Notes on the Literary Output of Husayn ibn 'Ali
By George J. Kanazi, Haifa
Husayn ibn 'All ibn Abi Tälib was born four years after the hijra of the
Prophet Muhammad from Mecca to Medina, namely in 626 ad. He and his
brother Hasan were two grandsons of the Prophet, who looked on them as his
own sons and took good care of them.' They both got their religious education
from their grandfather and from their father as well, who is generally believed
to have been very well informed in matters of religion and traditions.^ Husayn
led a religious life and came to be highly respected by the community.
In the political turmoil that followed the death of the Prophet Muhammad
and then the assassination of 'Uthmän, the third Orthodox caliph, there de¬
veloped a concept according to which the heritage of the Prophet had to be
confined to the ahi al-bayt, the holy family, that is, the close family mem¬
bers of the Prophet Muhammad.^ According to this concept the ahi al-bayt
were five in number: the Prophet himself, his daughter Fätima,'' her husband
'All, and their two sons Hasan and Husayn. Consequently, the heritage of
the Prophet Muhammad, the religious and political leadership of the umma.
' Many traditions of the Prophet express exphcitly the concept of considering Hasan
and Husayn as his two sons. See Tawfiq AbO 'Alam: al-Husayn ihn 'Ali. Cairo ''1990,
pp. 28-29; Muhammad 'Abd al-Rahim: Diwän al-Husayn ibn 'All. Beirut 1992. In
chapters 2 and 3, pp. 27-38, several hadiths are quoted expressing the idea that both
Hasan and Husayn are referred to as 'my two sons' or Husayn alone as 'my son'. In Amäli al-Sadüq (Qumm 1417, p. 177) the Prophet is quoted as saying about Husayn: he is a part of me, and he is my son and offspring, and he is the best of creatures after his brother ...
^ The tradition of the Prophet Anä madinatu l-'ilm wa-'Aliyyun häbuhä (I am the
city of knowledge and 'All is its gate) is very often quoted to refer to 'All's vast knowledge in matters of religion.
' Not all parties accepted this meaning of the term. For its dilTerent interpretations see I. Goldziher/C. van Arendonk/A.S. Tritton: "ahi al-bayt." In: EP. For further discussion see the articles of Moshe Sharon: "The development of the debate around the legitimacy of authority in early Islam." In: Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam (JSAI) 5 (1984), pp. 121-142; idem: "Ahl al-bayt, people of the House: a study of the transformation of a term from Jähiliyya to Islam." In: JSAI 8 (1986), pp. 169-184; idem: "The Umayyads as abi al-bayt." In: ]SAl 14 (1991), pp. 115-149.
■* For details about Fätima and her role in the early years of Islam see L.V. Vaglieri:
"Fätima." In: EP.
342 George J. Kanazi
had to be confined to his two grandsons and their offspring. What actually
happened was the transfer of power to the Umayyads through the efforts of
Mu'äwiya, the founder of the Umayyad dynasty. It was in that period that
the line of thought of a religio-political party that came to be known as the
shVat 'All, and then in its short form, the shi'a, was crystallized. This party
believed that 'All should have succeeded the Prophet immediately, and that
the leadership should have passed to his sons first, and then through them
to their offspring without any interruption. 'All's supporters, the shi'ites,
believed that he was the first Imäm, his son Hasan was the second and his
second son, Husayn, was the third. In fact, when in 40/660 Mu'äwiya took
over after the abdication of Hasan, a situation arose in which Mu'äwiya was
considered the leader of the state while Hasan was the Imäm, the religious
leader of the shi'ites, then probably a minority. The concept of the imäma
with its characteristics developed, and it passed from one Imäm to another
according to basic beliefs in the shi'a.
After abdicating to Mu'äwiya, Hasan remained the Imäm of the shi'ites
till his death (or assassination by poison, as some authorities mention) in
50/670.^ Husayn then became the third Imäm, and as he was not totally
at peace with his brother's abdication to Mu'äwiya but could do noth¬
ing against it, he felt more responsible and tried to regain power from
the Umayyads. Feeling strong enough with the promised support of the
Kufites, he left Hijäz and went to Küfa to lead a rebellion against the newly
nominated Umayyad Caliph, Yazid, who succeeded his father Mu'äwiya in
60/680. Husayn felt that the appointment of YazTd was contradictory to the
terms of agreement between Hasan and Mu'äwiya, and that Yazid was not
fit for that high post. He was convinced that he could change the course of
events, encouraged and supported by the Küfites and their anti-Umayyad
position. He therefore declared an open revolt, left Hijäz, and went to Iraq,
despite the repeated warnings of his close relatives and associates. When he
reached the area of Küfa he realized that the Umayyad efforts to abort his
rebellion were succeeding so the promised support of the Küfites did not
materialize. He was left with only a few enthusiastic supporters and family
members, and consequently was killed, together with many of those who
remained with him, at Karbalä' in 61/681, the first year of Yazid in power.
* The tradition tells that Mu'äwiya promised the wife of Imäm Hasan a substantial
amount of money in addition to becoming a wife to his son Yazid, if she agreed to put
poison in her husband's meal. When she did he gave her the money but did not take her as daughter-in-law. See Abü al-Faraj al-Asfahäni: Maqätil al-Tälibiyyin. Ed. Ahmad Saqr.
Cairo ^1972, pp. 73-74. Muhammad ibn al-Nu'män (al-Shaykh al-Mufid): al-Irshäd. Bei¬
rut 1410/1989, pp. 191-192.
Notes on the Literary Output of Husayn ibn 'Ali 343
It seems natural that at that time oration and poetry were normally used
to win people over to one's ideas or standpoints. The early caliphs were
all known for their eloquence, and 'All, Husayn's father in particular, was a
well known orator and poet. His literary prose output was collected by the
famous al-Sharif al-Radi (359-406/970-1015) in Nahj al- Balägha f" and his
poetry is compiled in the Diwän 'Ali7
Like his father, Husayn was endowed with literary talent, of which he made
good use. In his lifetime there were several occasions when he had to write let¬
ters, mainly to Mu'äwiya on political matters, or when he resorted to oration
or to poetry to express himself or to convince his audience on a certain point,
or to present a certain idea or give vent to thoughts that troubled him.
The shi'ite sources quote from Husayn's poetry and prose, but no anthol¬
ogy of his poetical utterances or artistic prose has come down to us. The
first attempt to collect Husayn's poetry — so far as we know - was made by
Abü Mikhnaf Lüt ibn Yahyä (d. 157/773),^ and it seems to have existed as
early as the second half of the second century of the Hijra, eighth century
AD. This collection was still available during the seventh/thirteenth century.
Irbill (d. 693/1293) used a copy of it written by 'Abdalläh ibn al-Khashshäb
(d. 567/1171)^ in which Abü Mikhnaf is quoted as saying: "Much of the
poetry that is usually attributed to Husayn ibn 'All is in fact that of other
poets which he quoted on several occasions."'" To obtain Husayn's genuine
poetry, Abü Mikhnaf states that he gathered it from reliable sources and
' The question of the authenticity of the material in this book was much discussed by several authors, so it will not be raised here.
' There are several editions of this Diwän. See for example Diwän al-Imäm Ali, ed.
M. 'A. M. KhafäjI, Beirut: Där Ihn Zeidün n.d. Another edition was compiled and edited by 'A. A. al-Karam, but no date or place of print is given. A third edition was prepared by
NaTm ZarzOr, Beirut: Där al-Kutub al-Tlmiyya 1985. A fourth edition by M. 'Abd al-
Rahmän 'Awad was published by the same publishing house in 1993. Also in 1973 'Abd
AL-'AzIz Sayyid al-Ahl published in Beirut al-Shi'r al- Mansüb ilä al-Imäm al-Wasi Ali
ibn Abi Tälib. Another edition, Diwän al-Imäm Ali ibn Abi Tälib with the commentary of 'Ali Mahdi Zeitün was published by Där al-Jil, Beirut, n.d. The question of the origi¬
nality and genuineness of this poetry is the subject of a separate study.
* He is a well-informed authority on the history of Iraq in particular, in the first and
second centuries of Islam. His book on Maqtal al-Husayn is an important work on the
events which led to the killing of Husayn at Karbalä'. On his scholarship and works see
Ursula Sezgin: Abü Mikbnaf. Leiden 1971.
' For his biography see Yäqüt: Mu'jam al-Udabä'. Cairo n.d., vol. xii, pp. 47-53.
Ibn Khallikän: Wafayät al-A'yän. Cairo: Maktabat al-Nahda al-Misriyya 1948, vol. ii,
pp. 288-290. Qifti: Inbäh al-Ruwät. Cairo 1371/1952, vol. ii, pp. 99-103. Suyütl: Bugbyat al-Wu'ät. Ed. M. Abü al-Fadl IbrähIm. Cairo 1384/1965, vol. ii, pp. 29-31.
'° 'All Ibn 'Isä Al-Irbill: Kashf al-Ghumma 'an Ma'rifat al-A'imma. Beirut: Där al-
Adwä' 21985/1405; vol. ii, p. 243.
344 George J. Kanazi
trustworthy transmitters such 'Abd al-Rahmän ibn Nakhba al-Khuzä'i and
al-Musayyab ibn Räfi' al-Makhzüml and others.
In his efforts to assemble Husayn's poetry, Abü Mikhnaf states that he
copied some lines from a certain Bedouin from Sal', for which he paid with
his new garment that he had bought for ten dinars. If this is true, the first
four passages in IrbilT's book (25 lines) are those recited by that Bedouin.
The shi'r of Husayn collected by Abü Mikhnaf and copied by Irbill"
seems originally to have included eleven passages. From this first collection
four passages are in rajaz:
1. A three-line passage that Husayn improvised on the day of his killing,
preferring death over disgraceful deeds:
jLül (J ^ j^^J jL«Jl <^^J ^ ^r\>- o i_jjb>- ljl» J IJL»
"Death is better than disgrace, and disgrace is better than getting into Hell;
but Allah protects me from this and that."
2. A nine-line passage in which Husayn boasts of his father and his contri¬
bution to Islam during the lifetime of the Prophet, and then expresses his
astonishment at those who were not the Prophet's close kin, but for all
that sought to inherit him. It opens by the words:
Lj'i>! li*''ji"^"^'
"1 am Husayn ibn 'All, the (real) son of my father!"
3. Twenty lines from an incomplete text that starts:
^ ^../3; L» *ul Ju9^ U
"What Allah protects remains safe and what He does is easily accepted."
4. Another passage of seven lines from an incomplete urjüza.
In four instances it is made clear that the complete text is not given:
a) A seven-line passage in the tawil meter that starts
ilj-o_piULl_, ^.^-..T...! ljj
"If one asks for help from powerless people then those who help or disappoint him are alike! "
lbid\ vol. ii, pp. 244-248.
Notes on the Literary Output of Husayn ibn 'Ah 345
b) The twenty-Hne urjuza Just mentioned and that is quahfied as "a long
[poem-wa-hiya tawila]".
c) An eight-line passage in the basTt meter which seems not to have been
too long. After quoting the lines Irbill notes that "there are additional lines to it (>>-loLI Lj-ij)." Its opening line is
> t
li^ 0^ C;;-^ j^'^lj J-"^l(^'l^t5-^Ji>Li'
"My father is 'All and my grandfather is the seal of Prophets, and those who accept willingly Allah's faith are from my side!"
d) An urjüza that opens
Jji Jji y«.jJl oUSC; Lj
"Oh calamities of fate, fade away! "
from which six additional lines are quoted. Altogether, Abü Mikhnaf's
collection has 77 lines.
After quoting Husayn's poetry as collected by Abü Mikhnaf, Irbill adds the
ending phrase of Abü Mikhnaf: "this completes the poetry of mawlänä al-
shahid Husayn that is very source [wa-huwa 'aziz al-wujüdj."
Then Irbill quotes from a different authority 17 lines from another poem
rhyming with the letter n. This poem, we are told, was improvised by
Husayn when his young son ['All?] was struck by an arrow and killed in the
battle of Karbalä'. This, Irbill says, is not included by Abü Mikhnaf in his
collection of Husayn's poetry, "but it is widely known". The opening line
of this passage is
> i . ' . r
ij^liill 'J 4)1 *—j1y ^ \ Uj3j ^ ^1
"This group of people has betrayed [us] and since long they have turned their back to the reward of Allah, the Creator of men and geniis!"
Interestingly enough, this poem, which consists of 35 lines and which
Husayn is said to have improvised in the last days of his life "after kill¬
ing fifteen hundred (enemy) knights", is found in the Maqtal al-Husayn
supposedly authored by Abü Mikhnaf himself.'^ This is quoted in Irbill's
'2 Abü Mikhnaf: Maqtal al-Husayn. Najaf 1347/1929, pp. 86-87. In several sources we
find lines from this poem, such as Ibn A'tham: Al-Futüh. Ed. Suhayl Zakkär. Beirut:
Där al-Fikr 1412/1992, vol. ii, pp. 167-168. These lines, as the editor notes, are found only in ms. c of the book and are copied in the margin. The revolt of Husayn and his killing at Karbalä' as recited in Ibn A'tham's Al-Futüh is printed in a separate volume prepared
by Där Anwär al-Hudä and printed in Beirut in 1421. This urjüza is on pp. 140-141.
346 George J. Kanazi
chapter, which includes a few passages from the kaläm of Husayn (fl dhikri
shay'in min kalämihi). Here he quotes sheikh Kamäl al-Din ibn Talha who
praises Husayn's eloquence and, relying on the author of the Kitäh al-Futüh
he quotes this passage and four more lines that Husayn uttered on his way
to Küfa, when the poet Farazdaq met him and expressed astonishment at
Husayn's going to Küfa despite knowing that his cousin Muslim ibn 'Aqil
was already killed. Irbill does not insist on including this poem in Husayn's
diwän, and we too have every good reason not to do so. This leaves us with
77 lines compiled by Abü Mikhnaf. Also, the rajaz passages attributed to
Husayn in the various maqätil books cannot be considered genuine and
should be left out. The short rajaz passage quoted above (no. 1) belongs to
this category.
What did Flusayn write about?
In the poetry attributed to Husayn the following subjects are dealt with:
a) Self-praise for being the son of 'All and Fätima and the grandson of the
Prophet Muhammad.
b) General wise sayings and preachings for good belief and deep trust in
Allah.
c) The right of the family of the Prophet, ahi al-hayt, to the leadership of
the believers.
d) Complaints of mistreatment and an open claim to the caliphate, with
reference to Yazid who became the second Umayyad caliph while having
no religious basis or authorization.
In two instances Husayn states that Yazid actually usurped what belonged
to him. He says
►Lij 4)1J ^j'cj
"Yazld is disputing me, and Allah is the arbitrator between us, and the matter will not be settled according to his wish."
Ibn Shahräshüb: Manäqib Äl Abi Tälib. Qumm 1958, vol. 4, pp. 79-80 (32 lines). Ibn
al-Sabbägh: Al-Fusül al-Muhimma. Beirut 1408/1988, pp. 177-178 (9 lines). Qandüzi:
Yanäbi' al-Mawadda. Najaf 1384/1965; pp. 416-417 (25 lines). In the Diwän al-Husayn ibn S4/zof Muhammad 'Abd al-Rahim, pp. 164-166 we find Irbill's version of 17 lines. It is interesting to note that the Köprülü collection of Arabic manuscripts in Istanbul has an interpretation of this poem by an unidentified author. See 'Abd al-'Aziz äl-Tabätabä'i:
"Ahl al-Bayt fi al-Maktaba al-'Arabiyya." In: Turäthunä vol. iv, no. 1, 1409, pp. 44-45 (no. 260: Sharh Qasidat al- Husayn 'Alayhi al-Saläm).
Notes on the Literary Output of LIusayn ibn 'Ali 347
Oj_jJ X^_y_ (*5-^; ^
"Allah knows that what is in the hands of Yazid [i.e., the caliphate]
belongs to someone else [meaning himself].
In a third case Husayn refers to Yazid but without naming him. In an eight-
hne passage he opens
ipo"^^ Ji-^ ^J-^J-^J J-" 1«^'^ lS-^J 5* 1,4^
"My father is 'All and my grandfather is the seal of Prophets, and those who accept willingly Allah's faith are from my side!"
Then in the second line he declares the religious basis for his claim to leader¬
ship:
J kilLj jj> ijSi\ ul «iko 01 J [%Jj<jlilj
Allah knows and the Koran states that that
which is in the hands of the illegal ruler is mine.''*
The religious basis was, no doubt, of great importance. It consists of the
verses of the Koran'^ that the shi'ites interpret as addressed to them or refer¬
ring to them, the traditions of the Prophet in their praise, and of course of
the immediate kinship to the Prophet himself. Fätima, the Prophet's daugh¬
ter and mother of Hasan and Husayn, was given special status, including
the honorific title al-batül, the virgin. It is difficult to say when exactly this
'^ Diwän al-Husayn ibn 'All, p. Ill, line 4; p. 114, line 2; p. 172, line 1. It is interesting to note that the last line of this same passage as copied by Irbill (1405/1985, p. 244) and from him Shablanji (1398/1978, p. 153) puts forth a central idea concerning the question of the inheritance of the Prophet that belongs solely to ahi al-bayt, to whom the Umayy¬
ads do not belong. This line reads as follows:
.Ijjül L^l j* UjU: ili il, (.1^1:5
"According to which [holy] book or according to whose sunna the foreigners grasp it [i.e., the caliphate] instead of its real owners!"
It is useful to mention that Sheikh Karbässi in his Diwän «/-Imäm al-Htsayn, London
1422/2001, p. 145 ventures to express an idea concerning the attribution of this piece to Husayn. He says that on the one hand it does not seem to belong, artistically speaking, to the highest level of poetry, but on the other its content supports the thesis that it is a genuine poetry of Husayn.
Ibid., p. 159, lines 1-2.
The two main verses are the äyat al-tatblr, XXXIII. 33 and the äyat al-qurbä, XLII.
23. As translated by M.M. Pickthall in his Tbe Meaning of the Glorious Koran (New
York 1953, pp. 303-304 and p. 346) the first reads: "Allah's wish is but to remove unclean¬
ness far from you, O Folk of the Household, and cleanse you with a thorough cleansing."
And the second: "Say, O Muhammad, unto mankind: I ask you no fee therefor, save lov- ingkindness among kinfolk."
f
348 George J. Kanazi
title was first used as it is equally difficult to accept the suggestion that it
was early enough to allow its normal use in the poetry attributed to Husayn.
The last passage transmitted by Abü Mikhnaf consists of 14 rajaz lines (with
a clear indication that this urjüza is incomplete), in which Husayn com¬
plains about the calamities of fate. He enumerates those calamities which
struck him, beginning with the death of his grandfather the Prophet and
then the death of the "pure virgin" (al-mutahharatu al-batülu),^^ followed
by that of the benevolent father and ending with the death of the brother
Hasan and other members from the ahi al-bayt. Since Hasan died or was
poisoned around 50/670, this poetry, if genuine, must have been written
between 50 and 60/670 and 679. The difficulty of taking it as genuine - as
with other passages - is that this poetry as a whole reflects the basic ideas
of the shi'ite disputations with their adversaries after these ideas were fully
crystallized. It is difficult to assume that prior to the slaying of Husayn
at Karbalä' in 61/681 all these concepts were evident and in common use.
The concepts, the terminology, the basic devices, and in one case the use of
enjambment make it difficult for us to accept these passages as original writ¬
ings of Husayn ibn 'All.
In one passage transmitted by Abü Mikhnaf Husayn complains about
the agreement concluded by his brother the Imäm Hasan and the Umayyad
Mu'äwiya in 40/660, according to which Hasan waived his claim to the
caliphate and Mu'äwiya became the caliph of the Moslem state and es¬
tablished the Umayyad kingdom. Much was said about the terms of that
agreement,''' but it seems quite evident that
Hasan's abdication was extremely distasteful to those of the Iraqis who had
supported him and his father before him, mainly because of their hatred of
the Syrian domination. It was equally disturbing to those Kharijites who had
gathered around Hasan in order to fight against Mu'äwiyah.'^
" Ibid., p. 161, lines 2-4. A second instance where this title appears in the poetry at¬
tributed to Husayn is a four-line passage quoted in the Maqtal al-Husayn (Najaf 1367/
1948, vol. 1, p. 123) of Muwaffaq al-Din al-MakkT, widely known as Akhtab Khwarazm.
In boasting of himself Husayn feels superior to others because
"whoever boasts of a grandfather {let him know that) my grandfather is the Messenger of Allah
Or whoever boasts of a mother {let him know that) my mother is the virgin."
Jj—jJl t^A»- jli Jj>o jAjj jU
Jj^l jLi y>.y_ jl_S _j!
For the terms of this agreement see S. Husain Jafri: Origins and Early Develop¬
ment of Shi'a Islam. London/New York 1979, chapter six: "The abdication of Hasan", especially pp. 148-154.
Notes on the Literary Output of Husayn ibn 'Ali 349
This attitude in Hasan's camp caused general unrest and he had to make
huge efforts to convince his followers that he had taken the right step in the
given circumstances, as one concludes from the historical information and
the speeches and prose quotations from Hasan transmitted in the shi'ite
sources.'^ Husayn assumed an uncompromising position^" against that agree¬
ment both in prose and poetry. In a five-line passage he is quoted as saying
L»;U> ^Jül ii |Ij ijtL» [S^f-^^ (J^L- lf»
Uilj ijy ü\ U_jj Ju tAi si^Uai ill L« Iii jSUj
U_-L1 [J 4_j l^jjyi jS\
^ t . ^ .
U.U^I 31 J5 4i l_j-^j Jlj i^JÜL
^Lvoli o-aJI li '^y^ ^i j-^ .Pj
"Nothing caused me distress like the distress caused by my
brother; and for Allah's sake I do not accept what he did;
Yet once Allah's decision is put into effect Then one day it will have to be seen;
Were I consulted in that matter they would
have seen me very far away from that decision;
I had never felt satisfied with that which they were pleased with even if each would have brought with him groups [of dignitaries];
If, before that, my nose were cut with a razor I would never be seen supporting that peace [accord]."
Irbill, who as stated copied this poetry from Abiä Mikhnaf, comments that if
this passage is genuine each of the two Imäms saw the interest of the general
public according to his own thinking and according to the circumstances
which prevailed at that time, and therefore they both were right.
Ihid. 155. See also Nabih Äqil: Khiläfat Bam Umayya. Beirut ^1975, p. 100. On the negative reaction to this peace treaty see also: Shablanji: Nür al-Absar. Beirut 1398/1978, p. 133 (last line). Kämil Sulaymän: Al-Hasan ibn Ali. Beirut 1979, pp. 113-118. Hasan
Kämil al-MalatäwI: Al-Imäm al-Hasan ibn Ali. Cairo 1414/1994, pp. 131-134.
" See Abiä al-Faraj al-AsfahanI: Maqätil al-Tälibiyyin. Ed. Ahmad Saqr. Cairo
^1972, pp. 67-68; Ibn al-Sabbägh: Al-Fusül al-Muhimma. Beirut 1408/1988; pp. 159-161.
Majlisi: Bihär al-Anwär. Beirut 1403/1983, vol. 44, pp. 28-31. H. ShIräzi: Kalimät al-
Imäm al-Hasan, pp. 83-84.
2° On Husayn's opposition in the historical sourees see Tabari: Tärikh al-Rusul wal-
Mulük. Ed. M. Abu al-Fadl Ibrähim. Cairo 1963, vol. 5, p. 160. A. Nuwayri: Nihäyat
al-Arab. Ed. M.R. Fathulläh. Cairo 1975, vol. 20, p. 226.
m
350 George J. Kanazi
Here we have a rare case in which an unordained Imäm criticizes the
decision of the legitimate one, and which contradicts the concept of 'isma,
the infallibility of the imäma. Modern shi'ite scholars find it difficult to
accept Husayn's criticism of the decision of his brother Imäm Hasan, and
consequently they tend to consider this piece of poetry as forgery, despite
the fact that it was transmitted on the authority of Abü Mikhnaf, who gen¬
erally is considered trustworthy. After quoting the words of Irbill, who sees
the dilTerence in opinion as a result of the different circumstances, and states
that both Imäms were right in their judgments, M. 'A. al-Rahim considers
these lines inauthentic because they contradict the line of thought of the
Imämiyya "and because they have no trace in the books of our colleagues,
and [furthermore] it was said that Abü Mikhnaf is a man from the 'ämma
who does not care to be the sole transmitter of traditions".^'
These lines reflect two conflicting attitudes in the shi'ite camp to the
agreement with Mu'äwiya, as the historical sources confirm. Yet it seems
difficult to assume that Husayn, even if opposed to that agreement, would
have expressed his position so openly and bluntly.
The amount of poetry attributed to Husayn increased greatly with the
passage of time. Much poetry that he quoted was attributed to him, as Abü
Mikhnaf stated early on. Furthermore, the recitation of the massacre of
Husayn in the form of maqtal necessitated an artistic prose style in which
poetry was a major component. The rajaz passages in the maqtals, including
the maqtal al-Husayn attributed to Abü Mikhnaf himself, are all to be con¬
sidered inauthentic. These rajaz passages were repeated in so many sources
throughout the centuries that it became difficult to point either to their
forger or to the exact period in which this poetry was forged. In any case,
as Husayn's personality was being transformed from its normal dimensions
to an ideal superhuman creature, similar changes presumably were bound
to occur regarding his poetry. The several books that tell the story of the
killing of Husayn at Karbalä' repeatedly tell us that Husayn the super hero
engaged in the battle of Karbalä' and fought his enemies, and every time he
attacked he recited a few lines of rajaz which were taken later as genuine
improvisations of Husayn himself. The fact that they were incorporated in a
story-telling process was overlooked.
In addition to rajaz, other passages of poetry on the same topics, i.e., wise
sayings, complaints, and self-praise, were attributed to Husayn. Manäqib Al
2' M.'A. al-Rahim: Diwän al-Husayn ihn 'Ali; p. 145, note 5. Kämil Sulaymän in
his book al-Hasan ihn 'All, Beirut 1979, pp. 136-144, discusses this point and sees no con¬
tradiction in the attitudes of the two Imäms. See also 'Abd al-Wahhäb al-Käshi: Ma'sät al-Husayn hayn al-Sä'ilwal-Mujib. Beirut 1978, pp. 48-53.
Notes on the Literary Output of Lfusayn ibn 'Ah 351
Abi Tälib,^^ for example, has a three-line passage in which liusayn presum¬
ably boasts of his Heavenly light that illuminates the dark night, and that
the unfaithful try to extinguish but in vain, because of the will of Allah:
aS* ^^_J_c-j iiJL>- j >«j JU.«JI odUJl c.ä..,..
«uJiXo iJ^LvoJl J JL_J J Jjj j_jI»S^ q'^j
<ü_i l)I "yj "(il |_j_;L_ij 0_^iikJ O jA^U>Jl AjjJ
"1 surpassed mankind to the dignified deeds by my good nature and great aspirations;
Through my wisdom the light of righteousness illuminated the dark nights of vice;
The unfaithful want to suppress it but Allah
refuses but to bring it to perfection!"
^2 Ibn Shahräshüb: Manäqib ÄlAbi Tälib; vol. iv, pp. 72-73. A reference to the light of Husayn is mentioned in the historical sources as well as in the books that recite the maqtal of Husayn. Tabari in his Tarikh (ed. M. A. F. IbrähIm, Cairo 1963; vol. v, p. 455) tells that
after Husayn was killed he was decapitated and his head was taken by Khawll ibn Yazid
to his home, as the palace of the governor of Küfa was closed. Upon seeing the head one of Khawll's two wives refused to spend the night in the same room. She went outside and spent the time looking into the room where the head was laid. Later she described what happened, saying: "1 spent some time looking into the light that was shining like a col¬
umn from Heaven down to the pot where the head was." This version is not found in the
various editions of Maqtal al-Husayn attributed to Abü Mikhnaf. The edition of 'Umar
AbO al-Nasr does not mention it, but we read it in the Maqtal al-Imäm al-H^sayn ibn
Ali, prepared by Kämil Salmän al-JabOri, Beirut 2000, p. 149: the light was "shining from the pot where the head was toward Heavens". One reads it again with this change in
Maqtal al-Husayn of Akhtab Khwärazm (Najaf 1367, vol. ii. p. 101). The same version ap¬
pears in one volume that includes Istishhäd al-Husayn by Ibn Kathir and Ra's al-Ht*sayn
by Ibn Taymiyya, and introduced by M.J. GhäzI, Beirut 1397, p. 105. In the Maqtal
al-Husayn by the contemporary 'Abd al-Razzäq al-Muqarram, Beirut 1399/1979,
p. 304 the sentence reads: "yet when she saw light coming out of the oven she was scared as she knew there was nothing in it." In a second instance Sahl al-Shahrazüri tells in Abü Mikhnaf's Maqtal, Najaf 1347/1929, p. 103, that he went that year to Mecca and saw the soldiers carrying the head of Husayn, and then "the head of Husayn appeared and light was shining from it." See also the story told by Hind, the wife of the caliph Yazid, in Bihär
al-Anwär, vol. 45, p. 196. In 'A. al-BahränI's book: Awälim al-'Ulüm, Qumm 1407, vol.
xvii, p. 5, one reads from a chapter devoted to the light of Husayn the following tradition:
"The Prophet said addressing Salmän al-FärisI: Allah created me from the purest light of His and called me [for his obedience] and I obeyed Him, then from my light He created
'All and called him for His obedience and he obeyed Him, then from my light and that of
'All He created Fätima and she obeyed Him, then from me, from 'All and Fätima He cre¬
ated Hasan and Husayn and He called upon them and they obeyed, then He gave us five
of His names ..."
352 George J. Kanazi
When quoting these hnes Ibn Shahräshüb (who died in 588/1192) does not
mention his source, and this in itself is a disturbing point which makes it dif¬
ficult for us to examine this tradition. Later authors who quote these lines
and attribute them to Husayn depend mainly on MajlisT's Bihär al-Anwär'^^
who in turn quoted them from Ibn Shahräshüb's Manäqib ÄlAbi Tälib.
These lines are found in Kitäb al-ldäh of QazwTni (666-739/1268-1338)
who attributed them to 'Umar Khayyäm, and in Ma'ähid al-Tansis of
'AbbäsT (died in 963/1555), they are attributed to "al-HakTm".^'* Recalling
that 'Umar Khayyäm died around 515/1221, we cannot avoid the conclusion
that these lines were transferred from his poetry to that of Husayn not long
after they were composed. In addition, we should not omit the fact that they
are not found, so far as I know, in sources written before the sixth century
ah, prior to the time of Ibn Shahräshüb.
That 'Umar Khayyäm is the real composer of these lines is supported by
BayhaqT, who in his Tatimmat Siwän al-Hikma writes a short biography of
Khayyäm in which he quotes a few passages from his poetry which he wrote
in Arabic, and these three lines are one of these passages. In a short essay
on " 'Umar Khayyäm as an Arabic poet" A. S. Tritton draws our attention
to this fact and quotes from BayhaqT all these passages and renders them in
English. He translates these three lines as follows:
I reached ideas before [other] learned men by good character and high ideals;
Guiding light shone through my wisdom during dark nights [spent in] error;
Those who deny wish to put it out, but God will only allow it to be perfected.
In a second passage Husayn complains of fate (al-dahr), which does not de¬
fend the existence or safety of its friends, and which again he considers the
will of Allah. He exclaims: J~>- jJI ^ -J^^ll vy"^ "How short time is between
the promise and the departure",^^ certainly an allusion to the impending
2-' See for example: "Ali NamäzI: Mustadrak Safinat al-Bihar. Ed. Hasan A. NamäzI.
Qumm 1319, vol. 3, p. 179; vol. 5, p. 477. Abdullah BahranI: Awälim al-'Ulüm.
Qumm 1407; vol. 17, p. 69.
Qazwini: Al-Idäh fi 'Ulüm al-Balägba. Cairo 1385/1966; p. 236. Abbäsi: Ma'ähid al-Tansis. Beirut: 'Alam al-Kutub 1367/1947, vol. iv., pp. 140-141. In both cases the lines are cited in discussing quotation (iqtibäs), as the last hemistich is quoted from the Koranic verse 9:32 that reads (according to the translation of M.M. Pickthall in The Making of the Glorious Koran, New York 1953, p. 148): "Fain would they put out the light of Allah with their mouths, but Allah disdaineth (aught) save that He shall perfect His light ..."
" S.A. Tritton: "'Umar Khayyäm as an Arabic poet." In: BSOAS 27 (1964),
pp. 431-433. The biography of 'Umar Khayyäm is in the ms. of Bayhaqi's Tatimmat
Siwän al-Hikma, Besir Agä 494, Istanbul.
•^^ These last words that end a three-line passage are not in the Diwän of Husayn. They are certainly an echo of what Abü Mikhnaf wrote in his Maqtal al-H^sayn, as translated into German by F. Wüstenfeld from four mss. in Gotha, Leiden, Berlin, and St. Petersburg
Notes on the Literary Output of Lfusayn ibn 'Ali 353
massacre that was meant to lead him to the promised Heavens. According
to the shr ite sources, the events of Karbalä' and the future of Husayn were
known to the Prophet and through him to all the members ahi al-hayt, in¬
cluding Husayn himself.^''
In an eight-line passage Husayn is said to have lamented the death of his
brother Hasan, and in another two-line passage he formulates a saying of
his grandfather the Prophet that he heard while asleep.^^ There is no doubt
that other passages that can easily be declared forgeries can be found in the
various sources.
The collected poetry of fiusayn
The Diwän of Husayn, which was collected by Abu Mikhnaf in the second
century of the Muslim era, did not come down to us in its original form.
It was copied, as stated, by later authors who give us quite a clear idea of
its contents. Others incorporated the poetry collected by Abü Mikhnaf
or transmitted by other authorities in their books: examples are Kashf
{Der Tod des Husein hen 'Ali. Göttingen 1883, p. 19): "Dann schlief er ein und sah den
Gottessandten im Traume, der sprach zu ihm: Dein Vater, deine Mutter und dein Bruder
sind schon bei mir, wir sind in der Wohnung der Glückseligkeit vereinigt und wir alle
erwarten dich sehnsüchtig, darum eile zu uns zu kommen, und wisse dass für dich im
Paradiese eine Stufe bereitet ist, die noch keiner erreicht hat." The printed Arabic text
differs somewhat. In 'Umar Abü al-Nasr's edition of Maqtal Abi Mikhnaf (Beirut 1971,
pp. 15-16) this passage ends with the words: <jl ^ f^'j '^^'! fJ-"^^ ^iiJI oylii.« t^j Uf- ^iUjOi v_.<ß\ Uj iSjI^L "Vi UL; vj:— Ij <il jy.^ sLii< ö-jj JJ. In the same Maqtal published hy Mu'assasat al-Wafä' (Beirut 1403/1983) we read on p. 61 that Husayn visited the grave of his grandfather before leaving Medina, and there he slept and saw the Prophet who said to him: jjiLi/i LJI jjLi \^^\ UjJl i J>,jJI J=>*JI i^-üj l See also p. 39 of the same Maqtal, 1347 Najaf/1929.
2^ On traditions that tell of the ahi al-bayt pre-knowledge of the coming killing of Husayn at Karbalä' see G. Kanazi: "Karbalä' fl al-adb al-shl'i." In: Al-Karmil. Univer¬
sity of Haifa. Vol. 13, 1992; pp. 182-187.
2* Tarä'if al-Zarf Ms. no. 3412, folio 123a in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. In two
lines Husayn says: ^
J-;- J jin£A;r C-«.^ j-jJIJjtj ^jjl jP
j-«L- ^Li üL^L; ^x]\ li U lij Jli
Such practices were certainly not familiar at that early time. Later, the poet and critic Abü Hiläl Al-'Askari (died after 400/1005) says in his Kitäb al-Sinä'atayn (Cairo 1952, p. 221) while discussing plagiarism in Arabic poetry that he heard a metrical saying of the Prophet and turned it into poetry without introducing any change to it. In his words
:cJLäj <ljjLf (^'j-» i>° (J* (*^J i^ljjl (,-f:uJj j» :|»jtL» ^\ J ß c.»....j IjJlS [i^ (»-*'j-' O-" ■'i r*J ^Ij^l («-«^-^ L5*--i
354 George J. Kanazi
al-Ghumma by Irbili, Manäqib AI Abt Tälib by Ibn Shahräshüb, Nür
al-Absär by Shablanji, al-Bidäya wal-Nihäya by Ibn al-Athir, Yanäbi' al-
Mawadda by Qandüzi, al-Fusül al-Muhimma by Ibn al-Sabbägh and the
well-known Bihär al-Anwär by Majlisi.
In modern times several attempts have been made to compile the prose
utterances and the poetry composed by or attributed to Husayn:
1. Mustafä Äl Ttimäd: Baläghat al-Husayn 'Alayhi al-Saläm.
2. Sädiq al-NaimT: Khutab al-Imäm al-Husayn min al-Madlna hattä
Karbalä'.
3. Umm Muhammad Husayn al-Shiräzi: Min Kalimät al-Husayn.
4. Ahmad al-Säbiri: Adab al-Husayn wa-Hamäsatuhu.
5. 'Abd al-Qädir al-Näsir: Al-Qawl al-Hasan fl shi'r al-Husayn. Ap¬
parently it is still a manuscript in thirty folios. It exists in the collection
of 'Ärif Hikmat in Medina, no. 227 dawäwin. ^°
6. Diwän al-Imäm al-Husayn ibn 'All. According to Tehräni this col¬
lection was compiled from the poetry attributed to Husayn by Sheikh
Muhammad Husayn, known as ZiyäT, the son of contemporary Sheikh
Muhammad Bäqir al-Blrjundl.^'
7. Another collection mentioned by Tehräni was compiled by Sheikh
Muhammad 'All al-MudarrisT al-Khyäbäm in Diwän al-Ma'sümln.^^
8. Recently an anthology from the poetry of Husayn was compiled, edited,
and annotated by Muhammad 'Abd al-Rahim.-'^ It will be discussed
below.
9. Mahmüd Sharifi and others: Kalimät al-Imäm al- Husayn. This
book will be discussed later.
10. In the framework of the Hussaini encyclopedia, Dä'irat al-Ma'ärif al-
Husayniyya, Sheikh Muhammad Sädiq Muhammad al-Karbässi
has started the publication of Diwän al-Imäm al- Husayn (min al-shi'r
al-mansüb ilayhi).
2' Collections 1-4 are mentioned in the introduction of Kalimät al-Imäm al-Husayn by Sharifi and others, Qumm 1416/1995, p. 5. No bibliographical details are given.
^° 'A.'A. TabätabäT: "Ahl al-bayt fl al-maktaba al-'Arabiyya." Pt. 11. In: Turäthnä IS (1410), p. 97.
'A.B. Tehräni: Al-Dbaria ilä Tasänif al-Shi'a. Tehran 1953-1955. Vol. 9, pt. 1, p. 249.
" Ibid, loc.cit. For more details on this work see the introduction of Sheikh KarbässI to his Dtwän al-Husayn, p. 36. Karbässi mentions other anthologies of the poetry of the shi'ite Imäms as well.
" It was published by Där al-Mukhtärät al-'Arabiyya, Beirut/Damascus 1992.
In my visit to London in late 2002 I met Sheikh Karbässi and learned from him
about this project. He was kind enough to offer me the first part of the Diwän «/-Imäm al-Husayn. I am truly grateful to him for this valuable volume.
Notes on the Literary Output of Husayn ibn 'Ali 355
The last three anthologies are available to me, and therefore I shall discuss
them with some detail.
In addition to these attempts I know of only one case in which a qasida
of Husayn was taken separately and interpreted. It rhymes with the letter n
and its opening line is:
Allah's chosen man from among the creatures is my father who comes second
to my grandfather [or to my mother]; therefore I am the son of the two chosen
[persons].
The interpreter is unknown, but we know that the ms. was copied by Husayn
ibn Muhammad al-Haddädl in an anthology written by Muhammad Wajlh
al-Izmlrl in the twelfth century ah. It exists in the Köprülü collection in
Istanbul covering folios 17a-19a from ms. no. 7.^^
Diwan al-Husayn
Years ago M. 'Abd al-Rahim published in Beirut the Diwän al-Husayn ibn
Äli^^ which includes the poetry attributed to Husayn, together with a short
biography and additional information. It consists of six chapters:
1. A general introduction, pp. 9-22;
2. Few traditions (hadiths) in which the Prophet speaks of Husayn and
foretells his killing at Karbalä', pp. 25-38;
3. A biography of Husayn, pp. 39-95;
4. A few prose quotations from Husayn, pp. 97-101;
5. Three traditions according to which the djinn lamented Husayn, pp. 103-108;
6. The poetry of Husayn, pp. 111-182.
This book does not add much to our information about Husayn. What
interests us here is the last chapter, which contains Husayn's poetic utter¬
ances. It is astonishing to note that the author does not attempt to question
the authenticity of many passages attributed to Husayn. We saw above that
" The Arabic reading of this hne is: iI^'j:^^' ^cf*' j'^ 4-^ J} i3^' y
This qasida consists of seventeen lines in Irbill's Kashf al-Ghumma, vol. 2, p. 237, where the quoted line is the tenth. In the recently published Diwän al-Husayn of M. 'Abd al-
RahIm it is copied from two sources, A'immatunä by 'Ali M. 'A. DakhIl, Beirut 1982,
and Matälib al-Sa'ül. As stated in note 12 above, the longest version of this qasida con¬
sists of 35 lines as in the Maqtal al-Husayn of Abü Mikhnaf.
'A.'A. Tabätabä'i: "Ahl al-bayt fi al-maktaba al-'arabiyya." Pt. 7. In: Turäthunä 4, no. 1, 1409, p. 44-45.
Diwän al-Husayn ihn 'Ali 'Alayhi al-Saläm; compiled, edited and annotated by M.
'Abd al-RahIm. Damascus/Beirut 1992, 222 pages.
356 George J. Kanazi
the authentie poetry of Husayn, as mentioned by Abü Mikhnaf, does not
amount to 100 lines. Oddly enough, here we have no fewer than 285 lines
which Husayn is said to have composed. Certainly, not all that poetry is
genuine. To give but one example, 'Abd al-Rahim includes the following
two lines in Husayn's poetry'^:
IJjJj o MJ IJM -äJI j_fJl* (j J'lj~JI o jpi
\Xf-\ jl |_jjJU^>jj LLuJIJ lj~si o_)ll üli^ ,_jl»«-l ("JJ
These two lines were quoted from the Tärikh of Tabari and other historical
sources, as the author himself notes. In reading Tabari one finds the follow¬
ing tradition:
Abü Mikhnaf said: 'Abd al-Malik ibn Nawfal ibn Musähiq told me on the
authority of Abu Sa'd al-Maqbarl who said: 1 looked at Husayn entering the
mosque of Medina while reciting the words of Ibn Mufarrigh:
IJjjj O-c-i J '\JM ^ will jii J (»Ij-Jl o jf-'i
■ ■ , ' , {
Iju^l jl ^x^jj LLu-llj [gyji ^W^l tiy t_5^' (Ji
For some reason the last words of this tradition, i.e., "while reciting the
words of Ibn Mufarrigh", are omitted and the two lines are not exactly
quoted. Also, in the biography of the poet in al-Sh'r wal-Shurä' of Ibn
Qutayba a five-line passage that ends with these two lines is cited, and there
we read that it was composed when the poet was in the prison of 'Abbäd ibn
Ziyäd in Sijistän. Following the poetry the author says that
Husayn ibn 'All quoted these last two lines when he knew that people paid
allegiance to YazTd ibn Mu'äwiya, and those who heard him knew that he had
decided to revolt against him.^'
These lines appear twice in al-Aghänt 'm the biography of the poet Yazid ibn
Mufarrigh (died in 96/714) who used to lampoon the Umayyad governor of
Southern Iraq, 'Ubaydulläh ibn Ziyäd, making serious accusations against
him. They are quoted first in a four-line passage which constitute a song
(sawt) from the poetry of Yazid ibn Mufarrigh and which introduce his
^* Ibid., pp. 129-130. The earliest source for these two lines as quoted here is the Tärikh of TabarT, vol. 5, p. 342 in the events of 60 ah.
" Ibn Qutayba: al-Shi'r wal-Shu arä'. Ed. Ahmad M. Shäkir. Cairo 1386/1955; vol. I, pp. 362-363. These two lines are also quoted in Ibn Hishäm's al-Sira al-Nabawiyya; Cairo 1375/1955, vol. Ill, p. 304, to support the idea that omission of a certain word or particle IS possible when the structure of the sentence allows. In this case the second hemistich of the second line lacks the particle lä: "an ahldä" means "an lä ahldä" . For further details of readings and sources that mention the lines see Diwän Yazld ihn Mufarrigh. Ed. 'Abd
AL-QuDDös Abu Sälih. Beirut 1395/1975; pp. 103-104.
Notes on the Literary Output of Husayn ibn 'All 357
biography, and second in telling some of his akhbär with the governor of
Iraq. Here the author of al-Aghäni (\MOtes ten lines that end with the above
quoted two lines and adds that he is quoting from a long poem. From this
information we learn that the poet was complaining because he was impris¬
oned. He takes heart and ends by stating:
May I not frighten the cattle in the early morning hours when I attack, and may
I not be called Yazld, if one day comes and I am ill-treated and despised, while death is watching not to let me change my behavior.'"'
After relating this information Abü al-Faraj adds that "Husayn recited these
last two lines upon leaving Medina for Mecca when Yazld seized power."
What is misleading in the Diwän al-Husayn is the reading of the second
hemistich da'awtu "I may not call upon Yazld" instead of du'ltu "may I not
be called Yazld", and that of the third hemistich yawma u'ti, "on the day
when I treat badly", instead of the pzssWe yawma utä "on the day when I am
ill-treated". In this interpretation provided by M. 'Abd al-Rahim the name
Yazld is made to refer to the second Umayyad caliph Yazid ibn Mu'äwiya,
while in fact the poet meant himself, as his proper name was Yazid as well.
Furthermore, 'Abd al-Rahim makes no attempt at a historical survey
of the Diwän al-Husayn and says nothing about earlier efforts to gather
Husayn's poetic utterances. In addition, while reading through this Diwän
one cannot escape the special structure of the various passages in it. Al¬
together this Diwän includes 51 passages divided as follows: two passages
consist of two lines each; four passages of three lines each; four of four lines;
31 passages of five lines each; three passages of six lines each; one passage
of seven, one of eight, two of nine, one of ten, one of 17 and one of 20 lines.
It is very noticeable that the number of the five-line passages is remarkably
high. Note that 29 of them are quoted from one source only, titled Jamäl al-
Khawätir fl al-Adab wal-Nawädirf^^ by Muhammad al-Hasan al-Sammän
and published in Cairo in 1989. Furthermore, the rhyming letters of these
passages cover the entire Arabic alphabet. All these passages, according
to Sheikh Karbässi, seem to have been one long poem that deals with
preaching of good religious behavior.'*^ After examining these passages
^° AghänT, vol. XVIII, pp. 180, 210-211. In both cases the second line here reads:
yauma utä makhäfata al-mauti instead oi yauma utä mina al-mabäbati as in the Tärikh
of "TabarT. It seems that the word al-mahähati here should be read al-mahäna, which makes more sense. In the Diwän of the poet the reading is: makbdfat al-maut.
M.S.M. al-Karbässi 1422/2001, p. 44 mentions the title of the book as follows:
Jamäl al-Khawätir fl Ajäib al-Kawn wa-Charä'ibihi al-Nawädir. Damascus ^1417/1996,
but does not mention the author.
Ibid., pp. 5\-52.
358 George J. Kanazi
from various aspects, Karbässi reaches the conclusion that they cannot be
considered genuine poetry of Husayn, but seem to have been written by an
unidentified author of a late century.''^ In addition to Karbässi's conclusion,
which we find logical and therefore acceptable, we note that this poetry was
attributed to Husayn to establish further his good command of the Arabic
language, mainly in using letters not very often used in the rhyme system of
the Arabic poetry.
In his long introduction Sheikh Karbässi explains how difficult it was
for him to access the various sources that mention those five-line passages.
In his evaluation he concludes that these passages are not of high artistic
value, despite their content which concentrates on ethics in a superficial way.
Karbässi finds it difficult to attribute all these passages to Husayn ibn 'All.
He suggests some possible authors, who cannot be accepted with certainty.
He also states that this style of composing in five-line stanzas is a later devel¬
opment that did not occur before the late eleventh or early twelfth century
of the Muslim era.'*'*
Further on Karbässi dwells on a qasida published in Damascus by
'Umar al-As'ad, based on a manuscript attributed to a certain Swahili
author. This ms. includes 29 stanzas of five lines each.'*^ All of them are in
this Diwän of Husayn, and are quoted from only the Jamdl al-Khawdtir
fl al-Adab wal-Nawädir, as mentioned above. As this is the case and these
passages cannot be considered genuine poetry of Husayn, they should be
removed from it.
Actually these passages compose one complete poem found in three
manuscripts in Berlin, Leipzig, and Gotha.
1. In ms. or. oct. 2840 in the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin this poem covers fo¬
lios 16b-22a. It is written in golden frames and the rhyming letter is written
in red before each passage. The poem itself is written in black in clear naskhi
handwriting and is mostly vocalized. It is preceded by the following words:
. <j- jbc ■ill Lji 0^ oi (') o~^' cn Oi-^*^' if-j "W«^*^' i-^^ ^yy"^! «r-^ ' ß-^ cy
It seems of interest to mention that after this poem the copyist found it logi¬
cal to copy another poem by Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr. It is on the Arabic
alphabet, using every letter at the beginning and end of every line with 21
lines for each letter. This poem covers folios 24a-47a. The poet justifies this
" Ibid.,pp.(,\-b2,.
Karbässi 1422/2001, p. 58.
'Umar al-As'ad: "Qasida min IfrTqya." In: Majallat Majma'al-Lugba al-'Arabiyya bi-Dimashq. Vol. 51, pt. 3, July 1976, pp. 574-590.
Notes on the Literary Output of Lfusayn ibn 'All 359
practice as being a continuation of what other poets did when writing po¬
etry In praise of the Prophet. To give but one example, here Is one line that
begins and ends with the letter m:
j> ^L>wjJIj j-b *d^' 1;
On folio 47a we read the name of the copyist: Darwish Muhammad Amin,
In the year 1177 (ah). This might be the date and copyist of the previous
poem as well.
2. The second copy of this poem is ms. no. 508 in Bibliotheca Albertina In
Leipzig. This ms. consists of 119 folios and Includes a detailed commentary
on the poem that covers the meanings of words, different readings of certain
lines, grammatical comments, references to traditions of the Prophet, etc.
The poetry is Introduced as that of "Zayn al-'Äbidln Ibn liusayn Ibn 'All
Ibn Abi Tälib." The poem Itself is written neither In separate lines nor In
five-line stanzas, but together with the prose comments of the Interpreter
with no special prominence. The copyist Is not mentioned, but the year of
the copy Is given as 1003 ah (1594 ad) The full and detailed commentary
Indicates that the poem was widely known and considered of high value.
3. The third copy of this poem is In ms. 1539 In Gotha, in the Kitäb Tuhfat
al-Adhhän fi Ajä'ib al-Buldän of 'Abd al-Rahim ibn Sulaymän Ibn Rabl' al-
Qaysl al-Andalusi al-Gharnätl. On folio 23b the following words Introduce
the poem: "Here is a poem rhyming with the letters of the alphabet written
by an eloquent poet." The poem ends on folio 27a. It Is divided according to
the letter; and the copyist missed the five lines rhyming with the letter säd,
and Instead he wrote under the headmg qäfiyat al-säd the lines rhyming
with the letter tä'. Furthermore, the order of the last five lines Is 1, 4, 2, 3, 5,
as In the Berlin ms.
In addition, sixty-nine lines from this poem are printed In the Persian ver¬
sion of the book of Shaykh Bahä' al-DTn al-'Amlll, al-Kashkül, starting
from the rhyming letter hamza and ending with the rhyming letter säd from
which four lines and not five are quoted. The lines are not divided Into sec¬
tions, but are given In one sequence and are Introduced by the words: "(a
poem attributed to sayyid al-Sajjäd) 'alayhi al-saläm."
In the Berlin ms. the author of this poem is "Zayn al-Abldin Muhammad
Ibn al-Hasan Ibn 'All Ibn Abi Tähb". In the ms. of Leipzig the poet Is "Zayn
al-'äbidin Ibn Husayn Ibn 'All Ibn Abi Tähb", and In that of Gotha the au¬
thor Is "ba'd al-fusahd'". 'Amili attributes It to sayyid al-Sajjäd that we might
360 George J. Kjvnazi
identify with Zayn al-'Äbidln who was also referred to as al-Sajjäd. This,
however, brings us to the inevitable conclusion that these stanzas were actu¬
ally one complete poem written in a later period, certainly not in the time of
Zayn al-'Äbidin 'All ibn Husayn, and that somehow they found their way to
the Diwän of Husayn; accordingly they should be left out of it.
This leaves the Diwän with 140 lines, which need to be further examined.
I have shown above that other passages are attributed to Husayn that are not
his. It might seem reasonable to assume that Abü Mikhnaf was indeed right
in stating that most of the poetry attributed to Husayn was that which he
quoted and not that which he composed.
Kalimät al-Imäm al-Husayn"*^
This volume includes, as it states, all of Husayn's prose and poetry. The
last chapter contains most of Husayn's poetical utterances, with reference
to the page-numbers on which other passages were mentioned throughout
the book.
Here in fact is the poetry of Husayn as it appears in the Diwän discussed
above, in addition to six new passages that make together 17 more lines.
Here too are some points that need to be discussed in detail. The poetry in
which Imäm Hasan is elegized opens with the following line:
tw. -.I...^C-jl J J ylju* iJjL-i JJ ^^j^—'l^ L-..;l^l J j.*.^'!
"Shall 1 anoint my head or perfume my beauty while your head is soiled with dust and you are plundered."
This poetry is attributed to Husayn's brother, Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyya,
who uttered a few words to express his grief upon the death of his brother,
the Imäm Hasan. These words, according to Mas'üdi, ended with four lines
of verse.'*'' Ibn Shahräshüb and Majlisi''^ have a longer passage of nine lines,
and from these sources the authors of Kalimät al-Husayn copied this piece.
Sheikh Karbässi raised the question of the authenticity of these lines
and concluded that eleven sources attributed the poetry to Imäm Husayn
'*' A committee of four scholars, MahmOd al-SharifI, Husayn al-ZInälI, Mahmüd
Ahmadyän, and Mahmüd al-MadanI, produced this huge volume of 849 pages which is
said to have included all the prose and poetic utterances of Husayn ibn All. As this com¬
mittee worked in the Ma'had Tahqiqät Bäqir al-'Ulüm 'alayhi al-Saläm, this institute is mentioned as the author of this volume which was published by Där al-Ma'rüf ^1416/1995.
" Mas'üdi: Murüj Al-Dhahab. Beirut 1965. Vol. 3, p. 429. Here we have four lines only.
"•^ Ibn Shahräshüb: Manäqib Äl Äbi Tälib. Qumm 1958. Vol. 3, p. 45. Majlisi: Bihär al-Anwär Beirut 1403/1982. Vol. 44, p. 160.
Notes on the Literary Output of Husayn ibn 'Ah 361
while only two (Mas'üdi and Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi in his Tadhkirat al-Khawäs
214) mentioned that Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyya was their author."*' In
trying to find an answer he suggests a compromise by saying that it is pos¬
sible to assume that one brother of Imäm Hasan started the poetry then
the other brother completed the verses; yet in the final analysis he tends to
consider it genuine poetry of Imäm Husayn.^°
Indeed, it is almost impossible to arrive at a definite conclusion in such a
case. The fact that so many sources attribute the poetry to Imäm Husayn is
of little importance because many of them are recent books whose authors
copy from earlier sources without questioning the traditions they quote; and
the fact that the earliest source in this case is the Maqtal of Abü Mikhnaf
adds to the difficulties.
A second case that should be discussed here is that which attributes the
following two lines of poetry to Husayn^*:
t)Loj LL«i» oljl Wj O^il Jij SLJ-I Jii
^L^I^OjllJlljj;wi jSC;|I jli
"Am 1 to face humiliation in life and humiliation in death when I see both bitter to swallow?
If you have to choose one of them advance toward death with resoluteness!"
It seems almost certain that these lines belong to another poet. In the al-
Mufaddaliyydt they are lines 31 and 32 from a long poem of 37 lines com¬
posed by Bashäma ibn 'Amr or ibn al-Ghadir, who was the uncle of the well-
known Zuhayr ibn Abl Sulmä, famous for his mu'allaqa in the pre-lslamic
period. Ibn Salläm al-Jumahi attributes them to this same poet and quotes
only eight lines from that poem. In al-Agh äni one reads that these lines are
taken from a poem written by 'Uqayl (or 'Aqil) ibn 'Ullafa, from the tribe
of Murra. While in Syria, he sent his poem to incite his tribesmen to fight
their enemies courageously. Other sources adhere to this tradition and at¬
tribute the poetry to Ibn 'Ullafa.^^ It seems more reasonable to conclude
that Husayn quoted these two lines rather than composing them. They were
Diwän al-Imäm al-Husayn. Vol. I, p. 210.
" Ibid,-p. 228-229.
SharIfi and others: Kalimät al-Imäm al-Husayn. Qumm 1416/1995, p. 841. This
was copied from Ihqäq al-Haqq. Vol. 11, p. 638.
" Al-Mufaddal al-Dabbi: al- Mufaddaliyyät. Ed. A.M. Shäkir and 'A.S. Härijn.
Cairo 1964, p. 59. Ibn Salläm al-Jumahi: Tabaqät al-Shuarä'. n.p., n.d., p. 216. Isfahäni:
Kitäb al-Aghäni. Cairo 1927, vol. xii, p. 266. Ibn Nubäta: Sarh al-'Uyün. Ed. M.A.F.
Ibrähim. Cairo 1383/1964; p. 405. Ibn Hamdün: Al-Tadhkira al-Hamdüniyya. Ed. Ihsän
'Abbäs. Beirut 1983, vol. 1, p. 256.
362 George J. Kanazi
composed by the pre-lslamic poet Bashäma ibn al-Ghadir or by Ibn 'Ullafa,
the contemporary of Husayn. They seem to have been popular and much
quoted when one sees his inevitable death, as several stories reflect."
Another passage of three lines is quoted from earlier sources and attrib¬
uted to Husayn. Its first line is:
^j*' -C** (jr '^is '^-M ^y^'j^ (jr i^l*
"If we defeat [our enemies] so we were always, but if we are defeated then this is not a recurring thing!"
These lines quoted from three different sources, al-Ihtijdj, al-Mandqih, and
Bihär al-Anwär, are introduced by the words "Then he uttered (anshada)
the following ..." In fact, these lines are found in the Mujam al-Buldän in
defining a geographical site named Lufät.^'' The poet, we are told, is a Jähili
named Farwa ibn Musayk, from the Yahäbir tribe;^^ later he joined Islam and
became one of the companions of the Prophet. According to this informa¬
tion the poetry is old enough to be quoted later in suitable circumstances.
In another case Husayn is quoted as saying^^:
Lj-jL- o jll ^15^ UU^ c~Lic- Ljiii>- ^1 i)jill jji
"Where are those kings who paid no attention to preserve their lives till they were offered to drink from the cup of death?"
Here we have the first line from a longer passage from which two or three
lines are quoted in other sources. It is used to preach a good life on earth
for the sake of immortal life. The same first line is often quoted in such
sermons.^'' The line appears also in an eight-line passage in the Diwän of 'All
" According to Ibn Taghribirdi in his al-Nujüm al-Zähira, Cairo 1963, vol. I, p. 258,
these two lines were quoted by Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Malik or a son of Maslama ibn
'Abd al-Malik before he was killed in the Abbasid revolution. In Muhädarät al-'Udabä' of al-Räghib al-Isfahäni, n.p., n.d., vol. ii, p. 142, the lines are quoted by the last Umayyad
caliph, Marwän ibn Muhammad, prior to his death. They are also quoted by a brave war¬
rior who was killed in a battle between two fighting camps, and when identified he proved to be a brave woman. See Ibn Tarrär: al-Jalis al-Sälih, p. 30.
" Yäqüt: Mujam al-Buldän. Beirut 1957. "Lufät". Vol. v, p. 19.
" Ibn Durayd: Al-Ishtiqäq. Ed. 'A.S. Härün. Cairo 1378/1958, p. 412. For more de¬
tails see Kh.D. ZiriklI: Al-A'läm. Beirut M389/1969, vol. v, p. 345.
Kalimät al-Imäm al-Husayn 774.
" In Ansäh al-Ashräf of Balädhuri (part iii, ed. 'Abd al-'AzIz DürI, Wiesbaden/
Beirut 1398/1978, pp. 258-259) we are told that Sawwär quoted this line in one of his
speeches. Jähiz {al-Bayän wal-Tabyin. Ed. H. SandübI. Cairo 1375/1956, vol. i, p. 144) quoted two lines that 'Ubaydulläh ibn Hasan included in one of his sermons in Basra. In al-Ishräf fi Manäzd al-Ashräf of Ibn Abi al-Dunyä (Riyäd 1411/1990, p. 326) this is one of three lines quoted by the qädi of Basra, the same 'Abdullah or 'Ubaydulläh ibn Hasan in
Notes on the Literary Output of Lfusayn ibn 'All 363
in its various editions.It seems reasonable to assume that Husayn quoted
the first line from a long poem rather than composing it. The verb preceding
this line, "thumma anshada," supports this suggestion.
Diwän al-Imäm al-Husayn (min al-shi'r al-mansüb lahu)
So far only the first volume of this work has been published, and it con¬
tains the poetry rhyming with the first four letters of the Arabic alphabet
(Hamza-aleph 29 lines, bd' 45 lines, tä' eight lines, and thä' five lines) in
different vocalizations. Altogether we find here 87 lines of poetry, and
certainly the following volumes will add much to the poetry attributed to
Husayn. The author. Sheikh Karbässi, wrote a long introduction in which
he surveys earlier attempts and discusses the problems and difficulties that
arise in dealing with Husayn's poetry. In editing the poetry itself he discusses
various related issues: rhyme and meter, language, circumstances of compo¬
sition of a given passage, interpretation, aesthetic elements, authenticity, etc.
From this introduction the approach of Sheikh Karbässi becomes evident.
In trying to conclude which poetry is genuinely Husayn's and which is not
he distinguishes the two verbs ansha'a (composed) and anshada (recited). By
going back to what Abiä Mikhnaf said, that much of the poetry attributed to
Husayn was actually quoted by him, one finds the basis for this distinction.
As this work is not yet complete we have to wait the forthcoming volumes in
order to evaluate it properly.
The prose writings of Husayn ibn 'All
The artistic prose attributed to Husayn comprises the following:
1. Speeches or sermons
2. Correspondence with Mu'äwiya and other prominent figures
3. General sayings which express Husayn's experience in life
4. Prayers and other utterances
his sermon. In these two sources only the first line is identical. See also Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi:
al-'Iqd al-Farid. Ed. M. Tawnaji. Beirut 2001, vol. iii, p. 143; Abü Hayyän al-Tawhidi:
al-Basä'ir wal-Dhakbair. Ed. W. al-Qädi. Beirut 1408/1988, vol. v, p. 115.
Diwän 'All ibn Abi Tälib. Ed. 'AlT M. Zaytün. Beirut n.d., p. 135. See also p. 150 from Khafäji's edition; p. 126 from Awad's edition; p. 134 from 'A. 'A. Marram's edition and p. 210 from Zarzür's edition (for the bibliographical data of these editions see note 7 above).
364 George J. Kanazi
This artistic prose is scattered in the various classical sources such as the
Tärikh uI-RhshI wal-Mulük by Tabari, the Ihtijäj by TabarsI, the Sharh
Nahj al-Balägha by Ibn Abi al-Hadld, the Bihär al-Anwär by Majlisi, and
others. Some of this huge quantity of material was collected by Mustafä
Muhsin Musawi al-Hä'iri in a book of 105 pages titled Lurnatun min
Baläghat al-Husayn and published in Tehran in 1369/1949. Hä'irT expressed
his wish to continue the project of assembling all Husayn's prose output.
The material in this book covers three main subjects:
1. Proofs in support of the shi'ite position in the religio-political conflict at
the time of Husayn
2. Correspondence with Mu'äwiya
3. Answers to questions addressed to him, mainly on religious issues.
This project is undoubtedly very important, mainly because of its religious,
historical, and literary implications. The first volume published so far by
Hä'irI has the following shortcomings:
a) The sources of the material included are listed at the beginning of the
book, while in the book itself no reference to the sources of a specific
sermon or speech is given.
b) Consequently, one finds no effort on the part of the compiler to compare
the various readings of a given text in order to establish, when necessary,
a reasonable version of it, together with the necessary apparatus.
c) One finds no attempt to deal with the texts in their historical perspec¬
tives and discuss the issues of their authenticity.
To sum up, much of the material attributed to Husayn is no doubt authentic;
yet the ideas expressed, and in some cases the style, the rhymed prose, the
dearth of poetic quotations (as compared with the impression one gets when
reading the maqätil of Husayn), in addition to some other points, make us
conclude that not every passage attributed to Husayn was actually written
by him.
Moreover, the question of the authenticity of the prose writings is un¬
doubtedly much more difficult to tackle. It should be examined further for
more accurate conclusions, but in order not to go beyond the scope of this
paper I leave it for another opportunity.
Ignaz Goldziher on the shuühiyya
By Göran Larsson, Göteborg
In 1889-1890, the distinguished Hungarian professor Ignaz Goldziher
(1850-1921) pubhshed two pioneering studies on the shuühiyya and the ten¬
sions between Arabs and non-Arabs ('ajam) in the early Muslim period. The
first study was part of Goldziher's monumental work, Muhammedanische
Studien,^ while the second was an article published in the ZDMG (1899)
on the shuühiyya in al-Andalus, and especially the figure of Ibn Garcia.^
There is no doubt that Goldziher was one of the first western scholars to
pay attention to the shuühiyya and the tensions in the early Muslim com¬
munity - an issue of great importance even today. Although his analysis of
these phenomena has been criticised, for example by H. A. R. Gibb' and Roy
R Mottahedeh'', in my view it is impossible to overlook the importance of
Goldziher on this subject. The aim of this paper is to present the ideas of
this Hungarian Scholar on the shuühiyya and the criticism it has received
during the twentieth century.
It is no exaggeration to say that Ignaz Goldziher was one of the most
important and prominent western scholars of Islam, Judaism and Semitic
languages. By studying Arabic and Hebrew manuscripts thoroughly from
both the philological and historical points of view, he was able to establish a
scientific foundation for the study of the Qur'än, hadith and tafsir literature,
as well as the affinity between Islam, Christianity and Judaism. Jacques
Waardenburgh writes:
Goldziher may be said to have laid the foundation of Islamic studies as a
scholarly discipline based on the literary and historical study of texts, most
of which were at the time available only as manuscripts. It required great eru¬
dition and immense knowledge acquired through the reading of the original
sources, and a creative use of the categories of the history of religions, to re¬
construct the architecture of the history of Islamic religions as he did.^
' Goldziher 1889-1890.
^ Goldziher 1899.
^ Gibb 1962.
Mottahedeh 1976.
' Waardenburgh 1987, p. 74.
