beginning of the reign of Ka-

yümart b. Umaim b. Läwad" b. (Iram b.) Säm b. Niili, ancestor

of all Persians, whom they consider to be Adam, the father of the

human race, peace be on him, up to the beginning of the reign of

Manücihr, the first king of the second dynasty of Persian rulers,

is about a full thousand years. And the period from the reign of

Manücihr to the beginning of the reign of Kaiqubäd b. Rü*", the

first king of the third dynasty of Persian rulers, is approximately

two hundred years. The time from the reign of Kaiqubäd to the

beginning of the 'Petty Kings''^, which is the fourth dynasty ofthe

Persian monarchs - that is at the time Alexander killed Därä son

of Därä (Darius), the last of the kings of the third dynasty of the

Persians - is about one thousand years; and from the reign of the

first ruler of the 'Petty Kings' up to the beginning of the rule of

Ardasir, son of Bäbak the Sasanian, the first monarch of the fifth

dynasty of Persian kings (the duration is) five hundred and thirty-

one years. From the beginning of the rule of king Ardasir, son of

Bäbak, to the end ofthe Persian Empire in the world at the time

of the death of Yazdgird b. Sahriyär in the year 32 of the Higra

era during the Caliphate of 'Utmän b. 'Affän - may God be

pleased with him - there is a period of four hundred and thirty-

three (lunar) years. The (total period thus) comes to three thou¬

sand one hundred and sixty-four years.

Although the duration of the Persian Empire is beyond the

scope of this book, we have mentioned it so that this may testify

to the grandeur of their kingdom and the extent of their authority.

It is for this reason and other similar reasons concerning the glory

of the Persians that their kings have been considered worthy of

being called 'Kings'* of Kings', as we have stated before.

^ Läwad ibn Iram —as in Mas'üdi's Tanbih (P.80), and Murüg and Rampur MS.

As in the Dublin MS. In the Tagärib abUmam of Miskawayh = zü and in

the Ahbär at-Tiwäl of Abü Hanifa ad-Dinawari and the Ta'rih Sini Mulük al-Ard wa'l-Anbiyä' by Hamza al'-Isfahani = Zäb.

In al-Mas'üdi's Tanbih (p. 95): Mulük at-Tawä'if. Malik at-Tawä'if is also common.

MSS have either Malik abMulük or Mulük abMulük

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Qädi Sä'id al-Andalusi's Account of Science in Ancient Persia 35

The Chief virtues of the Persian monarchs that made them ce¬

lebrated are excellent administration and perfect statesmanship.

(This is) specially true about the kings of the Sasanian dynasty

among them. There were kings (in that dynasty) the like of whom

had never existed throughout the past (centuries) in so far as their

sublime thought, noble character, moderate administration and

widespread fame are concerned.

Among the special characteristics of the Persians are their keen

interest in the science of medicine and a profound knowledge of

astrology and the influence of the stars on the sub-lunar world.

Their astronomical tables (observations) dated from old times and

they had different schools on the movement of the planets. Among

these schools was one on the basis of which Abu Ma'sar Ga'far

b. Muhammad (b. 'Umar)" al-Balhi constructed his great Astronomi¬

cal Table. It is said that this was the school of the ancient scien¬

tists of Persia and of many learned men (astronomers) of the

adjacent areas.

It is stated that the duration of the world according (to this

school) is one twelve thousandth (part) of the period according to

the (calculation) of Siddhänta, that is 360,000 years. According to

them, it is the period in the course of which the mean planets come

into conjunction specially at the beginning of Aries without their

apogees (awgdt) and nodes (Gawzahrdt). Abü Ma'sar has praised

this system and added that the astronomers (lit. reckoners) of Per¬

sia, Babylonia, India, China and of most nations who possess

knowledge of the science of the stars (astrology)*^, especially Kanka

the Indian, who is outstanding in the opinion of all the scientists

(lit. leamed men) of India throughout the ages'^, agree that among

all the (calculations of the) periods of revolution, the period of this

school is the most correct, and they called it the 'World Year'. This

is the name by which it was designated by ancient peoples who

cultivated the science of astrology since ancient times, but the

people of our own times call it the 'Persian Year'.

The Persians have important books on the science of astrology,

one of them is the Suwar Daragdt al-Falak (Representation of the

Degrees of the Zodiacal Circle) attributed to Zoroaster; the Kitäb

at-Tafsir {Book of Commentary) and the Kitäb Gämäsf {Book of

Jämäsp), which is a very important book.

" Addition from the Dublin MS.

^ Found in Dublin and Rampur MSS. Not found in any printed text.

(4)

36 M.S. Khan

It has been stated by some historians that at the beginning the

Persians were monotheists, all followers of the religion of Noah

- may God's peace be on him - until Büdäsf came from the east

to Tahmurät, the third Persian King with the religion of the

Hanifs that is of the Sabians. He (Tahmurät) embraced this re¬

ligion on Büdäsf s persuasion and compelled the Persians to ac¬

cept it. They believed in it for about eighteen hundred years, till

they all became Magians.

The reason why they embraced Magianism is that Zoroaster the

Persian appeared during the reign of Vistasp, the Persian king,

after thirty years of his reign and summoned (the people) to the

Magian religion which teaches adoration of fire and all the other

(manifestations of) light as well as the belief that the world is

composed of light and darkness, and faith in five eternal (and

primary) elements, which in their opinion are : God, the Exalted

and high above everything that they say about Him, Satan, Prime

Matter, Time and Space, together with other dogmas in the

Magian creed. Vistäsp accepted this religion from him (Zoroaster)

and remained steadfast in practising it. He fought with the Persi¬

ans, until they all followed him in this respect and discarded the

religion of the Sabians. They believed that Zoroaster was a

prophet sent to them by Allah the Exalted. They continued to

practise his religion and followed his laws for about thirteen hun¬

dred years, until the Caliph 'Umar bin al-Hattäb - may God be

pleased with him - brought about the fall of their empire and

occupied Madä'in (Ctesiphon) which was the centre of their

power. He expelled them from Iraq and the adjoining territories

as far as Huräsän. After this, 'Utmän b. 'Affän - may God be

pleased with him - subjugated the rest of their country during his

Caliphate in the year 32 A.H. by the killing of Yazdgird b.

Sahriyär, the last of their monarchs. A large number of the Persi¬

ans perished in the wars fought between them and the Muslims

on the battlefields of Qädisiya, Galüla, Nihäwand and others. A

group of them embraced Islam while the rest remained

Zoroastrian up to this day as members of the protected communi¬

ties, like the Jews and the Christians, and live in 'Iräq, Ahwäz,

Färs, Isfahän, Huräsän and other (towns) of the pre-lslamic Per¬

sian Empire."^

' Beirut ed. pp. 15-17.

(5)

Qädi Sä'id al-Andalusi's Account of Science in Ancient Persia 37

Arab Writer's Knowledge of Ancient Persia

Tiie Arab writers in general and the historians and geographers

in particular are much more interested in Persia and Egypt than

in Western Africa and Andalusia. This was due to the close con¬

tact of Arabia with Persia through Hira" and Yemen. They record

and preserve real and legendary, reliable and unreliable informa¬

tion bearing on the politics, history, literature, the religions and

culture of ancient Persia; and the chapter under study also deals

with some of these matters.

Some of the early Arab writers who incorporated a good deal

of Persian materials in their writings, derived from Pahlawi trans¬

lations and oral transmissions, are 'Abdullah b. al-Muqaffa'^

(d. 140/757 A.D.); Hisäm b. Muhammad al-Kalbi* (d. ca.

204/819); al-Ya'qübi' (d. after 236/850); al-Gähiz* (d. 255/869

A. D.), Ibn Qutayba' (d. 276-889) and Abü Hanifa ad-Dinawari'°

(d. 232/895).

' Yäqüt, Ma'gam al-Buldän, ed. by F. Wüstenfeld. Leipzig 1867, II, pp. 375- 480. See M. J. Kister: Al-Hira - some notes on its relation with Arabia, in: Arabica.

Leiden 1968, Vol. XV, pp. 143-69 and al-Hira by A. F. L. Beeston and 'Irfan Sähid in the Enc. of Islam (new ed.). Vol. Ill (1971), pp. 462-463.

5 Halll Mardum Bek: Ibn al-Muqaffa', Damascus 1349/1930. F.Gabrieli:

L'opera di Ihn al-Muqaffa', in RSO, XIV (1932-33), pp. 197-247; cf Paul Kraus:

Ibn al-Muqaffa', in RSO, XIV )1932-33), pp. 1-20. D. Sourdel: La biographie d'ibn abMuqaffa', in: Arabica 1/1954, pp. 307-323. Md. GufränI al-Hurasäni:

'Abdullah b. al-Muqaffa'. Cairo 1383/1965, p.635. See also J.D. Latham: Ibn

al-Muqaffa' and Early Abbasid Prose, in: Abbasid Belles-Lettres, ed. by Julia AsHTiYANi and others. Cambridge 1990, pp. 48-77.

' For all these historians see H.A.R. Gibb: Ta'rih, in the Enc. of Islam, suppl.

Vol., Reprint 1987, pp.233-245; 'A.'A. DüRl: Baht fi NaPat 'Ilm at-Ta'rih 'ind

al-'Arab Beirut 1960, pp.437; Fuat Sezgin: GAS, Vol. I, pp.237-389. For al-

Kalbi see W. 'Atalläh, Enc. of Islam, new ed., Vol. IV, pp. 495-96.

' Franz Rosenthal: A History of Muslim Historiography. Leiden 1968,

pp. 133-134.

' See Ch. Pellet: Le Milieu Basrien et la Formation d'al Gähiz. Paris 1953.

Tähä al-Hägiri: Al-Jähiz, His Life and Works. Cairo 1962, p. 492. See also

Ch.Pellat: Al-Djahiz, in: Enc. of Islam, new ed.. Vol. II, pp. 385-387.

' See Gerard Lecomte: Ibn Qutayba. L'Homme, son CEuvre, ses Idees. Damas¬

cus 1965; see also 'Uyün al-Ahbär of Ibn Qutayba, Cairo 1963, 4 Vols, which

contains good material concerning ancient Persia. See G. Lecomte; Ibn Kutayba, in: End of Islam, new ed. Vol. Ill, pp. 844-847.

B. Lewis in Enc. of Islam, new ed.. Vol II, p. 300. Franz Rosenthal, op. cit., p. 133.

(6)

38 M. S. Khan

Of these authors Ibn al-Muqaffa' translated the well-known hi¬

storical work Hwadäy-nämag from Pahlawi into Arabic and entit¬

led it Siyar al-Mulük^\ although there were several translations, but

neither its Pahlawi original nor Arabic translation nor its recension

is available. Ibn al-Muqaflfa' gives a list of books on ancient Persia

available in his time. He played an important part in the diffusion

of information about pre-lslamic Persia among the Arabs.

Al-Kalbi possessed a good knowledge ofthe history of al-Hira

and Yemen'^. Al-Ya'qübi narrates the history of the Sasanian dy¬

nasty, and gives information about administrative and military

organizations, manners and customs of Zoroastrian Iran'^.

A work attributed to al-Gähiz entitled Kitäb at-Täg ß Ahläq

al-Mulük^'* deals with the manners and customs of the Sasanian

kings, especially of Ardasir b. Bäbak, Anüserwän, Bahräm Gür,

four different classes of people, and their festivals, such as

Mihrgän and Nauröz and others.

Ibn Qutayba in his Kitäb 'Uyün al-Ahbär, mentions Ardasir b.

Bäbak, Buzurgmihr, Kisrä Abarwez, Kisrä Anüserwän and

others. In two places he states that he himself read (qara'tu^^) the

Kitäb Siyar al-'Agam.

Abü Hanifa ad-Dinawari (d. 282/896), a Persian, in his Ahbär

at-tiwäl, does not record ancient Persian history chronologically

but, in his clear and straightforward style, narrates the history of

the Sasanians and their downfall, material which is not found

" See Ibn an-NadIm: Kitäb aUFihrist. Ed. G. Flügel, p. 118 under 'Abdullah b. al-Muqaffa'. Mario Grignaschi could not find even a single MS of this trans¬

lation. See his Quelques specimens de la litterature Sassanide conserves dans les bibliotheques d'Istanbul, in: Journal Asiatique, Vol. 254/1966, pp. 1-142. The title of the original Pahlawi is Hwadäy-Nämag. In Arabic it was also entitled Siyar Mulük al-Furs. See note 5 above.

" Gawäd 'AlT: Mawärid Ta'rih at-Tabari, in the Magallat al-Magma'' al-'Ilmi ab'Iräqi, where at-Tabari's use ofthe works of al-Kalbi has been discussed thor¬

oughly.

" Ta'rih (Beirut 1379/1960), Vol. I, pp. 158-177 under Mulük Furs. Al-Ya'qübi begins his history with Adam.

» See the analysis of this work by F.Gabrieli in RSO, XI/1926-8, pp. 292-305 and the observations of al-Gähiz in his Kitäb al-Ahbär concerning the people of ancient Persia; Charles Pellat: al-Gähiz, les nations civilisees et les croyances religieuses, in: Journal Asiatique , Fasc. I (Paris 1967), pp. 100-101. Imtiyäz 'AlI Hän 'ArhI: Gähiz ki Kitäb al-Ahbär in: Nazr-i-Zäkir. New Delhi 1968, pp. 205- 66. Ed. by Ahmad Zaki Päsa, 1st ed. Cairo 1932/1914, pp. XIV -I- 266.

See its 1st ed. Cairo, Där al-kutub al-Misriyah Press, 1343/1925, 4 vols.

Vol.1, pp.117 and 178.

(7)

Qädi Sä'id al-Andalusi's Account of Science in Ancient Persia 39

elsewhere, even in at-Tabari'*. He gives an aceount of Zoroaster

and the propagation of his religion and writes about Rustam and

Isfandiyär in some detail.

One of the Arabic historical works which deals with ancient

Persian history in great detail is the Ta'nh ar-Rusul wa'1-Mulük"

of at-Tabari (d. 310/923). It records the legendary history of pre-

Sasanian Persia on the authority of Hisäm b. Muhammad al-Kalbi

(d. 204/819), Ibn al-Muqaffa', al-Asma'i, 'Ämir al-Sa'bi, Ibn al-

Qariyah, 'Ubayd b. Sariyah, Abu 'Ubayda (d. 209/824) and other

sources'*. He mentions four different dynasties which ruled Per¬

sia, naming Kayümart as the first man and Hüsang as the first

king. At-Tabari gives a detailed account of Sasanian history,

which was later copied by other historians and thoroughly studied

by Th. Nöldeke".

Al-Mas'üdi (d. ca. 345/956) devotes a long chapter to Persians in

his Kitäb at-Tanbih wa'l-Isräf and also writes briefly in his Murüg

ad-Dahab about them and displays a wide knowledge of ancient

Persians. He mentions three Pahlawi works, viz. the A 'in-Ndma,

the Hudäy-Näma and the Gähnäma and other lost Middle Per¬

sian works as his sources^". He read a history of the Sasanian

dynasty in Fars containing the history and portrait of 27 rulers -

25 male and 2 female - who ruled for 433 years^'. It was finished

in 113/731 and translated from Persian into Arabic for the

Umayyad Caliph Hisäm b. 'Abd al-Malik. He names five ruling

dynasties of ancient Persia instead of the traditional four. His

statement about Zoroaster and his religion is almost accurate".

" Abü Hanifa ad-DinawarI: Kitäb abAhbär at-Tiwäl. Ed. by Ignace Kratch¬

kovsky. Leiden 1912, pp. 402 + 94 -1- 82. See specially the editor's learned preface pp. 7-56.

" Ta'rih ar-Rusul wa'l-Mulük. Ed. by De Goeje and others (Beirut Reprint, n.d.), 1st series. Vol. I, 675ff See Th. Nöldeke: Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sasaniden aus der arabischen Chronik des Tabari. Leiden 1879.

" See Gawäd 'Ali's Study of the sourees of at-Tabari in note 12 supra.

" 'Irfän Sähid has evaluated this work of Th. Nöldeke in the International Journal of the Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. III/I, January, 1977.

2° Kitäb at-Tanbih wa'1-Isräf. Ed. by De Goeje, Leiden 1894, pp.85-110. He

also mentions the Book of the Chiefs of Sakistan, in his Murüg ad-Dahab, Paris 1861-77, II, p. 118. See the two recent studies on al-Mas'üdi: TarIf HälidT: Islamic

Historiography. The Histories of Mas'üdi, Albany/New York 1975, pp.180;

Ahmad M. H. Sboul: Al-Mas'üdi and His World. A Muslim Humanist and his

Interest in non-Muslims. London 1979, pp.366 at 102-113.

" Kitäb at-Tanbih wa'1-Isräf, p. 106.

" Op. cit., pp. 91-94.

(8)

40 M.S. Khan

Hamza al-Isfahäni (d. 360/971), a Persian historian, gives a

detailed chronological account of the history of pre-lslamic Persia

in his Ta'rih Sini Mulük al-Ard wa'l-Anbiyd'^\ mentioning eight

sources including several recensions of the Huday Ndma and a

work of Abu Ma'sar al-Balhi. He remarks that confusion and

error had crept into the chronology of pre-lslamic Persia, the most

glaring being in the history of the 'Petty Kings'. Al-Isfahäni claims

that he had read a translation of the Avesta.

The bibliographer Ibn an-Nadim (d. ca. 385/995) gives a list of

works the Arabs possessed relating to ancient Persian history and

culture, and records the names of those who translated from Per¬

sian (Pahlawi) into Arabic^". He gives the most detailed account

of Mäni and his teachings and mentions Zoroaster, son of Is-

bitmän, and his Avesta. He records the name of the translator of

the Zig Sahriyär as Abu'l-Hasan 'Ali b. Ziyäd at-Tamimi. His

translation was completed in 174/790. He mentions Gämäsf the

Wise along with Zoroaster and gives the title of the former's book

as Kitäb Gämäsf K

In his Kitäb al-Bad' wa't-Ta'rih, Mutahhar b. Tähir al-Muqad¬

dasi (fl. 355/966) gives an account of ancient Persian history from

Kayümart to Yazdgird III in the 3rd volume^*.

An anonymous Arabic work is the Nihäyat al-Arab ß Ahbär

al-Furs wa'I-'Arab composed around 442/1050, which depends

more on at-Tabari than on al-Dinawari".

Miskawayh (d. 421/1030), another Arabic historian of Persian

origin, records the political history of ancient Persia from Awsa-

hang (Hüsang), as he did not consider any historical narrative

previous to the Deluge reliable. He records the history of ancient

Persia following at-Tabari and also preserves the best part of the

political and practical wisdom literature of the Persians in his

Gäwidän Hirad^^.

" Ta'rih (Reprint Beirut 1961), p. 14. The history of ancient Persia covers 45 pages (pp."l3-57) out of a total of 176 printed pages ofthe book. U.M. Daudpota (Eng. trans.); ne Annals of Hamzah al-Isfahäni. Bombay 1932.

" KUäb al-Fihrist, ed. by G.Flügel Beirut reprint, 1, pp. 315-16, 244-45.

» Op. cit. I, pp.12, 239, 246, 327-29; 345, 353-54.

" Arabic text edited by Cl. Huart (Tehran reprint, 1962), Vol. Ill, pp.7, ng- 179. See Fuat Sezgin, op. eit. Vol.1, p.337.

" Edward G.Browne: Some Account ofthe Arabic Work entitled Nihäyat ab

Arab ß Ahbäri'l-Furs wa'I-'Arab particularly that part which treats ofthe Persian Kings. In : JRAS, London 1900, pt. I, pp. 195-259.

" He gives a most detailed account of Mäni and the tenets of his rehgion and

(9)

Qädi Sä'id al-Andalusi's Account of Science in Ancient Persia 41

In his Gurar Ahbär Mulüif al-Furs, Abü Mansür at-Ta'älibi

(d. 429/1038) records the most detailed history of ancient Persia,

beginning with Kayümart, the mythical Adam of the Persians,

and brings it down to the Arab conquest of Persia. He gives an

account of Zoroaster, discusses the social and legal tenets of his

religion and adds that the Persian kings before Vistäsp followed

the religion of the Sabians and worshipped the stars^'.

The historian and scientist al-Birüni (d. 442/1050) gives a list

of Persian kings of ancient times in his al-Ätär al-Bäqiyah and

mentions the duration of their rule in each case, making

astronomical calculations the basis ofhis chronological data^° and

records much useful information about the cultural history of an¬

cient Persia. "Following Hamza al-Isfahäni he (al-Birüni) records

the various false chronologies current in his time as well as several

almost correct tables."^' He gives a precise date for Zoroaster, 258

years before Alexander the Great, which agrees with the later

Zoroastrian tradition^^.

Among the writers of the Westem Caliphate (al-Andalus) Ibn

Gulgul (d. ca. 384/994) wrote a short history ofthe scientists but

does not mentioji even a single scientist of ancient Persia. Ibn

Hazm (d. 456/1064), the teacher of Sä'id, in his book Kitäb al-Fi-

sal ß l-Milal wa'n-Nihal, only records that the religious book of

the Zoroastrians was burnt by Alexander when he defeated Därä

b. Därä, and only one third was left intact, and gives a sketch of

the Zoroastrian system of cosmology". He adds that some people

believed that they were ahi al-Kitäb, or People of the Book^".

mentions Zoroaster, but does not discuss the principles of Zoroastrianism; see his Tagärib abUmam, fasc. edition by Leo Caetani (Leiden 1909), Vol. I, pp. 7-272.

" AboO MansoOr 'Abd al-Malik At-Ta'älib1: Gurar Ahbär Mulülc al-Furs wa Siyarihim. Arabic text and French translation by H. Zotenberg (Asadi, Tehran 1963), pp.L + 758.

^° Al-Atar al-Bäqiya 'an al-Qurün abHäliya. Ed. by Eduard Sachau. Baghdad,

reprint 1963, pp. 102-132. Md. Mo'In: Sähän-i Kayäni wa Hahämanisi dar Atär

al-Bäqiya, in: Ämüziswa ParwarisVol XV/I, 8, 9 (Tehran 1324/1945), pp. 23-52.

" R.N. Frye, op. cit., p.l79.

" R. N. Frye, op. cit., p. 29.

" Edition published by the Hängi Press, Cairo 1321 A.H., 5 vols., Beirut re¬

print, 1, pp.35, 112-16.

" They were treated as protected communities i. e. ahi ad-Dimma. Three other

such communities were: the Jews, the Christians and the Sabians. See Majid

HaddOrT: Status of the Dimmis, in: War and Peace in the Law of Islam, pp. 175- 204, quoting Abu Yüsufs Kitäb al-Haräg, Cairo 1352 A.H., p. 130.

(10)

42 M. S. Khan

Sourees

It is considered desirable to discuss these sources of this chapter

first. Some major works in Arabic dealing with the history and

culture of ancient Persia have been mentioned above but this list

is by no means complete. Persian works bearing on the subject

have not been taken into consideration although some of them give

useful information on the subject not found in Arabic sources.

Before discussing the sources, two points are to be taken into

consideration. Sä'id was interested in science and his primary

interest lay in the Persian contributions to the development of

exact sciences. It is quite evident that not many of his predeces¬

sors except Abu Ma'sar al-Balhi (d. 272/886) discussed the Per¬

sian contributions to astronomy and astrology.

It is probable that primary sources ofthe history of Persia were

available to al-Mas'üdi, and Sä'id's account of ancient Persia is

based on one of his works. Of the two major historical works by

al-Mas'üdi, the Kitäb at-Tanbih wa'l-Isräf and the Murüg ad-

Dahab, it is evident that the former was available to him at To¬

ledo, and Sä'id has drawn heavily from the Tanbih in writing this

chapter, but most probably the Murüg was not available to him.

The similarities are so clear and convincing that one need not go

into a detailed discussion on the subject. In several cases, even

the language used by Sä'id in his Tabaqät and by al-Mas'üdi in

his Tanbih are quite similar. Al-Mas'üdi uses Ahl al-'izz as-sdmih

wa's-saraf al-bdzih}^ for the rulers of ancient Persia, which means

"possessing high nobility and great honour". These words have

also been copied by Sä'id.

The five main divisions of the history of pre-lslamic Persia are

borrowed by Sä'id from al-Mas'üdi's Tanbih but he does not

specifically mention the names of these dynasties as al-Mas'üdi

records them. They do not give any name to the first dynasty.

Kayümart is called Adam, the father of Human Beings, by both

of them. They do not call the second dynasty Pesdädiyän as has

been mentioned by the Arab and Persian historians in general.

Tanbih, ed. cited p. 105; Tabaqät, Beirut ed. p. 15. The passages recording

the appearance of Zoroaster during the reign of Vistäsp and his preaching of

Zoroastrianism are similar both in language as well as content. See the Tanbih, p. 90 and Tabaqät, p. 17. There are several other such passages of striking similar¬

ity in both these texts.

(11)

I 1

Qädi Sä'id al-Andalusi's Account of Science in Ancient Persia 43

Al-Mas'üdl characterizes the third dynasty as Kayänians or

Achaemenids but Sä'id mentions it only as the third dynasty. Both

mention the fourth dynasty as Mulük at-Tawä'if or "Petty Kings".

Al-Mas'üdi includes the Askänians as one of the dynasties but

Sä'id does not do so. Both of them mention the fifth dynasty as

the Sasanian or Banü Säsän^*. As already stated, both of them

differ about the total duration of the reign of each dynasty. Al-

Mas'üdi discusses in detail the gaps and confusion found in the

history of Persia after the killing of Darius III by Alexander and

the establishment of the Sasanian dynasty by Ardasir, but Sä'id

completely ignores it".

There is a process of judicious selection involved in the borrow¬

ing by Sä'id from al-Mas'üdi. He copies from al-Mas'üdi

whatever interests him and leaves out matters in which he is not

interested. Two striking examples can be given. Al-Mas'üdi gives

a chapterwise description of the Avesta of Zoroaster and records

their titles. He also gives information about Manichaeism and

Mazdakism^*, the religions of Mäni and Mazdak, but all these

have been completely omitted by Sä'id. Sä'id does not give any

information about the different languages spoken in Persia, as

recorded by al-Mas'üdi.

Sä'id used the Tanbih of al-Mas'üdi in an abbreviated form and

made many changes. It is difficult to state whether the changes

are his errors or his corrections made on the basis of other sources.

The extensive borrowing by Sä'id from the Tanbih of al-Mas'üdi

is confirmed by the fact that they both commit the same errors.

Sä'id's erroneous statement about ancient Persian religion is bor¬

rowed entirely from the Tanbih. He has copied from al-Mas'üdi

the incorrect identification of the Sabians of Harrän with the Hu-

nafä' of the Quran linking both of them with Büdäsf of Buddha".

" Al-Mas'üdi believed that the Sasanians deliberately falsified their chronology between Alexander and Ardasir {Tanbih. p.97). Between the death of Alexander and the establishment of the Sasanian dynasty there should actually be a period of 550 years, but nearly all the Arabic and Persian sources put it at 266 years and al-Birüni attempts to give an explanation for this anomaly {op. cit., p. 129). Sä'id mentions Ardasir b. Bäbak, the founder of the Sasanian dynasty, as the first king of the Israelites but al-Mas'üdi does not make such a statement.

" See al-Mas'üdi, Tanbih, p.97.

" See Tanbih, pp.101-102 and 135.

" Tanbih, p. 91 and Tabaqät, p. 17. Sä'id has also taken from al-Mas'üdi the incorrect statement that the Zoroastrians recognize five basic principles - God, the

i

(12)

44 M.S. Khan

It cannot be stated for certain whether the complete Kitäh al-

Fihrist of Ibn an-Nadim or only its excerpts and citations were

available to Sä'id at Toledo. Both Sä'id and Ibn an-Nadim state

that the Persians had cultivated the science of the stars as well as

that of medicine. Both of them mention Zoroaster and Cämäsf".

In the Fihrist, Gämäsf is mentioned as one of the authors who

write on alchemy but Sä'id refers to one of his books on

astrology"'. The Zigi Sahriyär , a well-known astronomical table of

Persia, has been mentioned by Ibn an-Nadim but no reference to

it has been given by Sä'id^l These facts lead to the conclusion

that the Fihrist of Ibn an-Nadim was not used by Sä'id for writing

this chapter.

One of the defects of the Tabaqät is that Sä'id does not generally

mention his source of information, which makes it difficult to iden¬

tify it. There are differences between al-Mas'üdi and Sä'id about

the chronology of ancient Persia, but Sä'id does not indicate his

source of information on the calculation given by him and the basis

of his differences with al-Mas'üdi. Therefore, it is quite evident

that Sä'id used more than one source in writing this chapter. But

the number of works containing information about ancient Persia

available at Toledo was not large and they were confined to the

4th/10th century. For example, not a single book of the historian-

scientist al-Birüni (d. 442/1050) was available at Toledo at the time

of Sä'id. None of his works was translated into Latin or Hebrew

in 12th century Spain"^. A specific Arabic source or sources for

every statement contained in this chapter cannot be traced, but

Sä'id had used the Tanbih of al-Mas'üdi extensively for writing

this chapter without any acknowledgement. This chapter contains

Devil, Matter, Time and Space - but he has made some changes in them. See

below and S. M. Stern's article in the W. B. Henning Memorial Volume, ed. by

Mary Boyce and Ilya Gershevitch (London 1970), p.413ff.

" Kitäb al-Fihrist, ed. cited p. 239; Tabaqät, p. 16.

" Ibn an-Nadim, op. cit., p.353; Sä'id, Tabaqät, p. 16; Fuat Sezgin, GAS, Vol.

VI, pp.110 and 115.

" Abü 1-Hasan b. Ziyäd at-Tamimi translated this table from Persian into Arabic. Ibn an-Nadim, op. cit., p. 244. On this zig see Fuat Sezgin, GAS, Vol.

VI, pp.l09ff, 116.

" The works of Avicenna (Ibn Sinä) reached Europe, quite early and in medie¬

val times they were well known in Europe. It was not till the Arabic texts of

al-Biruni's al-Ätär al-Bäqiya and the Kitäb al-Hind were edited and published by

Eduard C.Sachau in 1878 and 1887 respectively that al-Birüni was actually es¬

tablished in Europe.

(13)

Qädi Sä'id al-Andalusi's Account of Science in Ancient Persia 45

material more or less on the lines of traditional statements concer¬

ning Zoroaster and his religion in Muslim sources. It seems to have

no connection with known Zoroastrian sources"". No other Arabic

source except the Tanbih can be specifically mentioned.

Ancient Persian Chronology

Like al-Mas'üdi, Hamza al-Isfahäni, al-Birüni and others, Sä'id

knew that there were different views on the total duration of the

Persian monarchy and states that he had discussed it at length in

his book öawämi' Ahbär al-Umam, which is no longer extant. He

also knew that there was no authentic source which could resolve

the differences and correctly establish the chronology of ancient

Persia. He considers it to be 3164 years, which does not agree with

at-Tabari and his follower Miskawaih. According to Sä'id the

duration from the beginning of Kayümart's reign to the beginning

of the reign of Manücihr is about 1000 years but at-Tabari records

it to be 1922 years"^.

Sä'id differs from al-Mas'üdi about the total duration of the

Persian monarchy, who records that it was either 4140 or 4471

years and five months"*. He records that the first dynasty ruled

for 1000 years while al-Mas'üdi puts it at 1810 years, in which he

allots to Dahhäk a reign of 1000 years; as for the second dynasty,

Sä'id and al-Mas'üdi do not differ much - the former puts it at

200 whereas the latter has 198 years. Regarding the third dynasty,

Sä'id's figure is 1000 years while that of al-Mas'üdi is 738 years

only. Concerning the fourth dynasty (Arsacids or Parthians) -

which is called "the Petty Dynasty" in this chapter - the duration

given by Sä'id is 537 years, but al-Mas'üdi puts it at 513 years.

The duration of the Sasanian dynasty is actually 442 years till 32

A. H./652-53 A. D. when Yazdgird III, its last king, was killed,

" Among other Arabic authors, it is al-Mas'üdi who had direct information from original Zoroastrian sources. See his Tanbih, pp. 91-92; J. J. Modi; Zarathu¬

stra and Zoroastrianism in Mas'üdi's Kitäb Murüg ad-Dahab wa Ma'ädin al-

öawähir, in: Journal of the K.R. Cama Oriental Institute, Bombay, Vol. XXV,

pp. 148-158. Md. Mo'In: Ma'südi on Zoroastra, in: al-Mas'üdi Millenary Com¬

memoration Volume. Ed. by S. Maqbijl Ahmad and A.Rahman. Aligarh 1960,

pp. 62-68.

*^ See his Ta'rih, edition cited in note 19 above. Vol. 1.

« Al-Mas'üdi, ^Tanbih, p. 85.

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46 M. S. Khan

but Sä'id puts it at 443 years while al-Mas'üdi's figure is 440 years

and 4 months'". Clearly enough, Sä'id does not follow al-Mas'üdi

but he fails to mention his source of information, but al-Mas'üdi

states that he saw a history of the Sasanians at Fars in which the

total duration of the Sasanian rulers had been recorded as 433

years^l This might be Sä'id's source of information.

Hamza al-Isfahäni records two different traditions - the total

period in which all the dynasties ruled being either 4182 years,

10 months and 19 days or 4409 years, 9 months and 22 days,

neither of which agrees with the total period of Sä'id's or al-

Mas'üdi's calculation"'. Al-Birüni followed different traditions

and records many incorrect chronologies but some of his chrono¬

logical tables might be approximately correct. His calculations,

however, do not generally agree with those of Sä'id. For example,

the period of the Achaeminian dynasty as given by al-Birüni is

638 years^" but Sä'id records it to be 1000 years. The difference is

due to the fact that no work of al-Birüni's was available to Sä'id

at Toledo. It may be pointed out here that Abü'1-Farag az-

Zangäni's statement concerning the rule of the Sasanian dynasty

being 443 years, as recorded by al-Birüni^', almost agrees with

that of al-Mas'üdi and Sä'id which is 433 years.

The ancient history of Persia which is partly mythical and

legendary has been set in a chronological framework and it is not

possible to arrive at a definite conclusion regarding the

chronology of this history. The available information has been

critically examined in Vols. II and III of the Cambridge History

of Iran published recently". The expert contributors have taken

into consideration the results of modern researches and the find¬

ings of the archeological excavations undertaken in Iran during

For all these details of the ancient chronology of Persia recorded by al- Mas'üdi and Sä'id and their differences see Tanbih, pp. 85-103, and Tabaqät, pp. 15-16.

See Tanbih, p. 106 where it is stated that it was found in the treasure of the Persian kings in Gumädä al-Ähir 113/731 and it was translated from Pahlawi into Arabic for Caliph Hisäm b. 'Abd al-Malik.

" See his Ta'rih ed. cited, pp. 15-16 and dO.

" AbÄtär abBäqiya, edition cited, p. 111. Md. Mo'In, op. cit. in note no. 30 above.

" Op. cit., pp. 127-128. Al-Biruni knew about the reduction of the time span between Alexander and the rise of the Sasanians.

" See Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. II. Edited by Ilya Gershevitch. Cam¬

bridge, Univ. Press, 1985, pp.946.

(15)

Qädi Sä'id al-Andalusi's Account of Science in Ancient Persia 47

the last decades. According to them, this chronology stands as

follows in terms of millennia:

The first millennium of the mixed states = 1000 years.

The second millennium reign of Dahhäk = 1000 years.

The third millennium of the mixed state = 1000 years.

The fourth millennium of the mixed state = 538 years."

The total comes to 3538 ofthe Zoroastrian world year which is

the first year of Ardasir's reign. The Sasanian dynasty ruled for

428 years. Therefore, the total era in which all the Persian dynas¬

ties ruled before Islam will be 3966 years.

Ancient Religions of Persia

In so far as the ancient religions of Persia are concerned al-

Mas'üdi and Sä'id make similar erroneous statements. Both state

that the Hunafä' and the Säbi'a are one and the same, but cor¬

rectly speaking, from the point of religion, they are completely

different. It is not correct at all, as Sä'id maintains, that the Per¬

sians were monotheists in the beginning, following the religion of

Noah. Like the early Indo-Aryans the early Persians followed

polytheism, which is found in the Yast and the Rigveda. Sä'id's

Büdäsf cannot be regarded as the historical Buddha and his re¬

ligion has nothing to do with Buddhism because it does not agree

with its short account given here^". Moreover, it is stated by Sä'id

that Büdäsf flourished eighteen hundred years before Zoroaster.

It would be chronologically incorrect if Büdäsf were to be iden¬

tified as Buddha". However, this problem of the identification of

" Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. Ill (pt. 1), edited by Ehsan Yarshater. Cam¬

bridge 1983, pp. 383-387.

" Al-Mas'üdi is perhaps the first Arab author who links Buddha (BüdäsO with

the religion of the Sabians, Tanbih, pp. 161-62 and Murüg ad-Dahab, revised

edition by Charles Pellat, 2nd Vol. (Beyrouth 1966), p.380 para 1371. For al-

Birüni's views on this subject see A. Jeffery: Al-Birüni's contribution to comparative Religion, in: Ah Birüni Commemoration Volume, Calcutta 1951, pp. 147-148.

" It is not possible to discuss here or determine the dates of birth and death of

Zoroaster and Buddha. Many books and articles have been written based on

modern researches but these problems have remained unsolved. The scholars and historians generally agree that Zoroaster lived between 850-550 B. C. and Buddha lived roughly between 567-487 B. C. Büdäsf, the leamed, is actually one of the heroes in a collecfion of Buddhist Jätaka stories which was well known in Central

(16)

48 M.S. Khan

Büdäsf created by Sä'id is solved by al-Birüni, who states that

Büdäsf was a pseudo-prophet who appeared after the first year of

Tahmurät's reign and "called the people to the religion of the

Sabians". He thought that he was either a Säbi or a Hanafi of the

East". But al-Mas'üdi asserts that the Sabians followed the re¬

ligion of Abraham and for this reason they were called Hunafä\

which may be considered a correct statement if the Sabians are

identified with the followers of Säbi, son of Methushael, son of

Enoch (Prophet Idrls) and a brother of Lamech^'. Al-Mas'üdi

adds that this was the religion which Büdäsf brought to Tah¬

murät", but it is not correct to state that the religion brought by

Büdäsf was the same as that of the Sabians.

Although Sä'id had a better and more correct knowledge of

Zoroaster than the legendary material contained in at-Tabari and

at-Ta'älibi, yet he does not mention the Avesta, which is recorded

by al-Mas'üdi as al-Abista or Ahistaq^^ and by al-Birüni correctly

as Avesta^°. Sä'id's teacher Ibn Hazm does not mention it by title

either but it was known to the later writers who wrote on the

history of religions.

The statement that the Zoroastrians worship fire and believe in

a conflict between Ahura Mazda (Ohrmazd), the True God, and

Angra Mainyu (Ahriman), the Destructive Spirit, is correct, and

they are represented as light and darkness. Sä'id has copied from

al-Mas'üdi the incorrect statement that the Zoroastrians believed

that this world was composed of five eternal principles - God, the

Devil, matter, time and space*'. Al-Bäri (God) and Iblis (Satan)

may be identified as Ahura Mazda and Ahriman, the good spirit

Asia and Eastern Iran. It was translated from Pahlawi into Arabic by the school of Ibn al-Muqaffa' (Fihrist, p. 438). The name Büdäsf itself is a corrupution of Sanskrit Bodhisattva, the title acquired by meritorious beings who were well along

on the path of enlightenment; David Pingree: The Thousands of Abü Ma'shar.

London 1968, p.4 note 2.

" Al-Ätär al-Bäqiya, pp. 204-206.

" At-Tabari, op. cit. Vol. I, p. 178 where the word Säbi has been explained; see al-Mas'üdi, Tanbih, p.91 and pp. 161-162 where he applies the word Säbia to the ancient religions of China, Persia, Egypt, Greece and Rome.

" Tanbih, p. 91.

" Tanbih, p. 91 where a description of its different parts is given.

'» Äl-Ätär al-Bäqiya, ed. cited pp.100, 105, 106, 113, 114, 129, 216 and 220.

Hamza al-Isfahäni states that he read a translation of the Avesta. But what was the language of this translation?

" Tanbih, p.93; Tabaqät, p. 17.

(17)

Qädi Sä'id al-Andalusi's Account of Science in Ancient Persia 49

and evil spirit respectively. Most probably "al-Mas'üdi's source

of information is one of the works of Abu Bakr Muhammad b.

Zakariyah ar-Räzi, in which he invented ancient precedents for

his own highly original doctrine ofthe 'five elements' - the Crea¬

tor, the soul, matter or atoms, time and space, and attributed

them to various ancient thinkers including Zoroaster". "Räzi's

replacement in this list of his own first two principles by God and

the Devil is of course a concession to genuine Zoroastrian be¬

lief "^^ However, al-Mas'üdi gives the correct Pahlawi original

words, i.e. Ohrmazd, Ahriman, Gäh and Gäy for the first four

of these principles that are mentioned also by Sä'id in Arabic, but

he does not copy these words. The correct word used by al-

Mas'üdi for the fifth principle, matter - hawn as read by De

Goeje {Tanbih, p.93) - is not correct, but Sä'id's hayula indica¬

ting matter {Tabaqät, p. 17) is the correct word, but the Muslims

consider äb, ätas, häk and bäd, that is water, fire, earth and air,

to be the four principles, not eternal ones but created by God.

It is also correct to state that the Persians believed that

Zoroaster was a prophet sent by God,*" and the Zoroastrians were

given the status of the 'People of the Book' under Muslim rule

like the Jews and the Christians*'.

Sciences in Ancient Persia

Among the sciences cultivated in pre-lslamic Persia Sä'id men¬

tions astronomy, astrology and medicine**. He correctly states that

they had knowledge concerning the influence of the planets on

" See Pail Krans (ed.): Räzi's al- Rasä'il al-Falsafiyah, pp. 183-185 and S.M.

Stern's contribution to the Henning Memorial Volume, pp. 413-415. See Mehdi

Mohaghegh: Räzi's Kitäb al-llm abilähi and the Five Eternals, in his Failasüf-i Rayy Md. bin-i Zakariya-i Räzi, Tehran 1974, 2nd ed. pp. 28-35 (English).

Opinion expressed by Dr. Francois De Blois of London in his letter dated the 10th January, 1988, with which the present writer fully agrees.

" See the works of Mary Boyce, based on original sources; Ehsan Yarshater

(Ed.): Cambridge History of Iran. Vol. IH, chapter 10(a), pp.343-358; J. Du¬

chesne-Guillemin: ibid. Vol. Ill (2), pp. 866-897.

" This is another evidence to establish the fact that the Zoroastrians were given the status of'People of the Book'.

" Ibn an-Nadim mentions only astrology and medicine, but Sä'id does not

mention Gundisäpür established under Anüserwän as a leading centre of Persian medicine, in which the Indian Ayurvedic system was syncretized with the Greek system propagated by the Nestorian Christian.

(18)

50 M.S. Khan

the lower world and mentions three titles of books on astrology -

two written by Zoroaster and one by Gämäsp the Wise.

Regarding astronomy, however, Sä'id gives correct information

about the world-year of the Persians which is 360,000 years, one

twelve thousandth part of the calculation of the Siddhänta, i.e.

4320,000,000, when the conjunction of all the planets occurs at

the zero point, without their nodes and apogees. But he has not

clearly stated that this calculation was followed in the astronomi¬

cal table called Zig-i Sahriyär, composed during the reign of

Husraw Anüserwän and revised under Yazdgird IH.*'. He does

not mention this table at all although Ibn an-Nadim refers to it

twice in his Kitäb al-Fihrist^^. It is a correct statement that the

famous astrologer-astronomer Abü Ma'sar al-Balhi had followed

the Persian calculation in his Zig al-Kabir or Great Astronomical

Table, which seems to be lost. His other work, the Kitäb al-Ulüf

or Zig al-Hazärät, has been studied recently*'. It has been con¬

firmed by al-Birüni and others that Abü Ma'sar al-Balhi followed

the Persian calculation™.

It is difficult to verify the statement of Sä'id that Abü Ma'sar

al-Balhi has stated somewhere that, besides by the Persians, this

calculation was also followed by India, Babylonia and China. The

exact reference to Abü Ma'sar's book has not been given and this

statement cannot possibly be traced in any of the available books

or fragments by Abü Ma'sar. Besides, Abü Ma'sar is supposed to

have stated that the great Indian astronomer Kanka" considered

" Fuat Sezgin: GAS, Vol. VI, pp. 106-111; David Pingree, op. cit., pp.12-13;

46-51; 56-57.

" Kitäb abFihrist, ed. cited, pp.241 quoting Abü Ma'sar and also p. 244.

" David Pingree, op. cit., p. 148; refers also to al-Sigzi's Kitäb Qiränät wa Tahäwil Sini al-Alam.

Al-Birüni recognizes that the equations in Abü Ma'sar's Zig were taken from

the Zig-i Säh which had got them from an Indian source. See his Tamhid al-

Mustaqarr, 1st ed., Hyderabad 1367/1948, pp.24, 30 and 54.

" Sä'id has mentioned Kanka as an outstanding astronomer of India in his chapter on Indian sciences quoting the Kitäb al-Ulüf of Abü Ma'sar. He could not yet be definitely identified. See Fuat Sezgin: GAS, Vol. V, pp. 191-92; 202.

Kanka the Indian is mentioned as the author of four books on astronomy and

astrology by Ibn an-Nadim, see op. cit., p. 270. It has been suggested that Kanka is a general word for an astrologer as Malemo is actually the Arabic mu'allim. See G. R. Tibbetts : Arab Navigation in the Indian Ocean Before the Coming of the Portuguese, London 1971, pp.614 at p.9. See notes nos. 56 and 102 of my paper An Eleventh Century Hispano-Arabic Source for Aneient Indian Sciences and Cui-

(19)

Qädi Sä'id al-Andalusi's Account of Science in Ancient Persia 51

it to be the best of all calculations. These statements are the ad¬

ditions by Sä'id himself. They are not found in the Tanbih of

al-Mas'üdi or the Fihrist of Ibn an-Nadim.

Sä'id states that the Persians had old astronomical tables but does

not specify who compiled them and where they were compiled.

It is obvious that whatever Sä'id writes on the Persian contribu¬

tion to astronomy was most probably based on the statements of

Abü Ma'sar al-Balhi'^ (d. 273/88), whose Kitäb al-Ulüf^ or its

fragments were perhaps known to him, but he does not specially

mention its title here.

Ofthe two works attributed to Zoroaster the one that deals with

astrology is entitled Representation of the Degrees of the Zodiacal

Circle. Although such attributions are generally spurious yet a MS

of its recension made by Ahmad b. Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Galil

al-Sigzi is available'". The other work attributed to him, the Book

of Commentary, seems to be, as stated clearly by al-Mas'üdi, the

same as the commentary written by Zoroaster on the Avesta". But

Sä'id has committed an error by describing it as a work on

astrology. The third book mentioned by Sä'id, the Kitäb

Gämäsf"', a book on astrology, creates difficulties. A Kitäb

ture, in: Professor H. K. Sherwani Felicitation Volume, Ed. by P.M. Joshi & M.A.

Nayeem, Hyderabad 1975, pp. 357-389 where this Kanka has been identified as

Garga.

In so far as the chronology and era of the Persians are concemed both Hamza al-Isfahäni and al-BTrüni refer to Abü Ma'sar whose works were available to both of them. Regarding this astrologer and his works see David Pingree: Abü Ma'shar Jafar bin Mohammad al-Balkhi (d. Wäsit, Irag 9th March, 886), in: Dictionary of

Scientific Biography New York 1981, Vol. I, pp.32-39; Fuat Sezgin: CAS, Vol.

VI, pp. 156-157.

" The original Kitäb abUlüf or Kitäb abHazärät is lost but a summary by

Ahmad 'Abd al-Galil al-Sigzi (fl. 1000 A. D.) entitled as al-Gämi'al-Sähi is avail¬

able and it has been studied by David Pingree as The Thousands of Abü Ma'sar See above. See also D. M. Dunlop: 77ie Mudhäkarät fi 'Ilm an-Nugüm {Dialogues on Astrology), attributed to Abü Ma'shar al-Balkhi, in: Iran and Islam, Ed. by C. E. Bosworth.

" This is a Greek astrological text of the second century B.C. ascribed to Zoroaster of which fragments have been preserved by Proclus and in the Geopon¬

ica. For its recension by Ahmad b. Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Galil al-Sigzi see Fuat Sezgin: GAS, Vol. VI, p. 85. A Persian translation of this book is also available in the Majlis Library of Tehran. See its Catalogue Vol. II, pp. 92-93.

" See his Murüg ad-Dahab wa Ma'ädin al-Gawähir, ed. cited above. Vol. I, p. 271 para 549.

He is called Gämäsf al-Hakim or al-'Alim. See Ibn an-Nadim, op. cit., p. 239

(20)

52 M.S. Khan

Gämäsf is a work on chemistry mentioned by Ibn an-Nadim". A

Persian translation of this work is available in a MS at Tehran.

Sä'id does not mention the surviving Persian elements in

astronomy or astrology. Equally significant is the fact that he cites

only Abü Ma'sar al-Balhi, which establishes his deserved or un¬

deserved reputation in matters of astronomy and astrology both

in the East and the West, but no other name, from among other

well-known names even in these two subjects, is mentioned by

Sä'id. He mentions Zoroaster and Gämäsf but such attributions

are generally spurious. He has not mentioned Buzurgmihr who is

supposed to be the counsellor of Husraw I.'* (531-578 A. D.). The

astronomical and astrological elements in the Bundahisn were not

known to him. A historical name which he should have mentioned

is al-Andarzagar b. Zädän-Faruh whose book Kitäh al-Mawälid

was translated from Pahlawi into Arabic". This information may

be collected now from scattered quotations and references in

Arabic works of biographers, astronomers and astrologers. Quo¬

tations from this book may be found in several Arabic manu¬

scripts which have not yet been edited, such as the works of Ibn

al-Hasib, Sahl ibn Bisr, Ibn Hibinta, al-Qabisi, as-Samäw' al

'Imrän b. Ahmad, Abraham b. Ezra; to whom must be added 'Ali

b. Abi'r-Riyäl, known in the Latin translation made from an old

Castilian version^".

The only explanation that can be given for these omissions is

the fact that manuscripts of these books were not available to

Sä'id at Toledo. Therefore, it was not possible for him to give a

and 354; he was probably Gämäspa, husband of Zoroaster's daughter Pourucistä and a minister at the Court of the local king Vistaspa. Bayard Dodge: Engl, trans,

of the Fihrist of Ibn an-Nadim. New York 1970, Vol. II, p. 1023 quoting the

Sähnäma and at-Tabari.

" Op. cit., p. 354. Kitäb Gämäsf fis-san'a. There is a Zamäsp-Nämak in verse.

See Benveniste, in: Revue de I'Histoire des Religions, Vol. CVI/1932, 366 ff See H.Masse: Buzurgmihr, in: Enc. of Islam, new edition. Vol. I, pp. 1358- 1359. He was Buzurgmihr b. Bahtakän. See Bayard Dodge, op. cit.. Vol. II, p. 975,

quoting the Sähnäma and al-Mas'üdi, Carlo Nallino: 'Ilm al-Falak Ta'rihuhü

'ind al-'Arab Rome 1911, pp. 190-195.

" Carlo Nallino, op. cit., pp.194 and 211-213. I owe these references to Pro¬

fessor Paul Kunitzsch of Miinehen, provided in his two letters dated October 21,

1984 and January 7, 1985. See Fuat Sezgin: GAS, Vol. VI, p.66; Jan Rypka, op.

cit., p. 57.

'° See Carlo Nallino, op. cit., passim.

(21)

Qädi Sä'id al-Andalusi's Account of Science in Ancient Persia 53

more informative aceount of astronomy, astrology, astronomers

and astrologers of Ancient Persia in this chapter. They were not

mentioned in his primary source, i.e. the Tanbih of al-Mas'üdi.

Merits

As Ibn Gulgul and other historians and scholars of the Western

Caliphate generally ignored Persia, it is commendable that Sä'id

wrote this chapter on its history and culture, showing the catho¬

licity of his mind and his secular outlook. He records what he

considers to be an authentic chronology of ancient Persia and

correctly notes that the Persians were not only good administra¬

tors but also well-versed in statecraft. The Sasanian kings, espe¬

cially, followed sound rules of politics and government. Long be¬

fore him al-Gähiz, in his treatise on the Turks, had awarded the

palm of statesmanship to the Sasanian kings^'. Compared to what

at-Tabari and at-Ta'älibi have written, this chapter undoubtedly

contains less legendary material. Like a scientist he has compared

the Persian world-year of 360,000 solar years with that of the Sind

Hind {Siddhänta) of India, while his senior contemporary al-

Birüni had already compared it with all the three systems of In¬

dian world-years, e.g. Sind Hind, al-Argabhar and al-Arkand^^.

It is correct that it has been borrowed from Abü Ma'sar's Zig

based on the Person world-year. This was supposed to have been

devised during the time of Gamsid". He does not record state¬

ments based on myths or legends as had been done by some of

his predecessors. Objectively, he gives a very short account of the

ancient religions of Persia up to its conquest by the Arab Muslims.

Sä'id's statement that Zoroaster appeared when thirty years of the

reign of Vistäsp had elapsed, agrees with the generally recorded

traditions. His short account of the conquest of Persia by the

Over and above the work of Arthur Christensen on the Sasanians, the latest and most critical account is given in the Cambridge History of Iran, ed. by Ehsan Yarshater, Vol. Ill, parts I and II (Cambridge 1983). See also Encyclopedia Iranica, Vol. I (1985); II (1967); III (1989); IV (1990) passim.

" E.S. Kennedy: The Sasanian Astronomical Handbook Zig-i Shäh and the

Astrological Doctrine of Transit (Mamarr), in : JAOS, Vol. 78/4 (Oct.-Dec. 1958), pp. 246-262.

" Carlo Nallino, op. cit., pp. 181-184; 187-188. David Pinoree, op. cit., pp. 28-29.

(22)

54 M.S. Khan

Muslims is correct. It is not without a sense of pride that he states

that many Persians still professed their old religion of Zoroaster

and that they were treated as 'People of the Book' by the

Muslims*". It has to be stated here that the Syrian Jacobite his¬

torian Abu 1-Farag b. al-'Ibri (d. 1286 A.D.) considered this chap¬

ter so important that he copied verbatim at least two sentences

from it in his Ta'rih^^.

Demerits

Like Sä'id's chapters on ancient Egypt, Rome and Chaldea, this

chapter is entirely inadequate and weak. Generally speaking,

Sä'id displays a tendency to exaggerate in his statements concern¬

ing the contributions of the Persians to astronomy, astrology and

medicine which are not borne out by facts of history. The Persians

of antiquity did not produce any outstanding astronomers or phy¬

sicians like those of Greece and India.

In other chapters of this book there is at least biographical and

bibliographical information which is not found in this chapter.

Except for Abü Ma'sar al-Balhi no other scientist or physician has

been mentioned, as already stated above. There are several state¬

ments which show that Sä'id borrowed information from his

sources without any scrutiny or acknowledgement. Even from his

primary source, the Tanbih of al-Mas'üdi, he has failed to record

important information on the subject. More original and detailed

information was available on the subject in the works of the his¬

torians of the Eastern Caliphate, which Sä'id perhaps could not

use at Toldeo.

Concluding Remarks

The historians of Arab Spain neglected Persia because it was

situated on the other side of the Islamic world and it was difficult

for them to obtain information about it. For this reason, Sä'id's

compatriot Ibn Gulgul could not write about any Persian scientist

" See note 65 above.

»5 Ta'rih Muhtasar ad-Duwal ed. by SälihänI (Beirut 1890), p.79. Md.

Muhammadi has quoted the Tabaqät concerning the Persians of antiquity, op. cit., p. 16.

(23)

Qädi Sä'id al-Andalusi's Account of Science in Ancient Persia 55

in his book and it was also difficult for Sä'id to obtain information

on the subject.

There is no doubt that Sä'id has committed several minor errors

of judgement but these were errors committed by his predecessors

from whom he borrowed information. Nevertheless, his approach

is critical concerning the historical data available to him. Regard¬

ing the total period of the history of Ancient Persia before the

Arab conquest, he knew quite well that it was in great confusion

and he attempted to solve this problem and reach a definite con¬

clusion by a critical analysis of his sources. Another important

passage in this chapter is the one dealing with Zoroaster and his

religion. Sä'id shows an impartial objectivity in discussing its

principles and records bare facts. This chapter clearly shows that

the Muslim writers and scholars were interested in ancient and

contemporary non-Muslim religions and foreign cultures and civ¬

ilizations and treated them with remarkable impartiality and un¬

biased objectivity. It also shows the extent of the knowledge of

ancient Persian history, sciences and religions an educated Arab

possessed in eleventh-century Spain.

(24)

Die türkisclien Finanz-(Maliye-)Jahre ab 1917

Von Johannes Lindner, Berlin

Wer sich mit der Türkei der Jahre 1917 bis 1925 beschäftigt und

hierbei die Maliyedaten ab 1334 (1918) mittels der Wüstenfeld-

Mahler'schen Vergleichungs-Tabellen^ in christliche Daten um¬

formt, der erhält für die Monate Kanun-i sani (Januar) und §ubat

(Februar) stets ein Jahr zu wenig, denn dort ist für die Jahresan¬

fänge durchweg der 1. März angegeben, obwohl seit 1334 (1918)

die Maliyejahre jeweils am 1. Januar beginnen.

Den meisten Benutzern der Maliye-Tabelle wird diese Unstim¬

migkeit nicht aufgefallen sein, da sie für die Monate März bis

Dezember stets die richtigen Jahreszahlen erhalten. Sollte aber

jemand eine Einjahresdifferenz bei den Monaten Januar oder Fe¬

bruar festgestellt haben, so hat er vermutlich nicht die Richtigkeit

der Tabelle angezweifelt, sondern dem Datenschreiber oder ir¬

gendwelchen anderen Umständen die Schuld zugeschrieben.

Auf die Differenz bei den Jahresanfängen wurde ich anläßlich

einer Arbeit über die Datierung der ersten Münzen der Türki¬

schen Republik (1340 und 1341) aufmerksam,^ als ich das die

Ermächtigung zur Prägung dieser Münzen betreffende Gesetz^ in

den Düstur aufsuchte. Dort ist als Datum des Gesetzes angege¬

ben:

6 recep 1342 ve J2 ?ubat 1340.

Das linke Datum ist das muslimische Datum, rechts daneben

steht das analoge Maliyedatum. Das dem muslimischen Datum

entsprechende christliche Datum ist der „12. Februar 1924", je¬

doch fmdet man hierfür auf Seite 36 der Wüstenfeld-Mahler'schen

' Wüstenfeld-Mahler'sche Vergleichungs-Tabellen, neu bearbeitet von Bertold Spuler, 3. Auflage, Wiesbaden 1961, Seite 36.

^ Johannes Lindner : Die Datierung der ersten Münzen der Türkischen Republik (1340 und 1341), in: money-trend Nr.6/1993, Seiten 18-19.

' Düstur, 3. Terdp, Band 5, Istanbul 1931, Seiten 622-623.

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