Originalveröffentlichung in: W.V. Harris (ed.), Rethinking the Mediterranean, Oxford 2005, S. 141-166
6
Ritual Dynamics in the Eastern Mediterranean: Case Studies in Ancient
Greece and Asia Minor
Angelos Chaniotis
1 . M E D I T E R R A N E A N R I T U A L S1
O n e o f the m a n y m o n u m e n t s the A t h e n i a n s p r o u d l y s h o w e d their y o u t h and the visitors to their city w a s the ship w i t h w h i c h T h e s e u s w a s b e l i e v e d to h a v e sailed to Crete. I n the course o f the centuries the ship's w o o d e n parts rotted, a n d the A t h e n i a n s h a d to replace t h e m , p r o v i d i n g ancient philosophers w i t h an u n s o l v e d p u z z l e d : d i d T h e s e u s ' ship remain the same e v e n t h o u g h its rotten c o m p o n e n t s w e r e continually being replaced?2
I cannot help t h i n k i n g about this p u z z l e w h e n I a m c o n f r o n t e d w i t h d i a c h r o n i c studies o n 'the' M e d i t e r r a n e a n . C a n the M e d i terranean b e a s o m e h o w distinctive object of historical a n d cultural s t u d y , g i v e n the continual change o f its living (and therefore, e p h e m e r a l ) c o m p o n e n t s ( h u m a n p o p u l a t i o n s a n d their cultures, animals, and plants)? O r is the M e d i t e r r a n e a n as a historical a n d cultural entity just a construct of the collect - ive imagination o f scholars w h o contribute to j o u r n a l s , b o o k s , or Conferences that h a v e the n a m e ' M e d i t e r r a n e a n ' in their title?
1T h e views expressed here stem from the project 'Ritual and C o m m u n i - cation in the Greek cities and in R o m e ' , which is part of the interdisciplinary projects 'Ritualdynamik in traditionellen u n d modernen Gesellschaften' funded b y the Ministry of Science of Baden-Württemberg (1999-2000) and 'Ritualdynamik: Soziokulturelle Prozesse in historischer und kulturvergle
ichender Perspektive' funded by the G e r m a n Research Council (2002-5);
references to m y o w n preliminary studies on relevant subjects are, unfortu- nately, unavoidable. I have profited greatly from theoretical discussions with m y colleagues in this project.
2 Plu. Theseus 23.
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T h e question o f the u n i t y o f the M e d i t e r r a n e a n s h o u l d be asked n o t o n l y 'vertically' ( w i t h regard to d i a c h r o n i c d e v e l o p m e n t s ) ; it m u s t b e asked ' h o r i z o n t a l l y ' as w e l l . C a n the M e d i t e r r a n e a n in its entirety b e a m e a n i n g f u l a n d distinctive o b j e c t of s t u d y in a n y g i v e n p e r i o d of the a n t i q u i t y , g i v e n the heterogeneity o f cultures a n d e n v i r o n m e n t s in this geographical region? A n d lf continuities, c o n v e r g e n c e s , a n d homogeneities c a n s o m e h o w b e detected in a n o n - a n t h r o p o g e n o u s f r a m e w o r k — f o r e x a m p l e there is such a thing as a M e d i t e r r a n e a n climate, w e can s t u d y M e d i t e r r a n e a n seismic activities, a n d w e k n o w f r o m personal Observation the M e d i t e r r a n e a n karstic l a n d s c a p e s — c a n w e characterize cultural p h e n o m e n a as ' M e d i t e r r a n e a n p h e n o m - ena'? Is there such a t h i n g as a M e d i t e r r a n e a n m e n t a l i t y , a M e d i t e r r a n e a n w a y o f life, typical M e d i t e r r a n e a n cultic p r a c - tices or rituals, or e v e n M e d i t e r r a n e a n values?3 T h e s e questions s o u n d rhetorical. M o s t of us w o u l d s p o n t a n e o u s l y d e n y the existence of a M e d i t e r r a n e a n culture, a M e d i t e r r a n e a n religion o r a M e d i t e r r a n e a n w a y of life, perhaps o n l y m a k i n g allowances for certain historical p e r i o d s or certain l i m i t e d aspects. It is necessary to rethink w h a t is specifically ' M e d i t e r r a n e a n ' in M e d i t e r r a n e a n studies, to distinguish b e t w e e n objects a n d Ob- s e r v a t i o n a n d c o n s t r u c t s — b u t also to ask ourselves if there is a n y legitimacy for M e d i t e r r a n e a n studies other than the natural geographical limits of this closed sea, a n d if y e s , w h i c h P a r a m - eters w e s h o u l d take into consideration.
I h a v e c h o s e n to e x p l o r e this issue b y treating a cultural p h e n o m e n o n for w h i c h geographical factors d o n o t seem to b e d e t e r m i n a n t : rituals. A d m i t t e d l y , religious responses to space a n d landscape h a v e o f t e n b e e n o b s e r v e d , a n d P . H o r d e n a n d N . P u r c e l l h a v e v e r y a p t l y i n c l u d e d in their Corrupting Sea a
chapter o n territories of grace.4 T h i s chapter deals w i t h a great v a r i e t y o f subjects pertaining to the relation b e t w e e n reli- g i o n a n d the p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n m e n t a n d to geographical p a r a m - eters, such as the topographical features o f cult places ( h o l y w a t e r s , h i g h places, w o o d s and g r o v e s , natural catastrophes s u c h as b a d w e a t h e r , earthquakes a n d v u l c a n i c activity), the
3 See e.g. J . G . Peristiany (ed.), Honour and Shame. The Values of Mediter- ranean Society ( L o n d o n , 1965).
4 CS 401-60.
Ritual Dynamics 143 sacralized e c o n o m y , and the m o b i l i t y of religious practices. T h e questions of continuities, survivals, a n d changes, convergences a n d divergences naturally o c c u p y an i m p o r t a n t p o s i t i o n in their discussion. A l t h o u g h n o claim is m a d e in this b o o k (or has e v e r b e e n m a d e , at least to the best of m y k n o w l e d g e ) that there is a ' M e d i t e r r a n e a n ' religion or that there is a n y t h i n g specifically M e d i t e r r a n e a n in the religions of the ancient M e d i t e r r a n e a n , still continuities in w o r s h i p are detected in certain s i t e s — t h e 'classical' e x a m p l e being the use of the same sacred space b y pagans, C h r i s t i a n s and M u s l i m s ; also similarities in the reli- gious use of Space a n d landscape practices w i t h a w i d e g e o - graphical distribution in the M e d i t e r r a n e a n h a v e been o b s e r v e d . Interestingly, this discussion of continuities, s u r - v i v a l s , a n d similarities in the sacred landscapes of the M e d i t e r - ranean refers to cult, religion, worship, or the sacred; it does n o t to refer to rituals. A l t h o u g h rituals are often alluded to b y H o r d e n a n d Purcell, there is h a r d l y a n y direct reference to the t e r m ritual or to i n d i v i d u a l rituals, and v e r y p r u d e n t l y so, for reasons that w i l l b e given in a m o m e n t .
2 . F R O M M E A N I N G S T O F U N C T I O N S
B u t despite the p r u d e n c e a n d caution that s h o u l d b e s h o w n in the treatment of rituals as objects of a c o m p a r a t i v e or a d i a - c h r o n i c s t u d y , y e t rituals are essential for the u n d e r s t a n d i n g of cult, religion, a n d w o r s h i p , for the use o f sacred space, but also for the cultural profile of a g r o u p , in the ancient M e d i t e r r a n e a n as in a n y other region and p e r i o d . It w a s w i t h the description of differences in rituals (especially burial c u s t o m s and the rituals of d i n i n g ) that m a n y ancient historians (notably H e r o d o t u s ) established cultural difference and identity b e t w e e n G r e e k s a n d barbarians or a m o n g the G r e e k c o m m u n i t i e s .5 I n o n e of the longest and m o s t detailed ancient treatments of rituals, in A t h e n a e u s ' description of the d i n i n g rituals of v a r i o u s peoples, the peculiarities o f each g r o u p are detected t h r o u g h a c o m p a r i - son of the rituals at the d i n i n g table.6 T h e r e is an u n s p o k e n , b u t
5 e.g., F . Hartog, The Mirror of Herodotus. The Representation of the Other in the Writing of History (Berkeley and L o s Angeles, 1988); R . Bichler, Herodots Welt (Berlin, 2000), esp. 48-56, 84-93, 123-31, 151-78.
6 Athen. 4.148-54d.
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relatively w i d e s p r e a d v i e w (in G e r m a n y in particular), p e r h a p s i n f l u e n c e d b y the spirit o f Protestantism, that religious beliefs a n d doctrines h a v e a s u p r e m a c y o v e r rituals, that rituals are meaningless. A n d y e t , scholars still search for the m e a n i n g of rituals n o less than s o m e antiquarians d i d in antiquity.
A g a t h a r c h i d e s narrates a v e r y instructive anecdote:7 ' T h e B o e - otians sacrifice to the g o d s those eels o f the K o p a i c L a k e w h i c h are o f surpassing size, p u t t i n g w r e a t h s o n t h e m , saying p r a y e r s o v e r t h e m , a n d Casting b a r l e y - c o r n s o n f h e m as o n a n y other sacrificial v i c t i m ; a n d to the foreigner w h o w a s utterly p u z z l e d at the strangeness o f this c u s t o m a n d asked the reason, the B o e o t i a n d e c l a r e d that h e k n e w o n e a n s w e r , a n d he w o u l d r e p l y that o n e s h o u l d o b s e r v e ancestral c u s t o m s , and it w a s n o t his business to j u s t i f y t h e m to other m e n . ' T h i s anecdote o f A g a t h a r c h i d e s , rather than c o n f i r m i n g the v i e w of those w h o regard rituals meaningless, advises u s to shift the focus o f the d i s c u s s i o n f r o m m e a n i n g to functions. T h e Boeotians c o n - t i n u e d to sacrifice eels, n o t because of an original, n o w f o r g o t - ten, o b s c u r e a n d entirely insignificant m e a n i n g , b u t because of t h e i m p o r t a n c e attached to the p r e s e r v a t i o n o f ancestral t r a d - itions for the c o h e r e n c e a n d identity of a C o m m u n i t y .
O n e of the p r i m a r y f u n c t i o n s o f rituals, at least in the civic c o m m u n i t i e s in G r e e c e , w a s the c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n h u m a n s a n d other b e i n g s w i t h i n a n d w i t h o u t h u m a n society.8
P u b l i c religious r i t u a l s — s a c r i f i c e in particular, a n d other a c t i v - ities c o n n e c t e d w i t h sacrifice (the singing o f h y m n s , ritual dances, etc.), rituals of purification a n d rituals of d e d i c a t i o n — are p r i v i l e g e d m e a n s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n mortals and g o d s ; ritual activities establish the c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n the l i v i n g and the dead, in the f u n e r a r y cult a n d the cult of heroes; it is also w i t h r i t u a l s — t h e secret rituals o f m a g i c — t h a t m e n estab- lish a contact w i t h s u p e r h u m a n beings. P u b l i c rituals (such as
7 FGrH 86 F 5 (from A t h e n . 7.297d).
8 e.g. F . G r a f , 'Zeichenkonzeption in der Religion der griechischen und römischen A n t i k e ' , in R . Posner, K . Robering, and T . A . Sebeok (eds.), Semiotik. Ein Handbuch zu den zeichentheoretischen Grundlagen von Natur und Kultur (Berlin and N e w Y o r k , 1997), 939-58. C f . N . Bourque, ' A n Anthropologist's V i e w of Ritual', in E. Bispham and C . S m i t h (eds.), Religion in Archaic and Republican Rome and Italy: Evidence and Experience ( E d i n -
burgh, 2000), 21-2.
Ritual Dynamics 145 oath c e r e m o n i e s , banquets, processions, a n d initiatory rituals) p l a y an i m p o r t a n t part also in the c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n c o m m u n i t i e s , g r o u p s a n d individuals; the P e r f o r m a n c e o f rituals expresses s y m b o l i c a l l y roles, hierarchical structures, and ideals; rituals include or e x c l u d e i n d i v i d u a l persons or w h o l e g r o u p s f r o m c o m m u n a l life. C o m m u n i c a t i o n is also the a i m o f all those f o r m s of ritual and ritualized b e h a v i o u r that a c c o m p a n y the social a n d political life of the G r e e k s — t h e d r i n k i n g p a r t y or the celebration of a v i c t o r y , the h o n o u r i n g of benefactors or the a s s e m b l y , the enthronization or the adven- tus o f a ruler, or e v e n d i p l o m a t i c negotiations, as m y n e x t anecdote w i l l h o p e f u l l y demonstrate. I n 86 BC Sulla w a s at w a r w i t h A t h e n s . A f t e r a long siege of their city the A t h e n i a n s sent a delegation to negotiate w i t h the R o m a n general. Plutarch reports:9 ' W h e n they (the e n v o y s ) m a d e n o d e m a n d s w h i c h c o u l d save the city, b u t talked in lofty strains about T h e s e u s and E u m o l p u s a n d the Persian wars, Sulla said to t h e m : 'Be o f f , m y dear sirs, a n d take these speeches w i t h y o u ; for I w a s n o t sent to A t h e n s b y the R o m a n s to learn its history, b u t to s u b d u e its rebels.' T h i s anecdote m a y present m o r e than the c o n f r o n - tation o f A t h e n i a n oratory a n d R o m a n p r a g m a t i s m . I think w e h a v e here the case of a m i s u s e d and m i s u n d e r s t o o d ritual, the f u n c t i o n o f w h i c h w o u l d h a v e been the establishment of the basis o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n , b u t w h i c h failed to d o so. F r o m the times o f Plato's Menexenus to A e l i u s Aristides, the A t h e n i a n s r e m i n d e d t h e m s e l v e s a n d others stereotypically a n d in an almost ritualized w a y of the s a m e three victories over b a r b a r - ians: the v i c t o r y of T h e s e u s o v e r the A m a z o n s , E r e c h t h e u s o v e r the T h r a c i a n s o f E u m o l p u s , and the v i c t o r y in the Persian W a r s .1 0 T h e s e standardized c o m p o n e n t s of their cultural m e m o r y are to b e f o u n d n o t o n l y in orations held in festivals (in other w o r d s w i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k of a ritual), b u t also in their d i p l o m a t i c contacts, e.g. w i t h Sparta.1 1 T h i s ritualized use of h i s t o r y as an a r g u m e n t that can b e o b s e r v e d in m a n y occa- sions a n d in m a n y f o r m s in the history of G r e e k d i p l o m a c y , f r o m the P e l o p o n n e s i a n W a r to the 'kinship d i p l o m a c y ' of the
9 Plu. Sulla 13.
10 Plat. Menex. 239b-40e; Ael. Arist. Panath. 83-7, 92-114.
11 Xen.Hell. 2.2.20; 6.2.6.
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H e l l e n i s t i c a n d I m p e r i a l p e r i o d , established a n d facilitated c o m m u n i c a t i o n a m o n g the G r e e k c o m m u n i t i e s that shared the s a m e cultural m e m o r y a n d v a l u e s .1 2 T h i s d i p l o m a t i c ritual failed in the case of Sulla, a n d quite naturally: Sulla h i m s e l f w a s a b a r b a r i a n aggressor, n o t unlike the A m a z o n s , the T h r a - cians a n d the Persians that h a d threatened the f r e e d o m o f the A t h e n i a n s in the r e m o t e past.
3 . R I T U A L S A N D C U L T U R A L T R A N S F E R
I h a v e stretched out this c o m m u n i c a t i v e f u n c t i o n of rituals and ritualized activities because I think it s h o w s w h y w e s h o u l d i n c l u d e rituals a n d ritualized b e h a v i o u r in c o m p a r a t i v e and d i a c h r o n i c studies o f the ancient M e d i t e r r a n e a n , despite all t h e obstacles a n d m e t h o d o l o g i c a l p r o b l e m s that c o n f r o n t us. It w o u l d b e m i s l e a d i n g , for instance, to ignore the ritual c o m p o n - ents in discussions o f continuities in the use o f sacred space.
T w o C r e t a n sanctuaries w i t h the longest r e c o r d of an u n i n t e r - r u p t e d use as sacred places, the sanctuary in S i m i V i a n n o u a n d the Idaean C a v e , d e m o n s r a t e that it is exactly the change of the rituals that reveals substantial breaks in the tradition, d i s c o n - tinuities rather than continuities. I n S i m i V i a n n o u there w a s a shift in the w o r s h i p f r o m sacrificial rituals a n d b a n q u e t s to the initiatory rituals o f e p h e b e s in the historical p e r i o d .1 3 I n the I d a e a n C a v e the offering of f o o d items in the M i n o a n p e r i o d is replaced b y b l o o d sacrifices, the dedication o f w e a p o n s — a g a i n , p o s s i b l y in c o n n e c t i o n w i t h m i l i t a r y rites o f p a s s a g e — i n the early historical p e r i o d , a n d the celebration o f a cult o f death a n d rebirth.1 4 T h a t the c o n t i n u i t y of use can b e a c c o m p a n i e d b y
12 See most recently C . P . Jones, Kinship Diplomacy in the Ancient World (Cambridge, Mass., 1999).
13 A . Lebessi and P. M . M u h l y , 'Aspects of M i n o a n Cult: Sacred Enclos- ures: T h e Evidence from the S y m e Sanctuary (Crete)', Archäologischer Anzei- ger (1990), 315-36; A . Lebessi, 'Flagellation ou autoflagellation? D o n n e e s iconographiques pour une tentative d'interpretation', Bulletin de Correspon- dance Hellenique 115 (1991), 103-23; K . Sporn, Heiligtümer und Kulte Kretas in klassischer und hellenistischer Zeit (Heidelberg, 2002), 8 5 - 9 (with the earlier bibliography).
14 J . Sakellarakis, ' T h e Idean Cave: M i n o a n and Greek W o r s h i p ' , Kernos 1 (1988), 207-14; S p o r n , Heiligtümer 218-23 (with the earlier bibliography).
Ritual Dynamics 1 4 7
a r a d i c a l d i s c o n t i n u i t y i n r i t u a l p r a c t i c e s is a l s o d e m o n s t r a t e d b y t h e c o n v e r s i o n o f p a g a n t e m p l e s . S c h o l a r s o f t e n r e f e r t o t h e e x i s t e n c e o f C h r i s t i a n c h u r c h e s o n t h e r u i n s o f p a g a n s a n c t u a r - i e s a s a c a s e o f c o n t i n u i t y i n t h e u s e o f s a c r e d s p a c e ; s o m e t i m e s it w a s n o t t h e s a n c t i t y o f t h e s p a c e t h a t i n v i t e d t h e C h r i s t i a n s t o b u i l d t h e i r p l a c e s o f w o r s h i p t h e r e , b u t o n t h e c o n t r a r y i t s u n h o l i n e s s ; n o t t h e e f f o r t t o c o n t i n u e t h e s a c r e d u s e o f a s i t e , b u t t h e e f f o r t t o e x p e l t h e p a g a n d e m o n s ; t h e e f f o r t t o c o n q u e r a n u n h o l y a n d i m p u r e p l a c e a n d make i t s a c r e d . A s H o r d e n a n d P u r c e l l p u t it: ' t h e " h a r d w a r e " o f l o c a l i t y a n d p h y s i c a l f o r m , i n c l u d i n g t e m p l e , c h u r c h o r t o m b , is i n p r a c t i c e i n f u s e d w i t h c h a n g i n g s t r u c t u r e s o f m e a n i n g b y r i t u a l a n d o b s e r v a n c e . '1 5
R i t u a l s h a v e b e e n a n d s h o u l d r e m a i n a n i n t r i n s i c p a r t o f c o m p a r a t i v e s t u d i e s i n t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n . T h e r e is a p l e t h o r a o f c o m p a r a t i v e s t u d i e s o n r i t u a l s t h a t n o t o n l y c o n t a i n t h e n a m e o f t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n i n t h e i r t i t l e , b u t a l s o a d d r e s s t h e c o n v e r - g e n c e s a n d d i v e r g e n c e s i n r i t u a l s i n t h e a n c i e n t M e d i t e r r a - n e a n .1 6 W i t h o u t c l a i m i n g t h e e x i s t e n c e o f a M e d i t e r r a n e a n
15 CS 422. F o r a methodological approach see P. Pakkanen, ' T h e Relation- ship between Continuity and Change in Dark A g e Greek Religion: A M e t h - odological S t u d y ' , Opuscula Atheniensia 25—6 (2000-1), 71—88.
16 T o give only a few examples from the last decade or so, a Conference in R o m e was devoted to dedicatory practices in the ancient Mediterranean ( G . Bartoloni, G . Colonna and C . Grotanelli (eds.), Atti del corwegno inter- nazionale Anathema. Regime delle offene e vita dei santuari nel mediterraneo antico, Roma 15-18 Giugno 1989, in Scienze dell'antichitä 3-4 (1989-90)
(1991)); ariöther Conference in L y o n had Mediterranean sacrificial rituals as its subject (R. Etienne and M . - T . L e Dinahet (eds.), L'Espace sacrificiel dans les civilisations mediterraneennes de l'antiquite: Actes du colloque tenu ä la Maison de l'Orient, Lyon, 4-7 juin 1988 (Paris 1991); R . E. D e M a r i s , has studied the cult of Demeter in R o m a n Corinth as a 'local development in a Mediterranean religion' ('Demeter in R o m a n Corinth: Local Development in a Mediterranean Religion', Numen 42 (1995) 105-17); D . J . T h o m p s o n ap- proached Philadelphus' procession in Alexandria as an expression of 'dynastic power in a Mediterranean context' ('Philadelphus' Procession: Dynastic Power in a Mediterranean Context', in L . M o o r e n (ed.), Politics, Adminis- tration and Society in the Hellenistic and Roman World: Proceedings of the International Colloquium, Bertinoro 19-24 July 1997 ( L o u v a i n , 2000) 3 6 5 - 88); and L . L i D o n n i c i has recently studied 'erotic spells for fever and c o m - pulsion in the ancient Mediterranean world' ('Burning for it: Erotic Spells for Fever and C o m p u l s i o n in the Ancient Mediterranean W o r l d ' , Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 39 (1998), 63-98). See also B. G l a d i g o w , 'Mediterrane
1 4 8 Ritual Dynamics
religion or o f Mediterranean rituals, these scholars regard a c o m p a r a t i v e s t u d y of rituals limited to this area as a m e a n i n g f u l task. A n d there are g o o d reasons for d o i n g so, at least in certain historical p e r i o d s . T h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n Sea has m o r e often b e e n a facilitator o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h a n a barrier, a n d c o m m u m - cation contributes to the w i d e d i f f u s i o n not o n l y of flora, fauna, a n d artefacts, b u t also of culture. A n d rituals are an i m p o r t a n t c o m p o n e n t o f cultural traditions. R i t u a l transfer is, therefore, neither a rare n o r a surprising p h e n o m e n o h .1 7 T h e m e c h a n i s m s o f the transfer a n d the factors that c o n t r i b u t e — i n certain p e r i o d s — c o n v e r g e n c e s in ritual practices are m a n i f o l d and h a v e so o f t e n b e e n s t u d i e d that a brief reference to the m o s t c o m m o n f o r m s w o u l d suffice: m a s s i v e m o v e m e n t s of p o p u l a -
tio n— i n v a s i o n , m i g r a t i o n , c o n q u e s t , and of course c o l o n i z a - tion, w i t h t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of the rituals of the m o t h e r - c i t y to t h e c o l o n y — w e r e s o m e t i m e s n o m o r e influential than the settle- m e n t of small g r o u p s o f foreigners (especially m e r c h a n t s , gar- risons, a n d exiles: for e x a m p l e , P t o l e m a i c mercenaries w e r e as i m p o r t a n t f o r the d i f f u s i o n of the cult o f E g y p t i a n deities, as the R o m a n a r m y for the d i f f u s i o n of m a n y O r i e n t a l cults).1 8 I n a d d i t i o n to this, a d m i n i s t r a t i v e m e a s u r e s of e m p i r e s a n d e v e n d i p l o m a t i c contacts c o n t r i b u t e d to the u n i f o r m i t y of ritual practices. O n e s h o u l d also u n d e r s c o r e the m i s s i o n a r y activity o f i n d i v i d u a l s or o r g a n i z e d g r o u p s . F i n a l l y , w e s h o u l d n o t forget the i m p o r t a n c e o f canonical texts, either orally t r a n s m i t - t e d or w r i t t e n , for ritual transfer f o r instance, the u n i f o r m i t y of magical rituals t h r o u g h o u t the M e d i t e r r a n e a n or the u n i f o r m i t y
Religionsgeschichte, Römische Religionsgeschichte, Europäische Rehgions- geschichte: Z u r Genese einse Faktkonzeptes', in Kykeon: Studies in Honour of H. S. Versnel (Leiden, etc., 2002), 49-67.
17 See, e.g. E . R . G e b h a r d , ' T h e G o d s in Transit: Narratives of Cult Transfer', in A . Y . Collins and M . M . Mitchell (eds.), Antiquity and Human- ity. Essays on Ancient Religion and Philosophy presented to D. Betz on his 70th Birthday ( T ü b i n g e n , 2001), 451-76.
18 M . L a u n e y , Recherches sur les armees hellenistiques (reimpression avec addenda et mise ä jour en postface par Y . Garlan, Ph. Gauthier, Cl. Orrieux, Paris, 1987), 1026-31; A . Chaniotis, 'Foreign S o l d i e r s — N a t i v e Girls? C o n - structing and Crossing Boundaries in Hellenistic Cities with Foreign G a r - risons', in A . Chaniotis and P. D u c r e y (eds.), Army and Power in the Ancient World (Stuttgart, 2002), 108-9.
Ritual Dynamics 1 4 9 of rituals of m y s t e r y cults w a s to a great extent the result of the existence of ritual h a n d b o o k s .1 9
I n w h a t f o l l o w s , I w i l l not discuss the m e c h a n i s m s of ritual transfer a n d u n i f o r m i t y in the M e d i t e r r a n e a n , b u t s i m p l y a d - dress s o m e p r o b l e m s w e are c o n f r o n t e d w i t h w h e n w e attempt to m a k e rituals a m e a n i n g f u l subject o f M e d i t e r r a n e a n s t u d i e s — either diachronically or in particular periods.
4 . T H E E L U S I V E N E S S O F R I T U A L S
R i t u a l s belong to the m o s t elusive p h e n o m e n a of ancient reli- gious a n d social b e h a v i o u r . A s w i d e l y established, stereotypical activities, f o l l o w e d consistently and (at least in t h e o r y ) i n v a r i - a b l y , t h e y are rarely described and h a r d l y ever e x p l a i n e d b y those w h o p e r f o r m t h e m ; they are rather described b y those w h o o b s e r v e t h e m a n d are a s t o u n d e d at the differences f r o m the rituals o f their o w n culture, or they are described b y p u z z l e d antiquarians. W h e r e a s religious activity at a site can be estab- lished b y v a r i o u s m e a n s (e.g. t h r o u g h the existence of a cult b u i l d i n g , e x - v o t o s , or d e d i c a t o r y inscriptions), w e often lack any k n o w l e d g e o f the rituals i n v o l v e d ; and the cult o f a d i v i n i t y m a y b e practised c o n t i n u a l l y , e v e n t h o u g h the rituals of the w o r s h i p change. T o g i v e a f e w e x a m p l e s , there w a s a decline in the offering o f b l o o d sacrifice in the later part of the I m p e r i a l p e r i o d , a n d instead a preference for the singing of h y m n s a n d the o f f e r i n g o f libations.2 0 A n o t h e r change w e m a y o b s e r v e
19 F o r rrragical handbooks see F . G r a f , Gottesnähe und Schadenzauber: Die Magie in der griechisch-römischen Antike ( M u n i c h , 1996) 10; M . W . Dickie, ' T h e Learned Magician and the Collection and Transmission of Magical L o r e ' , in D . R . Jordan, H . M o n t g o m e r y , and E. T h o m a s s e n (eds.), The World of Ancient Magic: Papers from the First International Samson Eitrem Seminar at the Noruiegian Institute at Athens, 4-8 May 1997 (Bergen, 1999), 163-93. A n impression of initiatory liturgical books is provided by the so-called 'Mithrasliturgie' in a papyrus in Paris (Papyri Graecae Magicae 4 475-824); see R . Merkelbach, Abrasax III. Ausgewählte Papyri religiösen und magischen, Inhalts I I I (Opladen, 1992).
20 S. Bradbury, 'Julian's Pagan Revival and the Decline of Blood Sacrifice', Phoenix 49 (1995), 331-56; see e.g. F . Sokolowski, Lois Sacrees de l'Asie Mineure (Paris, 1955), no. 28; A . R e h m , Didyma II. Die Inschriften, ed.
R. Härder (Berlin, 1958), no. 217; R . Merkelbach and J. Stauber, 'Die Orakel des A p o l l o n v o n Klaros', Epigraphica Anatolica 27 (1996), 1-54, nos. 2 (Pergamon), 4 (Hierapolis), and 11 (Sardes or Koloe).
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t h a n k s to inscriptions w i t h sacred regulations is a shift f r o m the p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h the ritual p u r i t y o f the b o d y to a p r e o c c u - p a t i o n w i t h the p u r i t y o f the m i n d ;2 1 the relevant e v i d e n c e dates f r o m the f o u r t h Century BC o n w a r d s a n d is w i d e l y d i f f u s e d in t h e eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n (in M a c e d o n i a a n d m a i n l a n d G r e e c e , in C r e t e a n d m a n y islands of the A e g e a n , and m a n y places in A s i a M i n o r ) . B o t h changes in rituals o c c u r r e d in sanctuaries u s e d w i t h o u t any interruption a n d d e v o t e d to the s a m e d i v i n i t y . A l l this has been o b s e r v e d t h a n k s to the rather u n u s u a l a b u n d a n c e of literary texts a n d a b o v e all of inscriptions (sacred regulations) in the respective periods. S u c h changes h a v e a social p a r a m e t e r as well. B o t h a f o r e m e n t i o n e d changes s e e m to h a v e i n f l u e n c e d o n l y part o f the w o r s h i p p e r s , the intel- lectual elite a n d the p e r s o n s that s t o o d u n d e r its influence.
Social a n d intellectual differentiations in the practice of rituals s h o u l d b e taken into consideration, b u t it is o n l y in exceptional cases that o u r sources a l l o w us to d o so.
A n o t h e r e x a m p l e of continual use of a sacred place c o n n e c t e d w i t h a d i s r u p t i o n of ritual practices is p r o v i d e d b y the altar o f the J e r u s a l e m t e m p l e . It w a s used as an altar for b l o o d sacrifices t h r o u g h o u t the Hellenistic p e r i o d , w i t h n o i n t e r r u p t i o n in its
u s e—a w o n d e r f u l case o f c o n t i n u i t y in rituals, o n e m i g h t h a v e t h o u g h t , if w e d i d not h a v e the literary e v i d e n c e that i n f o r m s us that for a p e r i o d o f three years a n d six m o n t h s d u r i n g the reign of A n t i o c h u s I V the altar w a s used for the sacrifice of s w i n e ;2 2 the c h a n g e of j u s t o n e c o m p o n e n t of the ritual o f b l o o d sacrifice (the species of the sacrificial animal) p r o v o c a t i v e l y d e m o n s t r a t e d a d i s r u p t i o n o f the ritual tradition. I n this particular case w e h a p p e n to k n o w of this s h o r t - t e r m i n t e r r u p t i o n , in others w e d o not, a n d it has o f t e n b e e n o b s e r v e d that c o n t i n u i t y in use of t h e s a m e space does n o t necessarily m e a n its identical use.2 3 It is
21 A . Chaniotis, 'Reinheit des K ö r p e r s — R e i n h e i t der Seele in den grie- chischen Kultgesetzen', in J . A s s m a n n and T h . Sundermeier (eds.), Schuld, Gewissen und Person (Gütersloh, 1997), 142-79.
2 2 Joseph. Ant.Jud. 12.253.
23 A . Chaniotis, in J. Schäfer (ed.), Amnisos nach den archäologischen, topo- graphischen, historischen und epigraphischen Zeugnissen des Altertums und der Neuzeit (Berlin, 1992), 88-96; L . V . Watrous, The Cave Sanctuary of Zeus at Psychro. A Study of Extra-Urban Sanctuaries in Minoan and Early Iran Age Crete (Liege, 1996), esp. 106-11; CS 404-11.
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often this elusiveness o f rituals that makes scholars v e r y p r u - d e n t l y talk about continuity of cult, b u t not o f continuity of rituals.
B u t except f o r interruptions and disruptions that escape o u r notice, s o m e t i m e s there are elusive continuities. Rites of p a s - sage in particular, long abolished or neglected, h a v e the t e n - d e n c y to e m e r g e in u n e x p e c t e d places a n d f o r m s ( v e r y often as the b a c k g r o u n d o f literary n a r r a t i v e s — a n i m p o r t a n t subject that cannot b e addressed here).2 4 T h e activities o f the A t h e n i a n e p h e b e s in the Hellenistic p e r i o d , after the artificial revival o f the e p h e b i c institutions b u t w i t h o u t the institutionalized P e r - f o r m a n c e of initiatory rituals, present an interesting case. A n h o n o r i f i c decree of 123 BC describes these activities, w h i c h i n c l u d e d participation in festivals, processions, and athletic c o m p e t i t i o n s , attendance at philosophical schools, military exercises, visits to i m p o r t a n t historical m o n u m e n t s a n d sanctu- aries, a n d acquaintance w i t h the b o r d e r s of A t h e n i a n territory;
these activities are m o r e or less standardized, since w e f i n d references to t h e m in similar decrees. It is in this passage that w e f i n d the f o l l o w i n g report:2 5
and they made an excursion to the border of Attic territory carrying their weapons, acquiring knowledge of the territory and the roads [lacuna] and they visited the sanctuaries in the countryside, offering sacrifices on behalf of the people. W h e n they arrived at the grave at Marathon, they offered a wreath and a sacrifice to those who died in war for freedom; they also came to the sanctuary of Amphiaraus. A n d there they demonstrated the legitimate possession of the sanctuary which had been occupied by the ancestors in old times. A n d after they had offered a sacrifice, they returned on the same day to our own territory.
W h a t at first sight seems a harmless excursion, acquires another d i m e n s i o n w h e n w e take into consideration the fact that in this p e r i o d the sanctuary of A m p h i a r a u s w a s not part of the A t h e n - ian territory, b u t b e l o n g e d to the city of O r o p o s . T h e A t h e n i a n s h a d lost this territory less than a generation earlier (this w a s the occasion of the f a m o u s e m b a s s y of the A t h e n i a n philosophers to
24 C f . J . M a , 'Black Hunter Variations', Proceedings of the Cambridge Philo- logical Society 40 (1994), 49-80.
25 IG I I2 1006 lines 65-71.
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R o m e ) . T h e A t h e n i a n e p h e b e s m a r c h e d u n d e r a r m s into f o r - eign territory, r e m i n d i n g their audience w i t h Speeches that the A t h e n i a n s w e r e the legitimate o w n e r s of the sanctuary, a n d then w i t h d r e w b e h i n d the A t h e n i a n b o r d e r . T h i s looks v e r y m u c h like the s u r v i v a l o f an initiatory ritual: Separation f r o m u r b a n life, liminality t h r o u g h visit of the b o r d e r s of the territory, exp'osure to a danger a n d a c h i e v e m e n t of an i m p o r t a n t d e e d , a n d r e i n t e g r a t i o n — r e t u r n to A t h e n s a n d acceptance into the Citizen b o d y .
5 . A R T I F I C I A L R E V I V A L S
A s e c o n d p r o b l e m i n v o l v e d in the s t u d y of continuities in rituals (but also in the s t u d y of religious continuities in general) is the fact that w h a t at first sight s e e m s a s u r v i v a l m a y w e l l b e an artificial revival. S o m e t i m e in the fifth Century AD, a p a g a n priest in M e g a r a , one H e l l a d i o s , set u p an inscription o n the m o n u m e n t o f the dead of the Persian W a r s , restoring S i m o m - des' e p i g r a m (written almost o n e m i l l e n n i u m earlier) and a d d i n g the r e m a r k that 'the city o f f e r e d sacrifices u p to this d a y ' .2 6 It w o u l d b e a b i g mistake to take this Statement as p r o o f that this ritual h a d b e e n continually p e r f o r m e d in M e g a r a for ten centuries. A long t i m e after the p r o h i b i t i o n of pagan sacri- fices, H e l l a d i o s p r o v o c a t i v e l y defies the laws of the C h r i s t i a n e m p e r o r s — a p h e n o m e n o n to w h i c h I w i l l return later. H e r e , w e are m o r e p r o b a b l y dealing w i t h a r e v i v a l rather t h a n a s u r v i v a l .
T h i s is m o r e clear in m y second e x a m p l e , a M i l e s i a n decree of the m i d - f i r s t Century c o n c e r n i n g a b a n q u e t w h i c h s h o u l d b e offered b y the prophetes (the priest of A p o l l o D i d y m e u s ) at D i d y m a to the kosmoi ( p r o b a b l y a b o a r d o f sacred officials responsible f o r s o m e k i n d of decoration in the sanctuary) a n d b y the stephanephoros to the molpoi, the o l d , respected priestly b o a r d of singers.2 7 T h i s decree w a s b r o u g h t to the a s s e m b l y b y T i b e r i u s C l a u d i u s D a m a s , a w e l l - k n o w n Citizen of M i l e t u s .
26 IG V I I 53.
27 P. H e r r m a n n , Inschriften von Milet, Part 1 (Berlin, 1997), no.134 (with the earlier bibliography); F . Sokolowski, Lots sacrees de l'Asie Mineure (Paris, 1955), no. 53. F o r a detailed discussion of the religious context of D a m a s ' initiative and further examples see A . Chaniotis, 'Negotiating Religion in the Cities of the Eastern R o m a n Provinces', Kernos 16 (2003), 177-90.
Ritual Dynamics 153 T h a n k s to n u m e r o u s inscriptions a n d coins w e k n o w a f e w things about his personality. H e held the office of the prophetes for at least t w o t e r m s and he initiated a coinage w i t h representa- tions of A p o l l o D i d y m e u s a n d A r t e m i s P y t h i e .2 8 W e are dealing w i t h an i n d i v i d u a l w i t h a particular interest in the old, revered, b u t also often d e s t r o y e d a n d neglected sanctuary at D i d y m a . T h e actual subject of the decree is presented in f e w e r than six lines: T h e acting prophetes and the stephanephoros are o b l i g e d 'to organize the b a n q u e t of the kosmoi a n d the molpoi according to ancestral c u s t o m a n d in accordance w i t h the laws and the decrees w h i c h h a v e been p r e v i o u s l y issued.' S u r p r i s i n g l y e n o u g h , this short text is f o l l o w e d b y t w e n t y - f o u r lines, d e v o t e d to m e a s u r e s p r e v e n t i n g future violations of this decree a n d the p u n i s h m e n t of w r o n g d o e r s . T h e responsible magistrates w e r e n o t a l l o w e d to Substitute this celebration w i t h a m o n e y contri- b u t i o n .2 9 A n y f u t u r e decree w h i c h d i d not c o n f o r m to this decree s h o u l d b e invalid; its initiator w o u l d h a v e to p a y a fine, in a d d i t i o n to the d i v i n e p u n i s h m e n t w h i c h awaits the i m p i o u s ; a n d the ritual w o u l d h a v e to b e p e r f o r m e d , nonetheless. T h i s decree is declared to b e 'a decree pertaining to piety t o w a r d s the g o d s a n d the A u g u s t i and to the preservation of the city'. D a m a s w a s o b v i o u s l y afraid that his decree w o u l d b e as persistently i g n o r e d b y f u t u r e magistrates as all those earlier laws o n the s a m e matter w h i c h he quotes. H i s concern m u s t h a v e been j u s t i f i e d . D a m a s h i m s e l f s e r v e d as a prophetes, voluntarily; in the text w h i c h records his first t e r m in this office D a m a s u n d e r - scores the fact that 'he p e r f o r m e d e v e r y t h i n g w h i c h his p r e d e - cessors used to p e r f o r m ' . S u c h Statements in honorific inscriptions indicate that s o m e magistrates w e r e less diligent in the f u l f i l m e n t of their duties. D a m a s served a second t e r m later, after a y e a r of v a c a n c y in this office;3 0 not a Single
28 L . Robert, Monnaies grecques. Types, legendes, Magistrats monetaires et geographie ( G e n e v a and Paris, 1967), 50.
2 9 T h a t this occasionally happened, following the demand of the Commu- nity, is demonstrated b y a new inscription from Dag'mara/Karaköy ( T e m p - sianoi?): a priest acceded to the request of the city and provided the money he was supposed to spend for banquets for the construction of an aqueduct (c.AD 180-92). See H . M a l a y , Researches in Lydia, Mysia and Aiohs (TAM, Ergan- Eungsband 23) (Vienna, 1999), 115 no. 127.
30 R e h m , Didyma, no. 268.
1 5 4 Ritual Dynamics
M i l e s i a n h a d b e e n Willing to serve as a prophetes—not an u n - usual Situation at D i d y m a .
N u m e r o u s inscriptions d o c u m e n t a general u n w i l l i n g n e s s a m o n g s t the Citizens to s e r v e as prophetai a n d an e v e n greater u n w i l l i n g n e s s to p e r f o r m all the traditional rituäls. I n the long series of m o r e than o n e h u n d r e d inscriptions that record the n a m e s of the prophetai m a n y texts i n f o r m us t i m e a n d again of the difficulties in f i n d i n g candidates. O n e of the prophetai, C l a u d i u s C h i o n i s , explicitly states that he s e r v e d b o t h as archi- prytanis a n d as prophetes in a year in w h i c h ' n o Citizen w a s Willing to accept either office'.3 1 W e get s o m e i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t D a m a s ' s e c o n d t e r m as a prophetes f r o m the a b o v e i n - s c r i p t i o n f r o m D i d y m a . It reports that D a m a s s e r v e d v o l u n t a r - ily a s e c o n d t e r m as a prophetes, at the age of 81, a n d that
'he r e v i v e d the ancestral c u s t o m s ' a n d celebrated the b a n q u e t in the s a n c t u a r y at D i d y m a t w e l v e d a y s long. S i m i l a r references to the rites p e r f o r m e d b y the prophetes appear occasionally in the inscriptions o f the prophetai. T h e explicit certification that the particular priest h a d fulfilled his duties indicate that this w a s n o t a l w a y s the case. A n d s o m e officials s e e m to h a v e d o n e m o r e than their predecessors. A n a n o n y m o u s prophetes, for e x a m p l e , p r o v i d e d the f u n d s for a b a n q u e t for all the Citizens for 13 d a y s ; h e d i s t r i b u t e d m o n e y to w o m e n a n d virgins in a festival; he o f f e r e d a d i n n e r for the b o y s w h o officiated in a celebration; a n d he distributed m o n e y to the m e m b e r s of the Council o n A p o l l o ' s b i r t h d a y .3 2
T h e s e s p o r a d i c references to revivals s e e m to m e to reflect failures rather than success. T h i s e v i d e n c e (and there is m u c h m o r e f r o m other cities) s h o w us h o w an i n d i v i d u a l w i t h a v i v i d interest in ancestral c u s t o m s r e v i v e d rituals l o n g forgotten and neglected. T h e fact that inscriptions w h i c h refer to these initia- tives s u r v i v e does n o t p e r m i t the c o n c l u s i o n that the success of these initiatives w a s lasting. D a m a s ' decree offers an interesting e x a m p l e o f a revival w h i c h w a s a p p a r e n t l y accepted b y the p e o p l e , b u t w h o s e success w a s e p h e m e r a l . F r o m his o w n
31 Ibid. no. 272. Similar problems are alluded to in nos. 214 B, 215, 236 B I I I , 241, 243, 244, 252, 269, 270, 277, 278, 279 A , 286, 288, and 289.
32 Ibid. no. 297. T w o other prophetai claim that they had revived ancient customs, but their inscriptions are too fragmentary to allow us to see what exactly the object of the revival had been: nos. 289 and 303.
Ritual Dynamics 155 inscriptions w e k n o w that at least he f o l l o w e d the c u s t o m , b u t o t h e r w i s e there are o n l y sporadic references to this celebration.
W h e n the d r i v i n g force of a revival w a s an i n d i v i d u a l , not the C o m m u n i t y , the revival often died w i t h its initiator, exactly as certain festivals or cults d i d not s u r v i v e the death of their f o u n d e r s . I h a v e discussed this case in such detail, because it s e e m s to m e a v e r y characteristic e x a m p l e of h o w m i s l e a d i n g it m a y b e to try to d r a w conclusions about the continual P e r f o r m - ance o f rituals f r o m isolated pieces of evidence. T h i s e x a m p l e also demonstrates the role of individual personalities and i d i o - syncrasies for the P e r f o r m a n c e of rituals, a subject to w h i c h I return later. N e e d l e s s to say artificial revivals s o m e t i m e s are a c c o m p a n i e d w i t h changes in m e a n i n g . T h e initiatory ritual o f the flagellation in the sanctuary of A r t e m i s O r t h i a in Sparta ( k n o w n also f r o m C r e t e ) w a s r e v i v e d as a touristic attraction in the i m p e r i a l p e r i o d .3 3
6. M I S L E A D I N G A N A L O G I E S : T H E D A I D A L A OF P L A T A I A A N D I T S M O D E R N E X E G E T E S
A third p r o b l e m is that s o m e t i m e s similarities in isolated e l e m - ents of rituals attested in distant parts o f the M e d i t e r r a n e a n are r e g a r d e d as p r o o f of the identity of these rituals, or of an analogy b e t w e e n t h e m . L e t us take, for e x a m p l e , the carrying of the w o o d e n image in a procession, the central ritual of the festival of the D a i d a l a .3 4 T h e aetiological m y t h is narrated b y Plutarch a n d Pausanias:3 5 o n c e H e r a h a d quarrelled w i t h Z e u s and w a s h i d i n g . A l a l k o m e n e s advised Z e u s to deceive H e r a , b y acting as if he w e r e g o i n g to m a r r y another w o m a n . W i t h A l a l k o m e n e s ' h e l p , Z e u s secretly cut d o w n a big and v e r y beautiful oak-tree, g a v e it the shape of a w o m a n , decorated it as a b r i d e , and called it D a i d a l e . T h e n they sang the w e d d i n g s o n g for her, the n y m p h s of the river T r i t o n gave her the nuptial bath, a n d Boiotia p r o v i d e d for flautists and revellers. W h e n all this w a s
33 Plu. Mor. 239d.
34 F o r a more detailed discussion see A . Chaniotis, 'Ritual Dynamics: T h e Boiotian festival of the Daidala', in Kykeon: Studies in Honour ofH. S. Versnel (Leiden, 2002), 23-48 (with the earlier bibliography).
35 Plutarch, FGrH 388 F 1 (peri ton en Plataiais Daidalon); Pausanias 9.2.7- 9.3.3.
Ritual Dynamics
a l m o s t c o m p l e t e d , H e r a lost her patience. S h e c a m e d o w n f r o m M t . K i t h a i r o n , f o l l o w e d b y the w o m e n of Plataia, a n d ran füll of anger a n d j e a l o u s y to Z e u s . B u t w h e n she realized that the ' b r i d e ' w a s a doli, she reconciled herseif w i t h Z e u s w i t h j o y a n d laughter a n d took the role of the b r i d e s m a i d . S h e h o n o u r e d this w o o d e n i m a g e and n a m e d the festival D a i d a l a . N o n e t h e - less, she b u r n e d the i m a g e , although it w a s n o t alive, because o f her j e a l o u s y . Pausanias gives us the m o s t detailed description o f t h e ritual:
In this way they celebrate the festival. N o t far from Alalkomenai is a grove of oaks. Here the trunks of the oaks are the largest in Boeotia.
T o this grove come the Plataians, and lay out portions of boiled flesh.
T h e y keep a strict watch on the crows which flock to them, but they are not troubled at all about the other birds. T h e y mark carefully the tree on which a crow settles with the meat he has seized. T h e y cut down the trunk of the tree on which the crow has settled, and make of it the daidalon; for this is the name that they give to the wooden image also. T h i s festival the Plataians celebrate by themselves, calling it the Little Daidala, but the Great Daidala, which is celebrated with them by the Boeotians, is a festival held at intervals of fifty-nine years, for that is the period during which, they say, the festival could not be held, as the Plataians were in exile. There are fourteen wooden images ready, having been provided each year at the Little Daidala. Lots are cast for them by the Plataians, Koronaians, Thespians, Thangraians, Chaironeis, Orchomenians, Lebadeis, and Thebans. For at the time when Kassandros, the son of Antipater, rebuilt Thebes, the Thebans wished to be reconciled with the Plataians, to share in the common assembly, and to send a sacrifice to the Daidala. T h e towns of less account pool their funds for images. Bringing the image to the A s o - pos, and setting it upon a wagon, they place a bridesmaid also on the wagon. T h e y again cast lots for the position they are to hold in the procession. After this they drive the wagons from the river to the summit of Kithairon. O n the peak of the mountain an altar has been prepared, which they make in the following way. T h e y fit together quadrangular pieces of wood, putting them together just as if they were making a stone building, and having raised it to a height they place brushwood upon the altar. T h e cities with their magistrates sacrifice a cow to Hera and a bull to Zeus, burning on the altar the victims, füll of wine and incense, along with the daidala. Rieh people, as individuals sacrifice what they wish; but the less wealthy sacrifice the smaller cattle; all the victims alike are burned. T h e fire seizes the altar and the victims as well, and consumes them all together. I know
Ritual Dynamics 1 5 7 of no blaze that is so high, or seen so far as this (trans. W . H . S. Jones, modified).
F r o m F r a z e r ' s times o n w a r d s the D a i d a l a of Boeotia h a v e fas- cinated scholars s t u d y i n g the relation b e t w e e n m y t h and ritual.
A m o n g s t the m a n y studies o n the D a i d a l a the m o s t influential a p p r o a c h recognizes the heterogeneity of the details described b y Pausanias, b u t focuses o n the construction a n d b u r n i n g of the w o o d e n i m a g e or images, investing this ritual w i t h a variety of m e a n i n g s w h i c h ränge f r o m the idea of an annual fire e x - pressing the rejuvenation of nature to the appeasement o f a m i g h t y c h t h o n i c goddess. T h i s approach associates the D a i d a l a w i t h the spring a n d m i d - s u m m e r b o n f i r e festivals of m o d e r n E u r o p e (of the M a y p o l e or J o h a n n e s f e u e r - t y p e ) , at w h i c h a w o o d e n i m a g e is b r o u g h t to the settlement and b u r n e d . A c c o r d i n g to F r a z e r ' s interpretation, the D a i d a l a represent the marriage o f p o w e r s o f Vegetation; H e r a ' s retirement is a m y t h i c a l expression for a b a d season and the failure of c r o p s .3 6 M . P . N i l s s o n speculated that the image w h i c h w a s b u r n e d represented a d e m o n of Vegetation that had to go t h r o u g h fire in o r d e r to secure the w a r m t h of the sun for e v e r y t h i n g that lives and g r o w s . Since this fire ritual had the p u r p o s e o f p r o m o t i n g fertility, it w a s u n d e r s t o o d as a w e d d i n g ; H e r a w a s associated w i t h this festival at a late stage, as the g o d d e s s o f marriage; the discrepancies in the m y t h s and the rituals reflect the late conflation of t w o separate festivals, a fire festival a n d a festival of H e r a .3 7
T h e p r o m i n e n t position of a holocaust offering at t w o festi- vals o f A r t e m i s , the L a p h r i a and the Elaphebolia, led A . S c h a c h t e r to the a s s u m p t i o n that the b u r n i n g o f the images at the D a i d a l a w a s also originally dedicated to A r t e m i s and at s o m e later p o i n t c o n n e c t e d w i t h the cult of H e r a .3 8 N e e d l e s s to s a y , the similarity b e t w e e n the D a i d a l a o n the one h a n d and the L a p h r i a a n d the E l a p h e b o l i a o n the other is rather
36 J. G . Frazer, The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion. Part I:
The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, 3rd edn. ( L o n d o n , 1913), ii. 140-1.
37 M . P. Nilsson, Griechische Feste von religiöser Bedeutung mit Ausschluss der attischen ( L u n d , 1906), 54-5; Geschichte der griechischen Religion, 3rd edn.
( M u n i c h , 1967), i. 130-1, 431.
38 A . Schachter, Cults of Boiotia ( L o n d o n , 1981), i. 247.
1 5 8 Ritual Dynamics
superficial; the b u r n i n g o f slaughtered sacrificial v i c t i m s at the D a i d a l a c a n n o t b e c o m p a r e d w i t h the t h r o w i n g of living a n i m a l s o n the p y r e at the L a p h r i a . I n a d d i t i o n to this, I can see n o e v i d e n c e for the a s s u m p t i o n that in the holocausts o f the L a p h r i a a n d the E l a p h e b o l i a A r t e m i s w a s c o n c e i v e d as the p a t r o n e s s o f c h i l d b i r t h ; a n d of course there is n o e v i d e n c e for t h e sacrificial b u r n i n g o f w o o d e n images in these festivals of A r t e m i s .
F i n a l l y , W . B u r k e r t has attributed the D a i d a l a to a category o f m y t h s a n d rituals the c o m m o n t h e m e o f w h i c h is the d e p a r t - u r e a n d r e t u r n o f a g o d d e s s of f e r t i l i t y — w e l l k n o w n f r o m O r i e n t a l i c o n o g r a p h y a n d m y t h .3 9 B u r k e r t recognized an a n - cient G r e e k parallel in a representation o n a pithos of the n i n t h Century BC f o u n d at K n o s s o s . A w i n g e d g o d d e s s , richly dressed a n d w i t h a h i g h polos, Stands o n a chariot. S h e is represented in t w o different w a y s in t w o panels o n the t w o o p p o s i t e sides o f the pithos. I n the o n e panel the g o d d e s s raises her h a n d s o n w h i c h t w o b i r d s are seated. O n the other panel the g o d d e s s has d r o p p e d her a r m s , her w i n g s are l o w e r e d , the b i r d s fly a w a y . T h e trees in the first representation b l o s s o m , the trees o n the other side d o not. A c c o r d i n g to B u r k e r t ' s plausible interpret- ation, the t w o panels are c o n n e c t e d w i t h a festival o f the C o m i n g a n d the d e p a r t u r e o f the great g o d d e s s o f fertility; the chariot i m p l i e s that an i m a g e o f the g o d d e s s w a s b r o u g h t into the city.
T h e r e are i n d e e d o b v i o u s analogies to the m y t h s a n d the ritual o f the D a i d a l a : the d e p a r t u r e of an ( a n g r y ) g o d d e s s a n d her return, the c a r r y i n g o f an i m a g e o n a chariot. B u t there are also o b v i o u s differences: the representation f r o m K n o s s o s is the i m a g e o f a g o d d e s s ; the w o o d e n daidala w e r e not; the daidala w e r e b u r n e d ; a n d there is n o indication that the i m a g e o n the K n o s s i a n pithos is that of a b r i d e .
A n o t h e r parallel w a s r e c o g n i z e d b y B u r k e r t in the report o f F i r m i c u s M a t e r n u s c o n c e r n i n g a festival o f P e r s e p h o n e .4 0
A tree w a s cut a n d w a s u s e d for the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the i m a g e of
3 9 W . Burkert, 'Katagögia-Anagögia and the G o d d e s s of Knossos', in R.
H ä g g , N . Marinatos, and G . Nordquist (eds.), Early Greek Cult Practice.
Proceedings of the Fifth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 26-29 June 1986 (Stockholm, 1988), 81-7.
40 Err. prof. rel. 27.2.
Ritual Dynamics 159 a m a i d e n , w h i c h w a s then b r o u g h t to the city; there, it w a s m o u r n e d for f o r t y days; o n the e v e n i n g o f the fortieth d a y , the i m a g e w a s b u r n e d . T h i s ritual is s u p p o s e d to reflect the annual cycle o f nature. T h e j o y at the Coming of the g o d d e s s w a s f o l l o w e d b y the sadness at her departure in the fall. A g a i n , the differences f r o m the D a i d a l a are n o less striking than the s i m i - larities. P e r s e p h o n e ' s periodical death finds n o analogy in a n y k n o w n cult of H e r a ; the w o o d e n daidala w e r e not b r o u g h t to the city, t h e y w e r e n o t m o u r n e d , and they w e r e n o t s u p p o s e d to represent the periodical death of a virgin. A e l i a n a n d A t h e n a e u s h a v e reports of a similar festival at E r y x in Sicily, this time for A p h r o d i t e — t h e festival A n a g o g i a . It o w e d its n a m e to the d e - parture o f A p h r o d i t e , w h o w a s t h o u g h t to leave for A f r i c a , f o l l o w e d b y b i r d s (pigeons). N i n e d a y s later a v e r y beautiful p i g e o n w a s seen c o m i n g f r o m the south, and its c o m i n g w a s celebrated as the festival Katagogia. W e o b s e r v e , h o w e v e r , that in this festival there is n o image, n o marriage, n o p y r e . Burkert suggested associating this g r o u p of festivals w i t h m a n k i n d ' s p r i m o r d i a l fears: threatened b y d r o u g h t , b a d harvests, infertil- ity, a n d b a d w e a t h e r , p e o p l e f r o m time to time leave the area of agricultural activity and return to the forest, w h e r e they used to f i n d f o o d at the stage of hunters and gatherers. T h e b u r n i n g of an i m a g e m a y b e a s u r v i v a l of the great p y r e s o n peak sanctuar- ies in M i n o a n C r e t e .
M o d e r n research has not o n l y isolated these t w o important c o m p o n e n t s of the D a i d a l a , the sacred marriage a n d the fire ritual; it has also p o i n t e d out that the b u r n i n g of the D a i d a l a can be c o n c e i v e d of as a sacrifice, and this is a v e r y i m p o r t a n t d e m e n t w h i c h is difficult to reconcile w i t h the other t w o a p - proaches. K . M e u l i has assigned the sacrifice of the D a i d a l a to the category of the 'chthonische V e r n i c h t u n g s o p f e r ' , sacrifices o f f e r e d to c h t h o n i c deities w h o s e dangerous p o w e r s h o u l d b e appeased;4 1 the m y t h about the quarrel b e t w e e n H e r a and Z e u s and the g o d d e s s ' w i t h d r a w a l can b e associated w i t h this inter- pretation, w h i c h , h o w e v e r , fails to explain other c o m p o n e n t s of the ritual in the I m p e r i a l p e r i o d (especially the allusions to a w e d d i n g ) . T h e fact that the daidala cannot b e conceived as
41 K . Meuli, 'Griechische Opferbräuche', in Phyllobolia für Peter von Mühll zum 60. Geburtstag am 1. August 1945 (Basel, 1946), 209-10.
i6o
Ritual Dynamicsd i v i n e images led E . L o u c a s - D u r i e to the a s s u m p t i o n that their b u r n i n g w a s the Substitute for a h u m a n sacrifice, w h i c h m a y h a v e constituted a central part of the ritual in its early p h a s e .4 2
I h a v e dealt w i t h the D a i d a l a at s o m e l e n g t h — w i t h o u t m e n - t i o n i n g all the interpretations offered so f a r — b e c a u s e it offers a characteristic e x a m p l e o f the p r o b l e m s w e face w i t h similarities a n d analogies b e t w e e n rituals, especially w h e n o u r sources c o m e f r o m a p e r i o d in w h i c h the P e r f o r m a n c e o f the ritual is the result o f a m a l g a m a t i o n s and s y n c o p a t i o n s .
7 . R I T U A L S A N D T H E P H Y S I C A L E N V I R O N M E N T A f o u r t h obstacle in the w a y o f s t u d y i n g rituals in a M e d i t e r r a - n e a n context is the fact that rituals present an aspect of w o r s h i p that seems to b e least related to g e o g r a p h y , physical e n v i r o n - m e n t and landscape. O n e m a y raise o n e ' s h a n d s in p r a y e r , kneel b e f o r e a cult statue, kiss an object o f w o r s h i p , p o u r a l i q u i d d u r i n g an oath c e r e m o n y , or take a ritual bath near the b a n k s of the N i l e or in the r o c k y landscape o f K a p p a d o k i a — o r virtually a n y w h e r e eise. N o geographical factors s e e m to b e directly in Operation w h e n p e o p l e p e r f o r m rites o f passage a c c o r d i n g t o the threefold structure established b y v a n G e n n e p a n d m o d i f i e d b y T u r n e r and others, w h e t h e r they are in ancient G r e e c e , m e d i - eval India, or a c o n t e m p o r a r y Student fraternity.
T h i s position w h i c h dissociates rituals f r o m geographical factors and landscapes is related to a w i d e s p r e a d attitude in the s t u d y of rituals that reappears in different f o r m s f r o m F r a z e r ' s Golden Bough to B u r k e r t ' s Creation of the Sacred: rituals are
p r i m e v a l , they are n o t i n v e n t e d b u t t r a n s m i t t e d — e i t h e r t h r o u g h natural processes of acculturation or e v e n b i o l o g i c a l l y — a n d adapted to new cultural e n v i r o n m e n t s . A c c o r d i n g to this v i e w , rituals observed in v a r i o u s cultures s h o u l d b e regarded as m u t a - tions or variants of archetypal f o r m s .
It should not therefore b e a surprise that the s t u d y o f rituals in m o d e r n scholarship has p r i m a r i l y been a s t u d y of origins.
E v e n w h e n w e h a v e detailed descriptions o f rituals f r o m the Imperial period, such as the description o f the D a i d a l a in
4 2 E. Loucas-Durie, 'Simulacrehumain et offrande rituelle', Kernos 1 (1988), 151-62.
Ritual Dynamics 161 Boeotia, the question asked is n o t w h a t the f u n c t i o n o f the ritual w a s in the p e r i o d f r o m w h i c h the e y e - w i t n e s s reports c o m e , b u t h o w w e can reconstruct the ritual's original f o r m a n d m e a n i n g .
T h i s is n o t the place to discuss the ethological b a c k g r o u n d o f rituals4 3 or h o w m e a n i n g f u l the discussion of origins m a y be.
N o n e t h e l e s s , g i v e n the M e d i t e r r a n e a n context o f this v o l u m e , it is n o t i n a p p r o p r i a t e to e m p h a s i z e the i m p o r t a n c e of physical e n v i r o n m e n t , n o t for the origin of rituals perhaps, b u t certainly for their e v o l u t i o n a n d diffusion. A g a i n , H o r d e n and Purcell h a v e presented a strong case for a distinctively M e d i t e r r a n e a n sense o f place a n d h a v e s h o w n that place can be a useful instru- m e n t o f analysis.4 4 T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t feature of the M e d i t e r - ranean, in this respect, is the f r a g m e n t e d t o p o g r a p h y , a factor that contributes to divergences and divisions b e t w e e n cultural Systems, b u t has in m a n y periods also challenged M e d i t e r r a - nean p o p u l a t i o n s to o v e r c o m e this fragmentation. T h e chal- lenge has m a d e the M e d i t e r r a n e a n a z o n e of 'lateral
transmission of ideas a n d practices', i n c l u d i n g the transmission of rituals.4 5 T h e significance o f the physical e n v i r o n m e n t as the setting in w h i c h rituals are p e r f o r m e d can s o m e t i m e s , u n e x - p e c t e d l y , b e o b s e r v e d w h e n an attempt is m a d e to reproduce the physical e n v i r o n m e n t of a particular ritual in a n e w e n v i r o n - m e n t , the transmission not o n l y of the e n v i r o n m e n t , b u t also of its original setting. T h e best k n o w n e x a m p l e is the r e p r o d u c t i o n of N i l o t i c landscapes in sanctuaries of the E g y p t i a n deities outside E g y p t ;4 6 similar p h e n o m e n a are the construction o f artificial caves f o r the celebration of the M i t h r a i c mysteries or for D i o n y s i a c celebrations ( c o m p a r e the construction of caves in m o d e r n I n d i a to r e p r o d u c e the cave of St M a r y at L o u r d e s ) . O n e c a n i n c l u d e here the construction o f pools for the w o r s h i p of the n y m p h s ,4 7 a n d p e r h a p s e v e n peak sanctuaries o n eleva-
43 W . Burkert, Creation oj the Sacred: Tracks of Biology in Early Religions (Cambridge, Mass. and L o n d o n , 1996); id., 'Fitness oder O p i u m ? D i e Fra- gestellung der Soziologie im Bereich alter Religionen', in F . Stolz (ed.), Homo naturaliter religiosus. Gehört Religion notwendig zum Mensch-Sein? (Bern, 1997), 13-38.
44 CS 401-60. 4 5 CS 404, 407-8.
46 e.g. R . S a l d i t - T r a p p m a n n , Tempel der ägyptischen Götter in Griechenland und an der Westküste Kleinasiens (Leiden, 1970), 1-25.
47 C f . CS 431. Bakchic caves: Athen. 4.148bc. Cf. the term androphylakes ('the guardians of the cave') in an inscription of a Dionysiac associatton in
