33 World Christian database.
9%
44%
11%
35%
1%
N. America Latin America Asia
Africa
Europe
83 With regard to the European case, two aspects can be analysed: one is about the size related to other continents; and the other is about the social classes that are attracted by this religiosity in Europe. Both aspects attest the social vocation of Pentecostalism.
The first point is clear in the last chart, on the continent with the highest level of social equality and inclusion (Europe), Pentecostalism is almost nonexistent. There are only one percent of Pentecostals in Europe. Only Portugal has over two percent of Pentecostals in its population (ANDERSON, 2004). Thus the typical social base of Pentecostalism is weak in Europe.
Although this religiosity is so small in Europe, it attests its social vocation.
The core of its followers in Europe is made of poor immigrants, mainly coming from Africa and Latin America (DOZON, CORTEN & ORO: 2003). The giant denominations of Pentecostalism from Latin America, like Assembly of God and Universal Church of the Kingdom of God have many churches in Europe and seek followers among the recently excluded from European society, mostly underprivileged immigrants.
Pentecostalism timid growth in Europe is in tune with the increase of the sub-integrated immigrants on the world market. There are already quite a few Pentecostal and Neo-Pentecostal churches in most capital cities of Europe.
The United States of America
The face of Pentecostalism in the United States of America today is a result of the “third wave”, i.e., Neo-Pentecostalism. Its main force is within the Hispanic population. Among the six million of Hispanics who live in the United States, 20 percent are Pentecostals (ANDERSON, 2004). Pentecostalism has spread in the poorest sectors of the North-American population, and is composed mostly of Hispanics.
84 In the same way in Europe, most followers are immigrants. In the United States, these immigrants are mostly Hispanics and Brazilians. In general, Neo-Pentecostalism has not been successful within the traditional North-American membership. Caucasians, African Americans, Hispanics or Asians have already been integrated into a social network for some time, mainly in schools, churches, families and the community as a whole. (GARRARD-BRUNETT, 2003)
In the United States, Pentecostalism continues its main social vocation, seeking its followers among people who are on the fringes of society, in the periphery of the blessings of the capitalist society and wait for a salvation “in this world”.
Africa
Africa is the second major Pentecostal continent in the world; Lagos, the capital of Nigeria is the largest Pentecostal city in the world. Pentecostals today represent 12 percent, or about 107 million of Africa's population, according to the World Christian Database. South Africa and Zimbabwe are the two countries where Pentecostalism has the fastest growth. In South Africa, 40 percent of the population is influenced by Pentecostalism (CORTEN, 2003) and the Pentecostal Apostolic Faith Mission is now numerically as strong as the Dutch Reformed Church. In Zimbabwe, the Pentecostal Assemblies of God have almost as many adherents as the Catholic Church.
In Portuguese-speaking African countries there is a large number of Brazilian Pentecostal denominations, particularly in Angola and Mozambique. In Mozambique Neo-Pentecostalism and especially the Brazilian neo-Pentecostal church Universal Church of Kingdom of God is growing fast in large cities and suburbs, in lower classes and lower middle classes (SILVA, 2003). This
85 Brazilian Church owns the TV channel “Miramar” and holds 80 percent of its audience in Mozambique.
Because of the social and cultural aspects of Africa, Pentecostalism has been the most capable form of Christianity to penetrate this continent. Its oral structure (HOLLENWEGER, 1976) and magical tendency have affinities with the traditional forms of African religions. The high level of poverty generates large social groups of poor and has contributed to the development of Pentecostalism. The only significant barrier to the further spread of Pentecostals in Africa is the presence of Islam in North Africa.
Latin America
Latin America is now the heart of Pentecostalism. There, we find 44 percent of Pentecostals in the world, approximately 144 million people (ANDERSON, 2004). Brazil is now the first Pentecostal country in the world. In 2000, according to the sociologist of religion Ricardo Mariano, Pentecostals were 18 million and have increased in 8.9 percent a year. Today Pentecostals are 24 million in Brazil (World Christian Database). Among the 2.5 million evangelicals found in Argentina, almost all of them are Pentecostals. In Chile, a traditional Catholic country, Pentecostals are already 20 percent of the population.
The social base of this religious movement includes mostly the lower classes of the urban world, whose followers spent only few years in school. The main ethnics are blacks, mestizos and descendents of Amerindians. A survey made in Brazil in 1996 attested this tendency (MARIANO, 1999). This survey found that 11 percent of Pentecostals were illiterate and 68.3 percent had only an elementary education (four school years). It also showed that 8.2 percent were unemployed, and 27.2 percent among the employed did not have a regular employment. According to this survey, 45.3 percent of these
86 Pentecostals were colored. On the other hand, Anderson (2004) asserts that one of the largest Pentecostal Denomination in Argentina is made up mostly of descendents of Indians, who are the poorest sector in Argentina. This data shows that Pentecostalism is the new religiosity for the dominated classes of our time.
Conclusion
At the end of this chapter, it is worth noting that the origins of Pentecostalism are not only related to internal theological changes in the United States and to Protestant Reformation tradition, but also to the cultural origins of certain actors who founded the Pentecostal movement in the United States, namely African Americans. We can understand how the development of a new religiosity is closely related to radical social changes and is also a product of these changes. In other words, we can assert that these new religiosities are the religious answers to the new social challenges and demands confronted by new social groups.
In this line of reasoning about Pentecostalism, the social position of individuals in society is more important than their cultural origin, i.e., the condition of ex-slave or sub-integrated in the urban periphery plays a more important role than a supposedly common past in Africa34.
As we have seen in this chapter, the origin of Pentecostalism is socially related to the urbanization phenomenon in the United States, and its impact, particularly the “new social world”, was brought about by this phenomenon. In addition, the population mobility, which has helped generate this urbanization, has played an important role as well.
34 Regarding this debate I do not claim that cultural features do not have their relevance. Such traditions can work as paths of language to convey something. However, such cultural traditions are secondary in this rationale.
87 These ideas and findings are relevant and help us understand the development of Pentecostalism, especially in Brazil. In the next chapters, I will demonstrate how this pattern of religion, inspired by the emergence of Pentecostalism in the United States, has found a breeding ground in Brazil. The social elements that have brought about the emergence of this religion in the United States---as we have seen in this chapter--- can also be noted in the social changes brought forth in Brazil in the course of the twentieth century.
Certain social groups in similar social position have found in Pentecostalism religious answers to similar social challenges.
88