Social realism
In conjunction with Margaret Archer’s (1995) social realist framework of structure, culture and agency, the capability approach has enabled the study to respond to the research question in a non-conflationary manner. Non-conflation implies that the researcher was able to analyse structure, culture and agency independently of each other because of the temporary separation of these domains for analytical purposes. Therefore, as access to higher education in South Africa has increased to all citizens, there seems to have been a conflation of the social and the economic by policy-makers. Therefore, the capability approach emphasises that increasing access is not enough; it actually needs to be accompanied by an enabling economic environment as well.
HigHer education PatHways
Archer’s framework highlights the clash between social structures, that is between family structures and higher education structures. The clash is in relation to the economics of these institutions. Higher education institutions sustain themselves through fees of students from both low-income families and well-to-do families. This system perpetuates pressure on students from low-income backgrounds, which acts as a barrier to successfully accessing higher education. Students’ inability to honour their financial obligations in the attainment of higher education can, in Sen’s (1999) terms, be understood as an ‘unfreedom’.
The framework also enables the researcher to analyse both the culture of the institution in dealing with students who intend to register with that institution, as well as students’
family cultures, in terms of the manner in which the students value education. Furthermore, with regard to culture, the framework enables the researcher to understand the socio-economic background of families from which the students come. Finally, the framework allows the researcher to analyse the level of agency that students and their families exercise during their quest to access higher education at the beginning of the academic year. Agency includes the risks and trade-offs that students and their families are willing to take for the sake of accessing higher education.
Methodology
Participants
Participants of the study were senior students, that is third-year students and beyond, who were academic peer mentors and tutors in the university. The rationale behind using mentors and tutors was, firstly, that they were easily accessible to the researcher of this study because of her role as the institutional coordinator of the mentoring and tutoring programme. Secondly, most students who join the mentoring and tutoring programme do so because of the financial gains attached to it. Thirdly, the study also targeted mentors and tutors who did not receive any form of financial aid such as NSFAS, bursary or scholarship. These are students who were fully reliant on themselves or their families for financial assistance. Therefore, each mentor or tutor who was mainly dependent on family or self-funding for their studies qualified to participate in this study.
Method of data collection
Data were collected through an open response questionnaire which was emailed to the peer mentors and tutors. A total of 100 questionnaires was distributed to tutors and mentors of which 37 responses were returned. The rationale for email communication was mainly to encourage freedom of expression. Since the study carries with it very sensitive and, to a certain extent, humiliating experiences, the researcher felt it would be better not to have face to face contact with the respondents. The questionnaire comprised four questions:
1. Have you faced situations where lack of resources led to failure to register?
2. If you are not directly responsible for raising funds to pay for your registration fee, how do you source such funds?
3. Have you faced precarious situations and had no control to change the situation because of financial issues?
4. Where have you turned to for support? What alternatives did you access when you could not find the support you needed?
The answers to these questions enabled the researcher to have an understanding of the cultural practices that are common in low-income households. In the next section, I provide a critical analysis of this in relation to Sen’s theory of social justice. The answers to these questions further provided insight into the role that universities are capable of playing in assisting students in need of financial support.
Results
The results are presented in line with the four questions that respondents answered in the questionnaire: the impact on the students of a lack of financial resources; how they had sourced funds for registration; whether they had felt that financial issues had limited their control of situations; and where they turned to for support. These questions assisted in answering the research question that aimed at understanding how students from a historically disadvantaged institution navigated their way, as they attempted to gain access to higher education.
The impact of a lack of financial resources on students
In agreement with Mbembe’s (2016) argument that university education is impossible without an extensive material infrastructure, one could add that university education also becomes impossible without extensive socio-economic support for the students who are engaged in that education. This is especially the case for students from low-income backgrounds. Data collected from the participants in the study confirmed that lack of basic social and economic needs made it almost impossible for the students to learn. This study focused on challenges experienced during the registration process. However, this kind of life persists beyond registration.
It was very difficult to study without funds to satisfy the daily basic needs like food, transport and for buying books. It was very hard, I sometime had to bring my porridge and green vegetables from home. It was very hard, but I had to carry on in a difficult situation. (Respondent 9)
Last year I did not have money for registration. I ended up registering on the last day of the extended registration day. I was blocked entry in the library and computer lab. I
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wrote my first test while I was unregistered and without textbooks. I relied on lecturer’s slides since I was blocked entry in the library and lab. Bursaries that required registered students passed me since their criteria was confined to only registered. Most of the time I relied on friends in order to sleep with a stomach that contained food. I survived morning classes with an empty stomach. I sometimes missed/skipped afternoon classes because it really was/is difficult to cope with an empty stomach. (Respondent 37)
Although Respondent 37 does not share where s/he eventually sourced funds for registration, there is evidence that it was very difficult to find registration fees. Similarly with Respondent 9, it was a challenge to have food and to pay for transport.