In order to overcome these problems, and to make a slightly more fine-grained analysis, I will now deal with the various types of nominals independently.
BNPs in OS and OC can be classified into the groups in (45) (though there may be others):
(45) (a) Abstract mass BNPs in object position.
(b) Abstract mass Ns acting as subjects of passive sentences.
(c) Generic count singular NPS with a property-type interpretation.
(d) Plural indefinite nonspecific BNPs.
5.1. Abstract mass singulars
Here we must make a distinction between two different situations, according to the position of the noun phrase.
5.1.1.Abstract /mass singulars acting as direct objects or objects of prepositions The unmarked case is exemplified in (46a), with its abstract constituents shown in (46b):
(46) (a) fazer petiçion
(b) [VP light verb [BNP object –count, +abstact]]
Similar examples from Old Italian can be found in ITALANT database:
(47) Old Italian (Libro de le virtudi de le pietre preziose, p. 314, rr. 15-16 [1310]) Nota che ‘l zaffiro è pietra utile e bella, e di cilestrino [celestino] colore, et ae [ha] proprietade e virtù contra a rompimento di sangue [emorragia]. Et ae virtude contra male d’occhi.
‘…has (some) property and (some) virtue…’26
26 We only gloss the relevant nominal.
This structure has been explained as the result of an incorporation process into the VP.27,28 They are “real” BNPs, in the sense that they have no [Num] features (or projections) at all. As we see in (48), a ‘pure’ nP (as in (a)) or a GenP (as in (b)) is selected by the V. Since no agreement features are needed, no NumP is necessary. We believe that the GenP projection is clearly justified by the fact that the nominalising suffixes are gender marked.
(48) (a) vP
v VP
V nP29
fazer n √petic
-cion
(b) vP
v VP
V GenP
fazer nP
n √petic -cion
In Modern Romance these structures are no longer possible, unless they have become lexicalized as idioms. It may be that two processes took place in parallel. The deverbal
27 See Bosque (1996), Dobrovie-Sorin (2001), Espinal (2002).
28 From a more traditional point of view, it could be argued that in fact what we have is an eventive N that becomes “semantically” verbalised by means of the (light) verb.
29 With reference to the lexical category, see fn. 22.
Ns like petiçion became lexicalized, and simultaneously the light verb grammaticalized and was merged into small v. The NP then had to move to SPEC v to license K and / or referentiality. But in cases where the nP was not inserted into a NumP and /or DP, it had no Kase or reference features. Therefore, only lexicalised complex predicates (with the nP frozen “in situ”) survived.
5.1.2. Abstract mass nouns acting as subject of passive sentences
The same line of reasoning must be followed to explain the corresponding passive sentences, like (49):
(49) fo feta concordança
Notice in the first place that in Old Romance the subject of these passive sentences is almost always post verbal30. We think that the NP could be licensed in a local way, in a VP internal position, as the internal argument of a Participial or Aspectual Phrase, which, in turn, is selected by the copular verb:
(50)
vP v AspP
Asp VP
[+Perf] V’
V NP
fo feta concordança
Simply because the nominals are not full DPs, they can appear in this environment: they are not an appropriate goal for T, but they satisfy the lexical requirements of the light V.
Once countable non-abstract Ns need a D, the DP becomes an appropriate goal for T.
In those cases where the BNP appears in a preverbal position, we must assume that they underwent a topicalization move.
5.1.3. Abstract /mass singulars acting as subjects of active sentences These structures, exemplified in (51), require further attention.
(51) Old Catalan (Llull, Meravelles., XVIII).
Fill, bonea d’hom està en membrar son, goodness of man be.3.PRS.IND (in) remember.INF
One possibility could be to give them the same analysis on the basis that the BNP is the subject of a Small Clause selected by a copular verb. But we have also seen cases where there are no copular verbs present:
30 We didn’t find examples of reflexive or SE passives with preverbal BNPs in the databases.
(52) OC (Llull, Merav. II)
Justícia vol engendrar caritat Justice want.3.PRS.IND foster.INF charity
In fact, abstract mass Nouns denoting qualities, sins, virtues, psychological states, etc., can be found in generic descriptions in all Old Romance languages, as the examples in (53) show31:
(53) (a) Old Italian (Brunetto Latini, Rettorica, p. 159, rr. 4-6/ ITALANT) Dell’exordio. (...) Exordio è un detto el quale acquista convenevolemente l’animo dell’uditore all'altre parole che sono a dire…
‘“exordio” is a manner of speaking…’
(b) Old Italian (Bono Giamboni, Libro, chap. 33, par. 6)
Ed ella disse: - Prudenzia è un verace conoscimento del bene e del male, con fuggir lo male ed eleggere [scegliere] il bene.
‘prudence is a true knowledge…’
(c) Old Catalan (Llull, Blanquerna, IV, chap. LXXVIII).
Valor ha major sperança en aquells qui són majors e pus honrats del món
‘courage has bigger hope…’
(d) Old Catalan (Llull, Blanq., II, LVIII).
Enveja, defalliment de caritat, ergull, avarícia, injúria, són en nostra companyia.
‘envy, lack of charity, arrogance, greed,iness, offence are...’
(e) Old Catalan (Llull, Mer., II).
Esdevenc-se que injúria contrastà a la justícia, e ignorància a la saviesa; mas fortitudo ajudà a la justícia, e trempança a la saviesa, per la qual ajuda foren vençudes injúria, ignorància, frevoltat e gola, e fo engendrat caritat, en la qual estigueren justícia, saviesa, fortitudo e trempança
‘It happened that offence opposed justice...’
Some of these subjects could be analysed as a metaphorical personification. In this case, the nominal could be assimilated to a proper noun that has risen to D. This explanation tells us nothing about the internal structure of the nominal. Moreover, these structures are impossible in Modern Romance32.
Let us comment on several points in a rather exploratory fashion. First of all, a large number of the cases we have seen are equational sentences: therefore, the BNP could in fact be the predicate. Even if the sentences with copular verbs in (53) and similar sentences should not be interpreted as existential, following Stowell (1981), and Moro (1997), we interpret that the subject raises from a VP internal position, the position of the subject of a complement small clause33. Summing up, these BNPs can be analysed in the same way as the mass N internal arguments.
31 Again, we only gloss relevant parts of the fragment.
32 We leave aside certain archaic constructions in religious language, as in “Prudencia, justicia, fortaleza y templanza son las virtudes teologales.”
33 Following Hale and Keyser (2002), the verb be corresponds to the X in the small clause at LS level, as the lexicalisation of a P of Central Coincidence. But this fact does not change our reasoning.
(54) vP
v AgrP
AgrP XP
[+Gen] X
[+Num]
è exordio X0 un detto
A final question has to be addressed with reference to this group of nominals. In general the sentences in which they appear are deontic assertions to be taken as definitions. In fact, most speakers of contemporary Spanish will accept sentences like those in (55):
(55) (a) Pereza es no tener nunca ganas de trabajar laziness be.3.PRS.IND not have.INF never appetite of work.INF
‘(True) laziness is never feeling like working’
(b) Orgullo es no saludar a los colegas arrogance be.3.PRS.IND not salute.INF to the colleagues
‘(True) arrogance is not saying hello to your colleagues’
(c) Amor es no aburrirse nuca love be.3.PRS.IND no get-bored.INF never
‘(True) love is never getting bored’
Note that the subject BNPs have to be translated as “pure N”. This means that theyhave to be interpreted in a contrastive way. The definitions in (55) have an interpretation that differs from the one they would have if the definite determiner were present. For example, (56) has an unmarked interpretation:
(56) La pereza es la falta de ganas de trabajar the laziness be.3.PRS.IND the absence of will to work.INF
‘Laziness is the lack of a desire to work’
Given the interpretation of these sentences, I would propose that the BNP in (55) has been moved to the SPEC of FocP.
5.2. Plural indefinite BNPs
Now let us re-examine some of our key examples, which are reproduced in (57):
(57) (a) Old Spanish (Cid, 712)
Moros le reçiben por la seña ganar Moors him recieve.3.PRS.IND for the.FEM flag win.INF
‘(Some) Moors go to meet him in order to win the flag’
(b) Old Spanish (Cid, 1143)
Moros son muchos, ya quieren reconbrar Moors be.6.PRS.IND many, already want.6.PRS.IND retrieve.INF
‘There are many Moors, they want to retrieve’
We argue that in both these examples, moros represents a genuine argument. Roberts &
Roussou (2003) follow Foulet (1990) in claiming that nonspecific indefinite nominals in OF had an empty indefinite determiner.
Instead, we adapt some ideas from Boucher (2003) and argue that these nominals are NumP, since a [+pl] feature is present in the N. From this point, two alternative analyses are possible.
One analysis would be that the plural N is an appropriate goal for the unvalued Num feature. Num could count as a quantificational head in Old Romance (like in Modern English), but not in Modern Romance.
According to the alternative analysis, K/D would have an unvalued [+plural]
feature and would probe NumP to value it. This latter option receives support, in our view, from the fact that in Latin the Class or Gender declension was related to case features. Furthermore, Class / Gender features were related to the possibility to be selected by NumP, since some Classes (Masculine and Feminine) used to be [+countable], whereas Neuter nouns used to be [- countable].
5.3. Singular indefinite nonspecific BNPs
We take as a paradigmatic case the one shown in (58)
(58) Old Spanish (Fuero de Viguera y Val de Funes, c.1250) Et si enemigo entrare en el regno e cercare
And if enemy enter.3.PST.SUBJ in the realm and surround. 3.PST.SUBJ villa o castillo, o si algun castillo del regno se alcare
village or castle, or if some castle of the realm revolt.3. PST.SUBJ
‘If an enemy entered into the realm (…) or if some castle revolted’
This example is very interesting, because it shows that the first N enemigo and villa and castillo are indefinite and nonspecific, whereas ‘algun castillo’ is indefinite but taken from a previously established set, i.e. ‘del regno’. Roberts & Roussou propose that in such cases there is a null article. We are not in a position to argue for or against that view and must leave this question for further investigation. But, before concluding, we would like to point out that most of the sentences in which such items appear are hypothetical sentences. Guéron (2006) establishes a nice correlation between generic sentences and BNPs. The hypothesis of the null indefinite determiner receives support from the fact that these singular countable concrete BNPs appear in hypothetical environments; the null article would be bound by an operator in the left periphery, probably in a Functional category hosting the hypothetical operator. However, the generic nonspecific meaning of the noun with a ‘kind’ flavour could also imply that they are to be interpreted as mass nouns.
All these features contribute to the referential properties of the nominal expressions. In our view these semantic features preserve their bottom-up hierarchy in parallel to the bottom-up development of the Functional categories of the nominal domain.