Neo-Pentecostalism: the way of religious prosperity
3.4 An attractive religious language: magic, prosperity theology, and moral flexibility theology, and moral flexibility
40 These changes will be debated in other moments of this chapter.
103 In light of this framework, we can infer that the success of the religious style of the UCKG occurred due to its improved ability to adapt to changes both in Brazilian society specifically and to peripheral societies in general, such as those that underwent heavy modernization during the twentieth century. It was able to develop a type of religious discourse which sounded like a spontaneous voice to significant portions of the new peripheral urban populace - once more the urban periphery - and did not clash with the anxieties generated by the values of contemporary society or with the religious language of its new believers.
In terms of religious conversion, new followers were not forced to withdraw from contact with the deities that were important to them (in this aspect of neo-Pentecostalism it is shown as the reverse mirror of popular magical religions), the devil and his demons (the entities of African or indigenous religious according to neo-Pentecostal interpretation) continue to be part of the lives of such believers. In Neo-Pentecostalism, the world remains delighted by supernatural entities.
Moreover, followers of Neo-Pentecostalism do not need to completely reject worldly pleasures, as occurred in the beginning of Pentecostalism. They are now encouraged to use the "divine grace" to consume the wonders of modern society (buying clothes, cars and whatever else is in fashion). Many times during the history of religion resentment of excluded social strata in relation to the dominant strata was a powerful motivation for religious rejection of the world, but this does not apply in neo-Pentecostalism. In this religiosity believers want to participate in the “Beatitudes” of the dominant classes, which does not foster the emergence of a value system in opposition to established values, but rather an adaptation of those values that make up the greater society.
Although the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God does require of its faithful some behavioral changes, such as abstinence from alcohol, the
104 conservative use of non-revealing clothes, and so on, these rules of behavior do not approach the strong rejection of the world that existed in the churches during the first expansion of Pentecostalism, or asceticism that existed in other Protestant movements (MARIANO, 1999).
In terms of these behavioral changes, it is noteworthy that such requirements are not in any way understood as moral prerogatives which must be obeyed in order to obtain the Lord’s grace, and are not in this sense considered forms of sacrifice (sacro-officio). If these “requirements” are not fulfilled, this failure is interpreted as a manifestation of external influences which stem from the evil forces of hell, and disobedient believers are thus seen as victims. In the practical theology of Neo-Pentecostalism what ensures the achievement of blessings by the faithful is that very faith, and such faith can be demonstrated through regular participation in religious services and payment of tithes. Evil forces in turn can be removed through the participation in the church services dedicated to descarrego (spiritual immunization, literally “unloading”) and by obtaining magical amulets widely offered by the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God.
This last feature of the UCKG is also a general tendency of our times in that religious conversion (in most cases) is no longer a personal and collective (familial) drama (PRANDI, 1999). It is now possible to change churches in a manner that parallels switching brands of new products in the marketplace, as if a person who always bought Volkswagen cars now becomes a General Motors customer.
Indeed, the field of struggle or tension established by the UCKG’s style of action does not occur in a sphere in which worldviews or projects of long-term salvation clash against other conceptions of life. However, the argument used to call the “conversion” or better, the main weapon of the warlike arsenal of its proselytism, is the supposed efficiency in solving the immediate problems and everyday issues in this world, not just psychological, expensive field to almost all religions, but also problems of material and emotional matters.
105 The daily demands related to modern life, such as the need to secure employment and form meaningful emotional ties, are the blatant focus of church service proselytizing, with church teachings offering the promise of solutions to such problems in a way that claims greater efficiency in this regard41. This process is not unlike that in which a modern company receives money in exchange for services rendered. The Universal Church of the Kingdom of God is also presented also as a competitor to other non-religious institutions in solving the problems of this world, without questioning the nature of these problems at any time.
Indeed, the UCKG has prepared a discourse which requires very little of the faithful, in general only their presence and payment of tithes and other offerings. In practice it promises almost everything that the believer needs and dreams without extensive demands, which makes its discourse very attractive to those who have little to lose in this world. Thus, it has assumed the role of a large modern company which sells its products full of promises and dreams and just demands money in return.