ONOMASTIC AND PALAEOGRAPHIC CONSIDERATIONS ON EARLY PHOENICIAN ARROW-HEADS
W. ROLLIG
During the last seventy years, 18 of at least 24 arrow-heads with short inscriptions in early Phoenician characters have been published. The existence of six additional pieces is reported, but they remain unpublished. In spite of the fact that in the last years more than one study about these objects and their inscriptions has been published demonstrating cer
tain aspects of their relevance to our understanding of the development of the early Phoenician script, I will again discuss them shortly. The aim of my paper will be to show you that these little pieces with their very short inscriptions give us a limited but interesting view of the transitional phase of ethnic and cultural change taking place in Syria-Palestine from the end of the Late Bronze Age to the beginning of the Early Iron Age. The conse
quence of this development was the formation of a new cultural unit which we call the Phoenician. This, I think, makes it worth a further endeavour at explaining the arrow-heads here.
The provenance of most of these little objects is not known. The arrow-head, now in the Louvre, which Guignes and Roncevalle made known in 1921, is said to come from Roueisseh (Rwaisi near Sidon-Saida). A hoard of arrow-heads, among them five with ins
criptions, is reported to stem from el-Hadr near Bethlehem in Palestine ; another one has been found in the Beqaa-valley. All the other objects come from the antiquities market ; their exact provenance and their find conditions are unknown to us. But I am convinced by the arguments of T. Mitchell
1that the indications of provenance in the inscriptions themselves, given as nisbatun, namly siddniyu "Man from Sidon" (n° 7), 'atiyu "Man from A k k o " (n° 10) and 'aboniyu "Man from 'Abdon" = Hirbat A b d e near A k k o (n° 9) together with the findspot Rwaisi point to the coastal region as their place of origin. The hoard from el-Hadr may have been transposed to this place in antiquity.
The typology of the inscriptions is quite simple. Normally, the word for arrow (hs) is written at the beginning, followed by a name, mostly accompanied by the patrinomic, for example Rwaisi (n° 10) : h? 'd 'bn 'ky.
Variants also occur :
a) the introductory hf "arrow" is not written, may be forgotten (n° 5) b) the patrinomic is absent (nos 1-4.7.9.12.15.22?)
c) as a substitute for the patrinomic
Originalveröffentlichung in: M. Fantar (Hrsg.), Actes du IIIe Congrès International des Études Phéniciennes et Puniques, Tunis,
11-16 novembre 1991,Vol. II (1995), S. 348-355
Onomastic and Palaeographic Considerations on Early Phoenician Arrow-heads
349
1. a designation o f origin in the f o r m o f a nisbatun : fdny (n° 7) 2. a title : m / J b 'mr " K i n g o f A m u r r " (n° 12)
3. an indication on a kind o f dependence : 's 'zb'l "the m a n o f ' O z i b a ' a l " (n° 9), '$ 'bdy "the m a n o f A b d i y a " (n° 15) m a y occur.
A s a c o n s e q u e n c e o f this t y p o l o g y , I a m certain that the short inscriptions are o w n e r s - m a r k s . B u t the purpose o f these designations is d o u b t f u l . T h r e e solutions have been p r o p o s e d :
1. T h e inscription is to note the ownership o f the arrow-head, s o that it can be iden
tified after a battle or j o u s t i n g match, and then be given back to the owner. T h i s a s s u m e s that metal w a s precious, and therefore the w e a p o n s w o u l d h a v e been c o l l e c t e d after a fight and reused. T h i s solution is doubtful. W e r e this the case, it remains u n e x p l a i n e d w h y o n l y the arrow-heads bear such names, but not daggers or knives, and that this desi- gnatory c u s t o m is limited in time and space. W e s h o u l d except to find m o r e such pieces scattered over centuries and in different regions because copper or b r o n z e kept their value in the Iron A g e .
2. T h e idea o f I w r y
2is to be m e n t i o n e d , that they h a v e been used in an act o f b e l o - m a n c y , that m e a n s « an ancient practice o f divination b y shaking arrows in such a w a y that o n e w o u l d be singled out in the process ». T h i s theory finds support in the O l d Testament testimony by Ezekiel (21,26) in w h i c h the king o f B a b y l o n has to c h o o s e w h e ther to attack J e r u s a l e m or Rabbath A m m o n and it is said o f h i m that « to practice d i v i nation he s h o o k in the arrows, he consulted in the Teraphin, he l o o k e d in the liver ». B u t - if this practice has been used s o m e centuries earlier than the events described by the prophet - w e should ask w h y further c o n f i r m a t i o n f r o m y o u n g e r a r r o w - h e a d s is lacking.
3. T h e inscription is intended to give the n a m e o f a dedicant to a deity in a k i n d o f sacrifice, that is, a votive inscription. T h i s explanation can be supported by a series o f tools and w e a p o n s used as dedications in the A n c i e n t Near East f r o m the 3rd M i l l . o n w a r d
3- and not o n l y in M i d d l e - B a b y l o n i a n times as it is s u p p o s e d by B . Sass in his last article
4.
T h e y often bear inscriptions with the n a m e o f the dedicant and the g o d to w h o m the o b j e c t has been offered. In spite o f the fact that such tools have s e l d o m been f o u n d in situ, e.g. in a sanctuary, it can be taken for granted that they w e r e deposited near to the cella o f the god. A l s o , the O l d Testament parallels point to the practice in Palestine, o c c a s i o n a l y after a victory the w e a p o n s o f a v a n q u i s h e d e n e m y w e r e dedicated.
Contradicting such an explanation is the fact that s o m e t i m e s m o r e than o n e a r r o w head with the s a m e personal n a m e - but with differing spellings - h a v e been f o u n d . T h e duplicates m a y indicate that in this case o n e m a n m a d e an e x e p t i o n a l l y rich offering, or that he dedicated m o r e than one arrow-head c o m m e m o r a t i n g a special and v i g o r o u s action on the part o f the deity, or f o r a m a n i f o l d help in wartime.
I shall ignore the fact that n o n e o f the objects f o u n d up to n o w s h o w s an explicit dedication to a deity. I think that different religious traditions led to different types o f dedication - with or without i n v o k i n g the d i v i n e p o w e r s . In addition to these considera
tions the objects are o f interest with respect to their inscriptions in a d o u b l e manner.
T h e y contain an e x t r e m e l y unusual o n o m a s t i c o n , and are m o s t l y written in rather archaic characters. L e t us look at the o n o m a s t i c o n first :
T w e n t y - f o u r p e r s o n a l - n a m e s can be registered. S o m e o f them are w e l l k n o w n and
have counterparts in other Phoenician and P u n i c inscriptions such as : A d o n i - b a ' a l " M y
350
W. RolligLord is Ba'al" (n° 13), 'Azar-ba'al "Ba'al helped" (n° 13) and 'Oz-ba'al "Strength is Ba 'al" (n° 9)
5. I suppose that it is not by chance that these names occur in the arrow-heads which are late in origin. In addition six other names have parallels in inscriptions outsi
de the corpus of arrow-heads, but they are not frequent :
A d o (n° 10, in n° 19 too??), a hypochoristic, is now known from four inscriptions
6. Ger-Ba'al "the client of Ba'al" (n° 7) is also known from four further inscriptions
7. ^Abdi (n° 15), a hypochoristic of a name of the type "servant (cbd) of the god..." and Rapa' "the healer (is god x ) " (n° 6) is known from a single Punic inscription, too
8. The name 'dnS
cAdonisuca "my Lord is salvation" (n° 22) has a single Phoenician counterpart in a stamp- seal, dated in the middle of the 8th century B.C.
9Podi "solved, liberated" (n° 21) is known from many punic inscriptions and is present in Hebrew and Ugaritic, too
10. - Qry (n° 21) is unexplained but known from a Hebrew ostracon
11. - Also Ba'ala (n° 19) is known from the Samaria-ostraca
12. The rest presents a real surprise. 13 names are to be found which are hapax-legomena with respect to the traditional phoenician onomasticon.
That means that two of them have more than one reference on arrow-heads, but 9 names are to be found only once in this group of objects.
Three of them are constructed on a well known scheme :
1. zkr-b'l (n° 11 [restored] and 12) "Remembering of Ba'al" occurs in this type of writing in this context only. The younger Phoenician-Punic writing skr-b'l (with same- kh as the initial letter) occurs in three Punic inscriptions in a fourth one the shortened form skr is to be found
13. However, for our considerations the fact is worth noting that this early orthography (Zayin instead of Samekh) is present in the dialect of Ya'udi until the ninth century but is not preserved in Phoenician. It furthermore is worth noting that names such as zakiru, zukurHya), dkriy) are common in Amorite
14, but are also to be found in Ugarit and Alalah. It is an old and widespread name-type
15.
2. 'bdlb't (there are 5 examples of this name, each with a different orthography) is a type of name which is extremely frequent : the noun 'bd "servant" in construct with the name of a god or goddess. The same name can be found in Ugaritic as 'bdlbit
16. The ele
ment Ib't is to be defined as the word for "lioness", Akkadian labbatu, Hebr. leba'a. For this element is to compare Labiya in Ugarit and Labaya in Amarna-letters
17. It may the
refore hint at a cult of a lion goddess in Syria-Palestine unknown in later periods, i.e.
during the Iron Age. A s a consequence, this theophorous element of names is lacking in the classical Phoenico-Punic onomasticon.
If names such as Ibt or Iby occur in Punic and Neo-Punic inscriptions
18, they are derived from the ethnic designation Iby "Libyan" and should not be confused with a lion goddess.
3. bn'nt (n° 11 [with emendation] and n° 5 [with haplography of the word bn\) belongs to a group of names which are compositions of bn "son" and a theophorous ele
ment as bnb'l, bnSmi bnrSp, etc., which is not common but present in the Phoenico- punic onomasticon
19. It should be mentioned that this name has an exact parallel in Ugaritic but not in Amarna
20.
Three other names should also be compared one with the other.
4. yfl (n° 20) according to A . Lemaire
21is derived from the root nfl "to raise",
which is well known in Akkadian as natdlu "to raise the eyes, to look". Despite the fact
that no West-Semitic name deriving from this root is known, the Akkadian parallels
- always in the precative - ilum-litul "the god shall look (on him)" may point in this
Onomastic and Palaeographic Considerations on Early Phoenician Arrow-heads 3 5 1
direction. Because the precative in Phoenician uses the imperfect-forms we may specu
late that a r o o t y / / existed alongside nfl in comparison to ytn alongside ntn.
5. yhS (n° 6) is a hapax legomenon in Phoenician, too. Its derivation from kwS "to hasten" is possible, the Ugaritic parallel ya-huS-Su also seems striking
22, but the exact meaning is not clear to me. "May (the god) hasten (to help in labour pains)" is a possible explanation.
6. A similar type of name construction is yt' (n° 8)
23, but the explanation of this name is more difficult. A name element jata-/jati- exists in Amorite
24, but the explana
tion of this element is doubtful, and it is only certain that it is not a verbal form. I sup
pose that a shortened form of a name with the element yatar "leave over, remain", well known from the amorite onomasticon and from Ugarit and Alalah
25, too, is to be found here.
7. Easy is the explanation of ymn (n° 15) which has striking parallels in amorite yamina "south" or "right", par ex. maru-yamino, in Mari, and which also can be found in Alalakh as Yaman, in Ugarit as Yamuna
26and compare bin-yamln in Hebrew. But Phoenician parallels can not be offered at the present time.
8. Among the remaining names is 'ky (n° 10), a nisbatun of the well known city- name A k k o . The bearer of this name is characterized as a man coming from this Phoenician harbor town. The name can also be found in Ugaritic and has one reference in Punic
27.
9. The same explanation can be given for 'bdny (n° 9) "The man from A b d o n "
2 8, but no Phoenician or Punic reference is known. But the name-type is very common.
10. zm' (n° 8) is eventually a derivation of the root zmm, and may be compared with the Amorite zmm or zm'
29and the Hebrew name zimmd
30.
11. Further on the name 'nt (n° 5) - if not to be ammended to bn'nt - is an abbre
viated form of a name with the theophorous element 'Anat, the well known goddess of Ugarit who is also present in the Phoenician pantheon. Her name occurs also in Phoenician and - in the form 'nt - in Punic names
31, but not very often. Abbreviated as well is the name ba'al' (n° 19).
12. Finally we have the name mhrn (n° 20), not represented in the remaining Phoenician and Punic inscriptions but of a well known type, a qatldn-iorva of a root mhr, as a noun used with the meaning "servant, soldier". We know of compositions such as mhrb'l not only from Phoenician, but also from Ugaritic sources
32.
13. Without explanation it seems to me to be the name qry (n° 21), but a nisbatun (in connection with qr{i)l) is possible, too. A Phoenician counterpart is unknown to me.
If we take all these various names into consideration, it seems evident that the ono
masticon of the arrow-heads differs remarkably from the onomasticon of the "classical"
Phoenician inscriptions. A considerable number of the names have no counterpart in the inscriptions from the tenth/ninth century B.C. on. On the other hand, those names show some pecularities which are known from Amorite, Ugaritic and Amarna name types.
This all indicates an early stage of the cultural and linguistic development in Phoenicia, not yet represented by longer inscriptions.
The script of the arrow-heads is likewise archaic. It has been studied at least by
B. Sass, who stresses the fact that some of the crude writings "may be the result of the
scribes lack of skill"
33. On the other hand, he concludes with regard to the el-Hadr
arrow-heads that they are "still preserving a few archaic elements, in particular the direc-
3 5 2 W. Rollig
tion of writing of the letters, and to a lesser extent, the forms of some of the letters"
34. So it is remarkable that these texts show a vertical direction of writing, which is extinct in younger inscriptions.
The shape of certain letters, especially §, changes in a remarkable way. The distinct form of this letter which has analogies in later texts, too, can at first be found on the Rapa-arrow-head (n° 6), but the letter y is not yet in the upright position on this object as on the Ahirom-sarcophagus. But one of the arrow-heads, that of Azarbaal (n° 13), is written in a script which is close to this famous tenth-century inscription, and is therefo
re nearly contemporaneous. Therefore, it is of special significance that the personal names of this arrow-head - 'Azar-ba'al and 'Adoni-ba'al - belong to the typical Phoenician onomasticon.
To sum up : the arrow-heads have been inscribed in an early type of the Phoenician script, and they demonstrate that in this period, i.e. the 11th century B.C., the demogra
phic change that eliminated the older stage took place. This old Canaanite stage, repre
sented by Amorite and Ugaritic name-types, was replaced by a new, uniform Canaanite- Phoenician onomasticon which only seldom used such once common "archaic" name- types. Therefore, the arrow-heads allow a very limited but, in my opinion, typical insight into the formation of the Iron-Age population of the coastal regions of the Levant. And this is in favor of my view expressed in an article about "The origin of the Phoenicians"
some years ago
35.
NOTES
1. MITCHELL : 1985, 145.
2. I W R Y : 1961, 27 ff.
3. See for example D . COQUERRILAT : «Notes pour servir a l'histoire des masses d'armes». Revue d'Assyriologie 45 ( 1 9 5 1 ) 2 1 - 2 4 .
4. SASS : 1989. 349 ff.
5. Cf. BENZ : 1972, 56 ff. 167 ff. 165 ; JONGELING : 1983, 147, 196.
6. BENZ : 1972, 55. If the form 'dc (n°19) belongs to the same name-type is highly questionable. For Ugaritic 'adc(y) cf. U T 314 (= K T U 4.86), 14 ; P R U 5,79 (= K T U 4.347), 10 and see GRONDAHL : 1967, 50 f. 142.
7. BENZ : 1972, 103.
8. cbdy CIS 6028,1 and rp' CIS 2566,4, cf. BENZ : 1972, 154, 179, cf. 232 f.
9. R E S 1239 = BORDEUIL, P. : Catalogue des sceaux ouest-semitiques inscrits, n° 5, (Paris 1986), see BENZ : 1972.
261. 327.423. For the very frequent name-element J u a c yaiw s. FABRY, H.J. : Theolog. W . z u m A l t e n Testament Bd.3, 1982, Sp.1035 ff.
10. BENZ : 1972, 175 ; SIVAN : 1984, 257.
11. K A I 190,3 v o m Ofel.
12. Samaria-ostraca nos 1,7 ; 3,3 ; 27,3 ; 28,3 ; 31,3, cf. MITCHELL : 1985, 142f. and see bcly in Ugaritic and Phoenician.
\3.skrbcl CIS 1218. 1354,2. 2871,4 ; skr CIS 3751, 4 cf. BENZ: 1972, 147.
14. HUFFMON : 1965, 187 ; GELB : 1980, 350.
15. MARAGTEN : 1988, 160 with references.
16. U T 321 (= K T U 4,63) III 38, cf. GRONDAHL : 1967, 154.
17. PRU 6,79,3. - E A 245,6,43 ; 246 rev.6 ; 250,14, cf. BENZ :1972, 337 ; SIVAN : 1984, 240.
18. BENZ : 1972, 133.
19. ID. : 1972, 89. 55, cf. 287f.
20. C f . bnmt in U T 1043 (= K T U 4,320) 4 and 1061 (= K T U 4,307) 6, but bum in U T 64 (= K T U 4.33) 32 and 1046 (= K T U 4.232) 47, cf. GRONDAHL : 1967, 110.
21. LEMAIRE, A . : 1989, 54.
22. P R U 3, p.160. cf. GRONDAHL : 1967, 138 ; MARTIN : 1962, 185 ; CROSS : 1967, 20 note 87.
Onomastic and Palaeographic Considerations on Early Phoenician Arrow-heads
353
2 3 . T h e reading f o l l o w s SASS : 1988, 81 ; it is p a l a e o g r a p h i c a l l y well f o u n d e d ; but LIPINSKY-GUBEL : 1986, 152 prefers the reading ytg.
2 4 . G E L B : 1 9 8 0 , 2 7 8 f . 2 5 . H U F F M A N : 1 9 6 5 , 2 1 7 1'.
2 6 . G E L B : 1 9 8 0 , 2 7 3 ; A\a\ah ya-ma-an W O 5 , 1 9 6 9 , 6 3 \yamuna, e t c . , c f . G R O N D A H L : 1 9 6 7 , 1 4 4 , b u t s e e S I V A N : 1988. 2 8 7 with a derivation f r o my a m m u - « sea ».
2 7 . U T 3 2 1 ( = K T U 4 . 6 3 ) I I I 3 7 , c f . G R O N D A H L , 1 9 6 7 , 1 0 8 . 3 7 7 ; C I S 6 0 6 6 , 1 , c f . B E N Z : 1 9 7 2 , 1 7 1 . 2 8 . M I T C H E L L : 1 9 8 5 , 1 4 5 .
2 9 . G E L B : 1 9 8 0 , 3 7 1 .
30. I. CHRON 6 , 5 . 2 7 ; 2. CHRON 29,12, cf. M . NOTH : Die israelitischen Personennamen im Rahmen der gemein- semitischen Namengebung (Stuttgart 1928) 39. 176 ( n ° 4 3 7 ) .
31. 'nt C I S 4 9 7 6 , 1 , cf. B E N Z : 1972, 2 3 3 f . 382.
32. P h o e n i c i a n , cf. mhr-bcl, mhr-ytfn] etc., BENZ : 1972, 3 4 0 f . ; SIVAN : 1984, 2 6 4 . For A m o r i t e and U g a r i t i c refe r e n c e s o f H U F F M O N : 1 9 6 5 , 2 2 9 f . ; G E L B , 1 9 8 0 , 3 2 0 ; G R O N D A H L : 1 9 6 7 , 1 5 6 .
3 3 . S A S S : 1 9 8 8 , 1 4 9 . 3 4 . S A S S : 1 9 8 8 , 1 4 8 .
35. ROLLIG W . : " O n the O r i g i n o f the P h o e n i c i a n s " , Berytus 31 ( 1 9 8 3 ) , 7 9 - 9 3 , in particular p. 8 4 f f .
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