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E . The goal is to maximize the quotient I E /I (the explained inertia) while

keeping the dimensionalityof

E

low.

2.3.1 Data: Party Vote

We now turn to the atual spatial representations derived from the data.

A disussion of the involved diulties and the auray of the

representa-tionsisprovidedin2.6. Animportantonstraintofthespatialrepresentation

methodisthattheassoiationmatrixannotontainzeroentries.

6

This

on-straint is unlikely to be satised in eld experiments involving a reasonable

number of voters whenever many smallparties are available. In the

experi-5

The innovative part of Spatial ApprovalVoting is the behavioral model underlying

the voters' deision makingproess. One the model distanes are alulated, standard

estimation tehniques (multidimensional saling) are used to nd a representation; for

moredetailsontheexatproedureofobtainingaspatial representation,see 2.5.

6

Elseoneobtainsinnitelylargedistanes. SeeEquation(2.3)in2.5.

ment, itwas satised for Candidate Vote inboth Messel and Konstanz, but

not forthe Party Vote (inneither ase). To takle this problem,we deided

toexlude someof the smallerpartiesand reduethe set ofalternativestoa

manageable level. Sine the theory ofspatial voting determines the distane

between two alternatives solely on the basis of approvals reeived and the

assoiations between those two alternatives, we an restrit our analysis to

a subset of alternatives without loss of generality and still draw

meaning-ful and onsistent onlusions. The parties we analyze in Messel are: SPD

(soial-demorati),CDU (onservative), the Greens,FDP (marketliberal),

the Left (neo-ommunist),AnimalProtetion Party,the Family Party,REP

(Republians; extreme right),and NPD (also extreme right).

Table 2.1: Assoiation matrix for Parties,Messel.

Parties SPD CDU GRE FDP Left APP FAM REP NPD

SPD 517 88 266 91 91 46 54 6 2

CDU 88 429 67 242 12 36 43 21 21

GRE 266 67 347 70 59 40 40 4 1

FDP 91 242 70 313 15 27 30 13 10

Left 91 12 59 15 118 15 12 2 1

APP 46 36 40 27 15 92 22 3 3

FAM 54 43 40 30 12 22 92 6 5

REP 6 21 4 13 2 3 6 32 14

NPD 2 21 1 10 1 3 5 14 27

SPD= Soial Demorati Party, CDU= Christian Demorati Union, GRE=

Greens, FDP= Liberal Demorati Party, Left= The Left, APP= Animal Pr

ote-tionParty, FAM= FamilyParty,REP= Republians, NPD=NationalDemorati

Party.

Table2.1shows theorrespondingassoiationmatriesforthepartyvote

inMessel. Thenumbersonthediagonalaretheabsolutenumberofapprovals

reeived by the parties, the numbers o-diagonal are the number of

assoi-ations between two parties. The matrix is stritly positive, hene nding a

spatial representation is,in priniple, possible.

The smallest distane among the onsidered parties is the one between

the two extreme-right parties, NPD and REP. For that distane to be

pos-itive, we obtain the onstraint (see 2.5)

α ≥ 3.69

. Calibrating the model by setting a proper value for

α

, however, is a umbersome proedure. On

the one hand, the smaller

α

is, the larger will be the explained inertia of

the lower-dimensional representation. In priniple, we ould set

α = 3.69

and arry out the analysis. On the other hand, setting a too low value for

α

reates diulties with the spatial representation and might result in an inaurate piture. A proper alibration provides an aurate piture with

enough explanatory power of the lower-dimensional projetion. For

α = 4

weobtainanaurateeight-dimensionalrepresentationfromwhihareliable

three-dimensionalprojetion an beobtained (explainedinertia63%; see 2.6

for more details).

Figure2.1: Three-dimensionalprojetion oftheeight-dimensionalparty repr

esen-tation, Messel.

(a) Axes1and 2 (b) Axes1and 3

Figure 2.1 shows the latter three-dimensional representation of the

po-litial spae for the parties in Messel. In all gures below, we inlude a

hypothetial Left-Right Line (more properly, a pieewise linear urve) for

better visual orientation. This line is onstruted onneting the loations

of the parties whih are traditionally pereived as having a lear left-right

orientation. The line starts at the position of the Left (far-left party) and

ontinues to the average position of the SPDand the Greens. The reasonis

that, in Germany, the SPD and the Greens have built the traditional

left-ist government oalitions. The third point is the average position of CDU

and FDP, for the analogous reason that these two parties have historially

built the right-winggovernment oalitions. The fourth point is the average

positionof the two extreme-right parties,REP and NPD.

To a ertain extent, the rst axis in Figure 2.1 reets the standard

one-dimensional ategorizationofthe parties intoleft and right(ompare to

the Left-Right Line). The extreme-right parties REP and NPD are loated

far right, the German Soial Demorati Party (SPD), the Greens and the

Left (neo-ommunist)party onthe left,the onservativeparty CDUand the

liberal party FDP inbetween. The enter of the rst axis is overed by the

issue-orientedAnimalProtetion Partyandthe FamilyParty. Thisleft-right

ordering of the parties does not stem from any distributional assumption,

but is endogenously determined by measuring the overlap of the dierent

eletorates.

Examination of Figure 2.1, however, indiates that a redution of the

politial spae to one dimension only would be misleading. The set of

par-ties' positions is far away from being on a line. There are marked party

dierenes along the seond and third axes. As it is often the ase in

mul-tidimensional politial spae studies, the interpretation of these axes is not

unambiguous. Fortheseondaxis,theupperpartontainstheextremeright

parties, aswellas the extremeleft party, and isopposed tothe liberalparty

FDPand onservativePartyCDU. Theformer ingeneralsupportastronger

state with broader ompetenies for the government and more intervention

in the market system, while the latter prefer a liberal market system

with-out intervention by the state. A possible interpretation of the seond axis

is thus that it reets the dierent standpoints market liberalism vs. state

intervention.

It should also be remarked that even the three-dimensional projetion

mightinduesomemisinterpretation. Forexample,thepositionoftheFamily

Party in the three-dimensional projetion should not be trusted (see 2.6).

Examinationof thefull, eight-dimensionalrepresentation reveals that thisis

thepartylosesttotheNPDandREP.OneofthemajortopisoftheFamily

Party is the strengthening of the family and the preservation of traditional

family values. Apparently, voters who approved of parties from the right

end of the politial spetrum also ared for family poliy issues, espeially

preserving traditionalfamilyvalues.

The representation also delivers other interesting insights. For instane,

we observe a strong lustering of the major parties. The distanes between

theSPD,theGreenPartyandtheLeftarealmostofthesamemagnitude,but

muh larger than the distanes towards any other party. The party losest

to the onservative CDU is the liberal FDP and vie versa. Interestingly,

the distane between the far-right party NPD and the onservative CDU is

only slightly larger than that between the CDU and FDP. Of all the major

parties, the CDU exhibits the smallest distane towards the extreme right

partiesREPandNPD. ThisfatmightreetthepolitialsituationinHesse

at the time ofthe eletion. Mr.Koh, the party-leader of the Hessian CDU,

stressed some popular right-wing topis during his eletion ampaign. He

was pleading, for instane, for stronger penalties for delinquent adolesene

that have a strong migration bakground.

7

The distane between the CDU

and SPD, the parties who were in the federal government in Germany the

dayoftheexperiment(theso-alledgrandoalition,Sarrow,2012),isvery

large. In fat, the far-left party the Left and the market-liberal party FDP

are loserto eahother than the parties of the grand oalition.

Let us turn to the data from Konstanz. The threshold value for

α

suh

that allmodeldistanes arepositiveisequalto3.72. Weset

α = 3.85

,

allow-ingforareliableten-dimensionalrepresentation(see2.6). Theorresponding

three-dimensionalprojetiononly explainsabout 56%of the inertia.

Appro-priately representing some ofthe partiesrequires morethan vedimensions.

Nevertheless, the tehnique employed to obtain a spatial representation is

suh that taking into aount an additional dimension does not aet the

oordinates of the parties on the previously analyzed dimensions. When it

7

This strategy isnotnew. Theeletion polls in 2003foreastadramati derease in

termsofshareforMr.Kohandhisparty. Hethenstartedaerelydebatedandpolarizing

eletion ampaign. Mr. Koh wasritiizedfor fuelinghatred againstforeigners. Atthe

end, hispartyreeivedanabsolutemajorityofseats.

omes to interpretation of the politial spae, the onlusions based on the

relativepositionsalongagivendimension,asthosegivenbelow,remainvalid

although aparty might not be well represented. However, the distanes

be-tween ertain parties might not be aurately represented. Therefore, we

will refer to the full set of dimensions (ten in the ase of Konstanz) when

interpreting distanes between parties.

Table 2.2: Assoiation matrix for Parties,Konstanz.

Parties GRE SPD CDU FDP PIR Left APP ödp VIO REP NPD

GRE 831 516 208 173 219 198 124 84 40 3 4

SPD 516 677 155 130 137 141 86 52 18 2 2

CDU 208 155 593 364 65 22 50 39 9 10 3

FDP 173 130 364 519 79 27 48 26 5 8 5

PIR 219 137 65 79 298 93 51 30 19 5 6

Left 198 141 22 27 93 263 47 21 16 5 6

APP 124 89 50 48 51 47 175 42 18 2 2

ödp 84 52 39 26 30 21 42 106 14 2 2

VIO 40 18 9 5 19 16 18 14 44 2 3

REP 3 2 10 8 5 5 2 2 2 19 6

NPD 4 2 3 5 6 6 2 2 3 6 15

GRE= Greens, SPD= Soial Demorati Party, CDU= Christian Demorati

Union, FDP= Liberal Demorati Party, PIR= The Pirates, Left= The Left,

APP= Animal Protetion Party, ödp= Eologi Demorati Party, VIO=The

Vi-olets, REP= Republians, NPD=National Demorati Party.

Again we redue the set of parties to obtain a restrited but stritly

positive assoiation matrix. The parties we analyze in Konstanz are: SPD,

CDU, the Greens, FDP, the Left, AnimalProtetion Party, ödp (Eologial

DemoratiParty,environmentalist),theVioletParty(whihpursuesasoial

order based on self-awareness through individual spirituality), the Pirate

Party(issue-oriented,supports the preservationof urrentivilrightsonthe

Internet), REP,and NPD.The orrespondingassoiationmatrixisshown in

Table 2.2.

tation, Konstanz.

(a) Axes1and 2 (b) Axes1and 3

Figure 2.2 shows the three-dimensional representation of the politial

spae for parties in Konstanz (inluding a Left-Right Line generated as

ex-plained above). In ontrast to the ase of Messel, the interpretation of the

rst axis is not so lear. The ideologially-related parties NPD and REP

exhibit again the smallest distane, being loated farthest right on the rst

axis. Nexttothem,wendthe Leftand theVioletParty. Itishardtoargue

that partiipants approving both of extreme-left and extreme-right parties

are ideologially motivated. One possible explanation for the loseness

be-tween the German extreme right-wingers and extreme leftist is preferenes

towards extreme parties or, to put it plainly, protest voters. The enter is

oupied by the Pirate Party and the ödp. The large parties are loated at

the left. Hene, itseemsthatthe rstaxisdistinguishesthe largetraditional

parties from smaller and extreme parties.

8

We still observe lustering as in

the ase of Messel. The CDU has the smallest distane with the FDP and

vie versa, the SPD is losest tothe Greens, reeting traditionaloalitions

in Germany. The parties with the smallest distane to the Greens are the

Animal Protetion Party and the ödp, quite naturally as all three parties

8

We haveto pointoutthat the City ofKonstanzwasruled bya Greenmajor atthe

timeof theexperimentandthat theGreenPartythereismuhstrongerthanintherest

ofGermany,sotheGreenPartytsintothepitureofamoretraditionalparty.

emphasize environmental issues, but they are losely followed by the SPD.

All three distanes are of omparable magnitude. As a last omment, our

analysis shows that the right-wing parties NPD and REP are muh more

dierent than a usual one-dimensional, left-right,representation would

sug-gest. The Republians are more aepted (and therefore muh loser in the

representation) amongst the onservative voters who approved of CDU and

FDP than the NPD. On the other hand, the NPD is loserto parties whih

are about environmental issues, suh as the Greens and the ödp, than to

theREP.Insummary,therepresentationseemstodeliverinterestinginsights

whih were not immediately obvious before the experiment, but whih are

far from arbitrary. In our view, observations as these validate the possible

value of spatial representation tehniques based on approval voting data to

provide anaurate snapshot of voter preferenes.

2.3.2 Data: Candidate Vote

The snapshot we obtain fromthe andidate vote an potentially dierfrom

the one derived from the party vote. First, the andidate eletion in the

mixed-memberproportional representation onerns the distritleveland is

qualitatively dierent from the party eletion, whih onerns the federal

level. That is, the available andidates aspired to represent the loal

dis-trit level, while party votes where aggregated at the federal level. Seond,

during the analysisof the data,we enountered frequent ases ofvoters who

approved of a partiular andidate, but did not approve of the

orrespond-ing party, and vie versa. Voters may pereive a andidate as a worthwhile

reipientoftheirapproval,withoutagreeingwiththegeneralpartyposition.

9

Table 2.3 shows the assoiation matrix for the andidates in Messel. It

is stritly positive, hene we an represent the full set of andidates. A

value of

α = 4.45

allows for aseven-dimensionalrepresentation and a three-dimensional projetion thereof with an explained inertia of 69% (see 2.6).

The latter isshown inFigure 2.3, where again we inlude aLeft-Right Line

9

Of ourse, oneanexpet a high orrelation betweenthe evaluation of aparty and

that ofitsleader. SeeWagnerandWeÿels(2012).

Candidates SPD CDU GRE FDP Left FRV REP NPD

SPD 557 95 250 92 76 35 10 4

CDU 95 402 42 210 13 26 21 20

GRE 250 42 302 59 47 26 5 2

FDP 92 210 59 291 8 28 14 8

Left 76 13 47 8 100 13 5 3

FRV 35 26 26 28 13 71 8 1

REP 10 21 5 14 5 8 37 14

NPD 4 20 2 8 3 1 14 27

SPD= Soial Demorati Party, CDU= Christian Demorati Union, GRE=

Greens, FDP= Liberal Demorati Party, Left= The Left, FRV= Free Voters,

REP= Republians, NPD= NationalDemorati Party.

as avisualaid. The rst axis distinguishesLeft-wing and Right-wing

andi-dates. The enter of this axis isempty. Comparingthe party and andidate

representations,theandidatevoteseemstobemorepolarizedthantheparty

vote. The far ends of the representation move loser together. Nevertheless,

we observe the same pattern of lustering of the major andidates that we

observed for parties. The SPD, the Left, and the Greens andidates form

one luster,the andidates ofthe CDU andthe FDP anotherone. The SPD

exhibits the smallest distane to the Greens and vie versa. The same is

true for the andidates of CDU and FDP. Again, reduing the spae to one

dimension ismisleading. The distane between the enter-rightandidate of

the CDUandtheenter-leftandidateofthe SPDislargerthanthe distane

between the far-left and far-rightandidates of the Left and the NPD.

Table 2.4 shows the assoiation matrix for the andidates in Konstanz,

whih is stritly positive and hene enables us to represent the full set of

andidates. A value of

α = 3.35

allows for a very aurate four-dimensional representation of the model distanes (see 2.6). All parties are well

repre-sented in the lower-dimensional projetion. In fat, with three dimensions

Parties GRE SPD CDU FDP Left NPD

GRE 723 420 177 137 175 4

SPD 420 665 184 126 124 2

CDU 177 184 644 333 21 2

FDP 137 126 333 482 27 6

Left 175 124 21 27 249 5

NPD 4 2 2 6 5 14

GRE= Greens, SPD= Soial Demorati Party, CDU= Christian Demorati

Union, FDP= Liberal Demorati Party, Left= The Left, NPD=National

Demo-rati Party.

we explain about 90% of the inertia. It is an striking result that the

three-dimensional projetion yields suh an aurate piture of the overall

dis-tanes. However, aredution toonlyone dimensionwouldexplain only44%

of the inertia.

At rst glane, the number of available andidates is muh smaller than

in the appliations before. Yet, there is no obvious reason to assume that

a smaller set of alternatives inreases the preision of the lower-dimensional

projetions. The ruial point is that four dimensions are enough to nd a

good representation of the overall piture. Obviously, the more dimensions

are required for an aurate representation, the poorer will be the

lower-dimensionalprojetions. Presumably,thepartiularitiesofthevotingdistrit

Konstanz play animportantrole here.

Thethree-dimensionalrepresentation forthe andidate vote inKonstanz

is shown in Figure 2.4 (the far-right position in the Left-Right Line

orre-sponds tothe NPD andidate only, beausethere was no REPandidate in

Konstanz). Similarlytoourobservationsfromthe partyvoterepresentation,

the rst axis does not distinguish the left-wing from the right-wing

andi-dates. Thedistane betweentheLeftandidateandtheright-wingandidate

of the NPD isatually thesmallest. Althoughthe party vote andthe

andi-date vote onstitute twodistint idiosynrati eletions, we an transfer our

ndings for the representation fromthe former to latter. The overlap in the

eletorate for the two traditional oalitions an also be observed here with

the further addition that the Left needs to be plaed into the same luster

as the SPD and Greens as the distanes among those three parties are of

similar magnitude.

Again, examination of the representation reveals interesting insights on

the loal politial landsape at the time of the eletion. For example, we

alreadyemphasized inthe analysisforthe PartyVotethat theoverlap ofthe

eletorate between the NPD and parties orientated towards environmental

issues is similar to the overlap between the REP and onservative voters.

This observation is even stronger for the Candidate Vote in the sense that

the NPDandidate isloatedlosertotheGreenandidatethan heistothe

CDU andidate.

2.4 Conlusion

This paper presents new evidene on the spatial representation of politial

landsapesusingauniquedatasetwhihontainsapprovaldatafortwoparty

eletions and two andidate eletions in Germany. Our study is the rst to

estimate a politial landsape for partieson the basis of suh data. We use

the datatoobtainspatialrepresentationsof partiesandandidatesinan

en-dogenously determined politial spae. This is made possible by tehniques

developed in Laslier (2006). This model delivers an interesting method for

obtaining spatial representations of politial positions, whih uses data not

available under e.g. Plurality Voting. The researher observes the approval

data inan experiment,and uses these data toestimatethe distanes among

parties. Thenheobtainsalow-dimensionalspatialrepresentationalibrating

a salieneparameter (whihmodels the importaneof the andidate's

prox-imitytoavoter'sidealpointandinuenesthequalityanddimensionalityof

representation). The objetive is to obtain an aurate representation with

as lowadimensionalityas possible. Further, the dimensionsare endogenous

and need not orrespond toexogenously deided variables.

We ompute spatial representations for all four eletions, whih in some

ases are already reliable with a relatively low number of dimensions; one

dimension, however, never sues. Thisprovidesuswith politialsnapshots

of the eletorate's preferenes at the moment of the orresponding eletion.

The representations also serve as eient ways of organizing the data and

The representations also serve as eient ways of organizing the data and