From Gentile’s Law to Bottai’s School Charter

With the advent of Fascism, the project of rendering school a political institution serving the new ideology could not be entrusted to the men in power at the time, more prone to action than to theoretical considerations.

Therefore it was decided that the project be passed to the philosopher Giovanni Gentile who, on 15 March 1923, in his capacity as Minister of Education, drafted the Scholastic Reform Law No. 684.

This law aimed for a difficult compromise between the previous cultures - the liberal and the Catholic - and the new fascist culture that needed to create its own ruling elite, and at the same time 'fascistize' the Italian masses through the school system.

Actually Gentile’s Law, then defined by Mussolini as "the greatest revolutionary act ventured by the fascist Government",³⁸ poorly came up to fascist expectations. Gentile also wanted the school system to form the future ruling class, through strict historical and philosophical studies in secondary school, which were attended only by members of the upper classes because of the tough selection and heavy burden they presented.

Moreover, Gentile’s Law did not suitably support the professional and technical formation of the lower classes in view of future employment, but exploited 'merit' as a primary value, stressing the selective and class-oriented quality of studies.

Granting autonomy and recognition to private schools, which in Italy were traditionally mostly religious, Gentile’s Law disappointed both the fascists, who could not easily control its programmes and activities, and the seculars, ideologically hostile to confessional schools.³⁹

In short, Gentile’s Law remained conservative because it continued the directives of the remote Casati Law of 1859 - though with concessions to religion - and did not adequately activate the process of 'fascistizing' the masses. It therefore underwent numerous alterations during the following fifteen years.

With the Concordat of 1929, that substantially mollified relations between Fascism and the Catholic forces, fascist ideology with its myths and rituals was able to penetrate the Italian school to a greater extent.

The Ministry of Public Instruction became the Ministry of National Education, a more appropriate denomination for an institution that took on the duty-right of educating the population in the new ideology.

Authoritarianism and hierarchy were strongly accentuated. In schools, 'State books' were imposed, answering to the new historical, political, economic and juridical requirements claimed from the time of the March to Rome.

Members of the teaching class, which as a whole seemed too conservative and unenthusiastic towards the new fascist mysticism, were subject to deportation for anti-fascist ideas, even if expressed in private.

Particularly, in 1929 teachers of primary and secondary schools were compelled to give up their cultural liberty by taking an oath of allegiance to Fascism. The following year university professors as well were forced to take such an oath: of 1,225 teachers, only a dozen refused to do so.

Moreover, the presence of women teachers in the school system was regulated and reduced at the end of the Twenties. (Chapter 4.2)

Gentile himself was a fervent anti-feminist. Since 1919, he had opposed women’s teaching, fearing they would invade the field of education.

According to Gentile, women did not possess, and would never possess,

the "originality of thought, nor that iron spiritual vigour, that constitute superior, intellectual and moral forces of humanity and that must be the pillars of the school aimed at forming the superior spirit of the country."⁴⁰ Despite these ideas being widely shared, the percentage of women going to school grew during Fascism. Illiteracy, affecting about half of the female population in 1911, was reduced to 24% in 1931. Yet, during the fascist period the number of boys in primary school was steadily double the number of girls. For example, in 1926 about 3,634,556 boys and 1,736,420 girls were counted; in 1931 respectively 4,761,690 and 2,266,333; in 1940 the ratio was 5,213,004 and 2,504,232.⁴¹

In 1901, junior secondary school was attended by about 28% of males and 23% of females between the ages of 10 and 14, but in 1931, this percentage grew to 65% for males and 53% for females.

As for senior secondary schools, in 1931 females were definitely at a disadvantage because they made up 25-30% of the 379,000 enrolled. These last data, if compared with the limited number of registered pupils in secondary schools in 1901 (91,991 total students), show a growth percentage of 400% in only twenty years.42 (The number of females enrolled in school in 1901 is not inferable from the statistic data in our possession.)

Nevertheless, during Fascism the number of dropouts before the conclusion of primary and secondary school was higher among females. Among the possible reasons for this withdrawal was lack of confidence in the intellectual potential of females by the school, the family, and society, as well as the knowledge that at the end of schooling employment possibilities would be strongly affected by maternity and family.43

In 1924 Gentile’s philosophy inspired the creation of a 'special' school for girls, the female Lyceum, where they studied a little of everything, from humanistic subjects to arts, to traditionally 'feminine' household activities.

This school, counting very few students and mostly girls from the upper classes, invoked the indignation of most emancipated women and closed down after only four years.⁴⁴

Gentile’s Law raised criticisms from various sides and from Mussolini himself, who had wanted and praised it; on 18 March of 1931, he declared

to the Council of Ministries that it had been: "a mistake due to the times and to the forma mentis of the former minister".45

After about fifteen years of mending and refining, on 19 January 1939 the Minister of National Education, Giuseppe Bottai, proposed a scholastic 'renovation' to the Grand Council - The School Charter - that was presented as a sort of continuation of Gentile’s Law. Actually, it represented the soundest attempt to 'fascistize' the school system according to the ideological choices of the time.

In the 29 Statements of the School Charter, a general emphasis on militaristic culture and on indoctrination of the young transpires quite clearly. In fact, it was specified that the goal of education should be moral and cultural formation, as well as political and military training; furthermore, the scholastic obligation - meant as a social service - was to be continued until the age of 21 even by those who did not complete their studies, at the Juvenile Fasci of Combat and at the Italian Littorio Youth- GIL.

Regarding the problem of the Jews, who had been hit with racial laws, in his School Charter Bottai commented: "The Jews will have their school, within the State; the Italians will have theirs. That is all."⁴⁶

In conclusion, in the School Charter the secondary role of women was again emphasized, as opposed to the superiority of male intellect.

Bottai proposed a clear-cut distinction between female and male education, the former aimed at preparing for the notable role of family matron. In fact, Statement 21 claimed: "The destiny and social mission of women, distinct in fascist life, are based on different and special Institutes of Education. The transformation of mixed schools is to be carried out according to the definition of the new 'work of women' in the co-operative order. The feminine order consists of a Feminine Institute, of three years, which receives girls from Middle School, and a Magistery for all the girls who graduate from the Feminine Institute. These Institutes spiritually prepare females for managing the household, and teaching in pre-schools."⁴⁷

A significant example of how young women were educated at the time is represented by the model composition Quando indosso la mia divisa di Piccola Italiana penso ai miei doveri di donna Italiana [When I wear my uniform of a Small Italian I think of my duties as an Italian woman]: on 9 December 1939 a girl in elementary school wrote:

"I am a Small Italian. … I wear my Small Italian uniform when I have to go to the parades. When I wear it, I feel in my heart a great love for Italy, deep honour for my country. … Even when I am a woman I will wear my uniform. Italian women must imitate ancient Roman women. They stayed home to raise their children and educate them. They wove cloth and they cleaned the house. We should follow their example, stay at home and clean, wash and cook. These are the duties of a real Italian woman."⁴⁸

In conclusion, the 1939 School Charter offered a strong theoretical backup to the anti-feminism, militarism and racism of those years, but wartime events did not permit their practical realization.

In the Italian Social Republic of 1943-1945, the Minister of National Education Carlo Alberto Biggini’s circulars were still reminiscent of the spirit of the old Gentile reform, recanting the Statements of the 'traitor' Bottai.

Note that the 'Bottai treason' was carried out, with the co-operation of other hierarchy Commanders, on the occasion of the famous meeting of the Grand Council held on 24 April 1943, in which the majority voted (19 in favour, 7 opposed, 1 abstained) against the regime, thus causing the defeat of the Duce.