Women’s movement and the post-new economic policy

In the year 1991, India’s economic policy went through structural changes. The controlled import substitution policies of the Indian government led to an economic crisis in the country. The then congress government adopted a new economic policy of Liberalization-Privatization-Globalization (LPG) or an opening up of the Indian economy. Due to this new economic policy, the pattern of development has changed in the country. The new economic policy has led to an expansion of the service sector, informal sector, and allowing foreign investment in the country. Due to which informal sector or unorganized sector grew sharply.

The growth in informal sector resulted in more and more lower caste women started working an unorganized sector with low wages and no security which highlights the caste-class nexus again (Chaudhary 2012). More feminist organizations formed to address the insecurities of the unorganized sector which gave a leftist face to the Indian feminist movement. The structural change in the economy gave rise to civil society organizations and NGOization of feminist movement in the country (Roy 2015; Telis 2014). The NGOization transformed these movements into professionalized and trans-nationalized women’s organizations in the country and the institutionalization of these NGO’s through hierarchical organizational structures are particular features of the feminist movement after 1991 (Roy 2015).

These organizational set-ups of the Indian feminist movement called for law reforms to address gender-based violence (Roy 2015; Gangoli, 2007; Kapur, 2005; Menon, 2004; Sunder Rajan, 2003) along with this, most of the feminist NGOs targets for gender-equality, and citizenship rights in the country (Roy 2015; Madhok 2013). Various feminist organizations started working on specific problems with specific group of women.

The particular feature of the 1990s movement was the divide between the Dalit feminist and other feminist organizations deepen further. During the 1970s to 1980s, the mainstream feminist movements were criticized by Dalit-feminist movements as upper-elite caste or Brahminical movements that have ignored lower caste women’s problems. The mainstream feminist movement’s protest against quota allotted for Other Backward Class²¹ in government job and educational institutes. Dalit feminists criticized the mainstream movement as patriarchal and upper caste-class women centric. During this period, Dalit representation and voices started getting a recognition at national and regional level in the country. Various Dalit organizations especially leftist feminist organizations focused on issues of economic exploitation, land reforms, violence against Dalit women, political representation, legal action on caste-based atrocities and empowerment of Dalit women (Samantaray 2013; Ruth Manorama 2005). Dalit feminist organizations have a stronghold at the local level, however structural discrimination still continues in modern India, and upper caste/class dominance and violence against Dalit women still persists in contemporary India. (Samantaray 2013; Ruth Manorama 2005).

With globalization and the New Economic policy these organization reduced to a class rather than caste perspective without addressing an issue of upper-caste patriarchies against Dalit women (Rege 2004)²². These organizations worked to promote better wages for lower class/caste workers and land rights or against collective violence such as rape, sexual harassment against lower caste women by upper caste men. Caste-specific feminist movements, a lack of unity between different parts of the feminist movement, and lack of a

21 Other Backward Class is the name given to educationally and socially marginalized castes by the government of India. Along with Scheduled caste and Scheduled tribes, OBC have given reservation in government jobs and educational institutions. For more information,please refer to

https://www.youthkiawaaz.com/2011/02/educational-reservations-india-solutions/ and

https://www.mapsofindia.com/my-india/india/it-is-time-for-caste-based-reservation-to-go. Last accessed 11April, 2018.

22 Rege Sharmila, Dalit Women Talk Differently: A Critique of ‘Difference’ and Towards a Dalit Feminist Standpoint Position. Choudhary Maitrayee, series editor, Rajeshwari Sunder Rajan:(New Delhi, Kali for women, 2004)

unique approach between various sections of the feminist movement continues even after the NGOization of movement.

In the year 1992, the demolition of the Babri Masjid²³ took place and following on a large number of female activists participated in the right-wing political issues. Rise of the hyper-masculine movement has sparked the fear among the liberal-progressive female reformers (Turner 2012; Sen 2007). The Babri Masjid demolition saw, for the first-time women’s involvement in a communal violence and Hindu religious female preachers preaching against Muslims (Turner 2012; Basu 1995). The hyper-masculine movements which flourished under patronage of the right-wing government, never called for emancipation or breaking of gender roles for women but they uphold Hindu tradition and culture. Right- wing movement pose a serious challenge to progressive liberal feminists and to the Western impact on Hindu society on the basis of moral regulation in the country.

The section explains background information concerning the stratified Indian women’s movement and different ideologies post 1990 to empower women. For the current thesis, the researcher explores the process of female empowerment with the help of “expert interview”

method due to deep exposure of experts to ground reality. Secondly different section of feminist movement working for their own castes, classes, and religions, which helped the researcher to compare different experiences and perceptions.

In spite of the stratified faction of the Indian women’s movements, these movements have achieved significant progress in women’s status since India achieved freedom. Various legal reforms such as property rights, the right to vote at 18 years of age for both men and

23 Ram janma bhoomi was a site name given by Hindus, who believe Ayodhya city (Uttar Pradesh state) is the birth- place of Lord Rama. In the year 1526, the Muslim Mughal emperor Babar built a three -dome mosque on the land where the Rama temple was once located. Though there was no evidence of the birth- place of lord Rama, the land is a matter of political-socio-religious disputes among Hindus and Muslims. In the year1992, Hindu fundamentalist right -wing organizations demolished Babri Masjid, and thus triggerednationwide Hindu-Muslim communal violence in the county. Babri Masjid is a source of mobilization of Hindu extremist

fundamentalists. For more information, please refer to https://www.soundvision.com/article/what-is-the-babri-mosque-issue. Accessed 12 April 2018.

women, abolition of sati system 1987, Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961, Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005, Prohibition of Sexual Harassment of Women at the Workplace Bill, 2010, Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006 to mention a few are indeed significant achievements. The women’s movement has been striving for female education, increasing work force labour participation, equal wages for men and women and political literacy among women. Due to the efforts of the government of India and NGOs, India has achieved growth regarding the female literacy rate (23.76% in 1981 to 65.46% in 2011)²⁴ in the country. The following section discusses the development of female education in the country.

Section III: Female Education in India