Queenship in Kush: Status, role and ideology of royal women

Queenship in Kush: Status, Role and Ideology of Royal Women

A N G E L I K A L O H W A S S E R

In the a n c i e n t M e d i t e r r a n e a n world, the ex­

ceptional status of q u e e n s in the Kingdom of Meroe inspired c o m m e n t in the works of Greco­

R o m a n writers. T h e s e w o m e n , a n d the kandake in particular, c o n t i n u e d to attract the attention of travelers a n d scholars down into m o d e r n times. By comparison, the role a n d status of their predecessors, the royal mothers, wives, sisters, a n d daughters, f r o m the Kushite 25th Dynasty down t h r o u g h the N a p a t a n Period to the reign of Nastasen, r e m a i n e d little known.1

Beginning with George A. Reisner's excava­

tions of the royal cemeteries at El Kurru a n d Nuri a n d Francis LI. Griffith's work at Kawa, a steadily increasing body of material has b e c o m e available for the study of Kushite "queenship."

T h e s e sources fall into t h r e e categories:

1) inscriptional, ranging f r o m lengthy royal texts o n stelae f r o m Napata a n d Kawa to the labels accompanying representations of royal w o m e n a n d inscriptions on objects (primarily burial e q u i p m e n t ) ;

2) representational, viz. the depictions of royal w o m e n o n stelae a n d temple walls;

1 T h i s b a c k g r o u n d i n f o r m a t i o n is e x p a n d e d u p o n a n d d o c u m e n t e d in "Die k o n i g l i c h e n F r a u e n im a n t i k e n Reich von Kitsch," Meroitica 19 (2001), t h e full publication of my dissertation e n t i t l e d "Die k o n i g l i c h e n F r a u e n von Kusch (25.

Dynastie bis zur Zeit d e s Nastasen)." T h e most i m p o r t a n t theses a n d c o n c l u s i o n s of t h a t work are p r e s e n t e d h e r e . Many r e c e n t studies have dealt with aspects of Kushite a n d Meroitic q u e e n s h i p in various contexts; they are duly c o n ­ s i d e r e d below. But n o n e of t h e m h a s b e e n d e v o t e d in its e n t i r e t y to investigating t h e p h e n o m e n o n of Kushite q u e e n ­ ship p e r se, t h e goal of my m o n o g r a p h .

3) archaeological: tombs a n d associated burial goods in the cemeteries of El Kurru, Nuri, Meroe, a n d Abydos.

In Meroitica 19, these data are p r e s e n t e d in cata­

logue form, providing the basis for the con­

clusions which are summarized below. A second catalogue lists all those royal women whose n a m e s are known; each entry includes variant orthog­

raphies for the n a m e in question, the titles, epithets a n d filiation of the woman, h e r d o c u ­ m e n t a t i o n a n d a commentary. Analysis of these varied sources d e m o n s t r a t e s the crucial role played by q u e e n s h i p as the indispensable c o u n ­ terpart of male kingship in Kushite ideology.

Royal W o m e n in Society

A royal woman's epithets a n d filiation, as well as h e r costume a n d regalia, provide i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t uniquely Kushite features of h e r status.

T h e titles a n d epithets d o c u m e n t e d for Kush­

ite royal w o m e n are few, especially in compari­

son to the wealth of such designations b o r n e by their p h a r a o n i c Egyptian c o u n t e r p a r t s ,2Titles which d o c u m e n t a sacral role include hmt ntr (priestess), jhjjt (sistrum player)', shmjjt (sistrum player), hnw (sistrum player), a n d hmt ntr (God's Wife). N o n e of these sacral titles is specified by the addition of a deity's n a m e , by contrast to ancient Egyptian practice. Even in those cases where it is clear that the g o d served was A m u n

2 For c o n v e n i e n c e ' s sake, I have a d o p t e d t h e English r e n ­ d e r i n g s e m p l o y e d by Troy (1986) f o r all b u t a few titles a n d e p i t h e t s below. For d e t a i l e d discussion of specific terms, see Meroitica 19.

61

Originalveröffentlichung in: Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 38, 2001, S. 61-76

(as, for example, in the case of the sistrum player Matiqen3), this association is n o t explicit in the title.

Some titles imply a specific status at court:

jrj-pctt ( n o b l e w o m a n ) ; tpjt n hm.f (first great wife of his majesty), rht njswt (king's a c q u a i n t a n c e ) , hnwt hmwt nbwt (lady of all the w o m e n ) . O t h e r s are analogous to king's titles expressing d o m i n­

ion: hnwt tDivj (tm)lnbt t3wj (lady/mistress of the [ e n t i r e ] Two L a n d s ) , hnwt smcw mhw (lady of the south a n d the n o r t h ) , nbt hjs'wt/tj jct hSs'wt (mistress/the great o n e of the foreign c o u n ­ tries), hnwt kmt/kSs/tS s'tj (lady of Egypt/Kush/

Nubia), sit rc( d a u g h t e r of Re, as the f e m i n i n e c o u n t e r p a r t of "son of Re" designating the king). T h e s e titles were used in parallelism with those of the king. Royal w o m e n are d e f i n e d as sharing the power to rule, the f e m i n i n e equiva­

lent of the king. Effective i n f l u e n c e associated with such titles should n o t be over­rated, but they d o express the ideal of c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y (for which, see below). Since the titles s3t ntr (daugh­

ter of the god) a n d mwt ntr ( m o t h e r of the god) are b o t h d o c u m e n t e d only a single time, their i m p o r t remains unclear.

T h e majority of epithets b o r n e by royal w o m e n express the esteem in which they were held, or refer to agreeable characteristics. Most such epi­

thets go back to the Old Kingdom in p h a r a o n i c Egypt, a n d they are especially c o m m o n in the New K i n g d o m a n d in Dynasties XXV a n d XXVI.

They include wrt hsjw (great of praises), bnrt mrwt (sweet of love), wrtlnbljSmt (great one/mistress of loveliness). (Epithets d o c u m e n t e d only a single time for Kushite royal w o m e n are s'htp njswt n hrt hrw (one who satisfies the king with [his] daily n e e d s ) , s'ndm jb hr m ddt.s nb (one w h o sweetens the h e a r t of H o r u s [i.e., the king] with all h e r words which are said), hnmt hc ntr ( o n e who is u n i t e d with the limbs of the god), jSm hr jb hr.s (beloved in the h e a r t of h e r H o r u s [=lord]), hkrt njswt wct (sole o r n a m e n t of the king), sps't njswt wct (sole n o b l e w o m a n of the king).) T h e expres­

sion rmt n knit, "inhabitant of Egypt" (sometimes abbreviated simply rmt?) would seem to refer to

3 So in the text of the Adoption Stela of Henuttakebit

(Schafer 1895).

4 N o t e that Priese (1968: 1 9 0 - 9 1 ) believes the word in question is not to be read rmt, but tjore, the Meroitic word for k i n g / q u e e n .

the origin of the w o m e n who bear the epithet, b u t since it is also associated with w o m e n who have Kushite names, its effective m e a n i n g re­

mains unclear.

Kushite Q u e e n s as R e p r e s e n t e d in Art As a rule, p h a r a o n i c Egyptian costume a n d regalia were a d o p t e d for the depiction of Kush­

ite kings, a l t h o u g h certain specifically Kushite features m a k e identification of t h e m as Kush­

ites u n p r o b l e m a t i c .5 Kushite q u e e n s , however, look m u c h less "Egyptian" than their male c o u n ­ terparts.6Except for the vulture headdress, the d o u b l e ­ f e a t h e r crown, a n d the d o u b l e ­ f e a t h e r crown with sun disc a n d cow h o r n s (which was al­

ready m o d i f i e d a n d "Meroiticized" in the early Napatan Period), there are n o Egyptian elements.

A large shawl was wrapped a r o u n d the body below the armpits or a r o u n d the hips. A second shawl which could b e f r i n g e d or d e c o r a t e d with woven stripes was worn over the first. Sometimes w o m e n d r a p e d a sash over the shoulder. A small tab­like e l e m e n t hangs below the h e m of a dress to reach the g r o u n d (fig. 1). This diagnostic ele­

m e n t has b e e n described as a "little tail." Some­

times t h e r e are fine ridges o n its surface; the cases are few where it simply resembles a line.

H o f m a n n (1971: 4 9 ­ 5 1 ) i n t e r p r e t e d the "little tail" as a kind of "badge of h o n o r " first associ­

ated with Taharqa's m o t h e r ; she also believed it identified a w o m a n as a kandake in later times.

However, this iconographic f e a t u r e is n o t re­

stricted to depictions of royal w o m e n .7G r a n t e d , the bull's tail of kingly regalia was i n a p p r o p r i a t e f o r a woman; nevertheless, the "little tail" is in­

d e e d reminiscent of an animal's tail. T h e bushy shape, which occurs in most depictions, a n d the

5 See Russmann 1974: 1 1 - 4 4 ; Kushite features include a

ram's-head amulet, rams' horns, double uraeus, and "south­

ern" physiognomy.

6 Contra H o f m a n n , 1971: 49; for detailed consideration of the costume and regalia of Kushite queens, see Lohwasser 1999.

Examples of non­royal w o m e n with this attribute in­

clude: stela Louvre E 13073 (Munro 1973: pi. 28, fig. 101;

stela Leiden XIV, 13 (van Wijngaarden 1932: pi. TV. 13);

coffin of Kheriru from the Asasif (unpublished; I am in­

debted to Dr. E. Haslauer for providing access to photo­

graphs of this piece); stela of Pasalta (Dunham 1963: fig.

220).

QUEENSHIP IN KUSH 63

21) »S! ^•LJ

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F i g / . Dream Stela of Tanwetamani (after Grimal 1981a: pi I).

ridges, which could have been intended to imi­

tate the appearance of fur, can be cited in favor of this proposal.

In ancient Egypt, animal tails tied around the arm at the elbow were considered typical for depictions of Nubians.

In officials' tombs of the New Kingdom, Nubian chieftains in tribute scenes are depicted with animal tails suspended from their arms or waist. Paintings in the tomb of Kenamun (TT 93) include the depiction of a statue of Amenhotep II as a Nubian wearing animal tails at his elbow.

Nubian women, too, wore animal tails: in the tomb of Tutankhamun's Nubian viceroy Huy (TT 40) a Nubian woman is shown with an animal tail tied around her arm.

Since all these examples show the animal tail(s) worn on the arm, the depictions of Nubians wear­

ing a tail below the knees in the tomb of Tjanuni (TT 74) are exceptional.

The wearing of deco­

rative amulets (though not tails) at the calves is also known from representations of Nubians in the New Kingdom. Finds from Sayala that date to the Christian era support this evidence; two

8 Torok 1990: 172.

9 Davies 1930: 26, pi. XVII.

10 Davies/Gardiner 1928: pi. XXX.

11 Drenkhahn 1967: 27; Brack/Brack 1977: pi. 32; Decker

1991: 9 8 - 9 9 , fig. 2.

skeletons excavated there had fringe tied to the knees.

Nowadays among various African peo­

ples—for example, the Nuba—there is the cus­

tom of wearing feathers and parts of pelts, perhaps also animals tails, below the knee.

Possibly Kushite women tied an animal tail, as an amulet insuring fertility, to their knee or calf, and it hung down below the dress worn over it. I suggest that the animal in question was a fox.

Fox tails are universally associated with eroticism and fertility. The ancient Egyptian hieroglyphic sign used to write words associated with birth depicted fox pelts bound together.

Amulets were made in the form of this sign.

The foxtail would thus represent the "feminine" pendant to the "masculine" bull's tail of the king which has also been interpreted as a fertility symbol.

The wigs worn by Egyptian royal women ex­

hibit considerable variety. By contrast, Kushite women did not wear wigs. Depictions of their natural bobbed hair are sometimes detailed to show small, tight curls.

In one of the depictions of Wedjarenes and in the sole representation of

12 Bietak/Schwarz 1987: 136, no. 76706, pi. 49.

1 3 Borchardt 1907: 7 5 - 7 6 ; Jequier 1921: 9 3 - 9 4 .

14 De Morgan 1903: pi. V no. 29; Vernier 1927: pi.

LXXXII.

15 Staehelin 1966: 1 7 8 - 7 9 ; Drenkhahn 1967: 77.

Kawa T

(Block 112-3)

Kawa T (Block 135)

Fig. 2. Princesses at Kaiua, Temple T (after Macadam 1955, pi 64 e-i).

Meritamun, little braids hang down from the back of the head to the neck, terminating in decorative little tassels or tiny beads.

Kushite royal woman are seldom depicted wearing the vulture headdress. Often a fillet that served to secure a lotus blossom at the forehead and/or a uraeus was tied around the head. The most frequently documented headgear consists of double plumes with sun disc and cow horns.

The headdress is short and squat by comparison to its Egyptian prototype.

The "Kushite headdress," unusual headgear known only from representations of Kushite women, consists of as many as four components, shaped like tiny figures of goddesses or papyrus umbels, attached to a fillet. Band-like elements spring upward from these "supports" to arch down over the back of the head (fig. 2). Perhaps the "bands" are intended to depict feathers.

Hofmann (1977: 109) would interpret this head­

gear to identify a member of the royal harim.

Kendall, also, presumes that different kinds of headdresses reflecting differing status among royal women.

Only royal women of higher rank were entitled to wear crowns and the uraeus; for

1 6 For this headgear and its occurrence in the costume of

non-royal w o m e n see Russmann 1997: 3 1 - 3 5 .

17 Nuba w o m e n wear a similar feather headdress; cf. e.g.,

Bernatzik 1930: 196, 198.

1 8 1982: 25; so, too, T6r6k 1995: 116.

royal women of lower rank, the Kushite head­

dress was used.

Status of Royal Women

Designations of kinship are crucial for the study of the status of Kushite royal women.

Proper interpretation of these terms may con­

tribute to understanding the mechanism of the succession in Kush which differed from the patri­

linear system in dynastic Egypt. Graeco­Roman authors considered the unusual manner of regu­

lating the succession in the Kushite kingdom exotic, and it remains to this day a frequently discussed subject. M. F. Laming Macadam, noting the supposedly frequent succession of brothers in the Napatan royal house, argued for a collat­

eral system—i.e., that the throne passed from brother to brother, until the generation was ex­

hausted.

According to this theory, the person who was entitled to succeed the last brother was the oldest son of the oldest brother, followed then by his own brother and so forth. However, there is only one unequivocal case of a brother following a brother: Aspelta who succeeded An­

lamani, both sons of Nasalsa.

Karl­Heinz Priese (1981) favors the idea that the succession was matrilinear—that the throne passed from one king to the next through a woman, usually the sister. (This scheme does not envisage women assuming the throne.) Re­

cently, Laszlo Torok (1995: 107­14; 1999: 280­

81) attempted to establish a patrilineal model, with the throne passing from father to son. How­

ever, he acknowledged a "female succession line," with female candidates bearing specific

"cult" titles such as bnrt mriut and nbtjSmt.

The matrilineal component seems especially significant to me. In matrilineally organized so­

cieties the person who can bestow an office is always female.

Normally this woman is the sis­

ter of the ruler. She bequeaths the right to the throne to her children. Her male children can assume the office while the females inherit the right to pass on the office. There are three sce­

narios that can result from this system; for the Kushites, Priese (1981: 50, fig. 1) prefers the

19 Macadam 1949: 124.

2 For matrilinearity in general, see Buchler 1980.

Q U E E N S H I P IN RUSH 65

s c h e m e whereby all sons of the oldest sister may i n h e r i t the office of king. T h e difficulty with this alternative is that t h e r e is only a single unequiv­

ocal e x a m p l e of two kings having the same m o t h e r , as I n o t e d above. A n d t h e r e is n o proof that any of the w o m e n involved were oldest sis­

ters. Since we d o n o t know the n a m e s of all kings' m o t h e r s , the p r u d e n t model, for the present, is simply "the sons of sisters inherit."

In the matrilineal system, the first ancestor for the "male" office of king is male. T h e original chieftain or ruler was male, j u s t as the reigning king is male. Alara is the person w h o is con­

sistently cited f r o m Dynasty XXV onwards as the f o u n d e r of the N a p a t a n royal line.2 1 Pre­

sumably the right to rule originated with him.

W h e n Taharqa cited the female ancestors of his m o t h e r w h o were Alara's sisters, h e emphasized the Napatan system of matrilineal descent t h r o u g h the m o t h e r . T h e possibility to pass on the right to the t h r o n e was transferred f r o m Alara to his sisters w h o t h e n b e q u e a t h e d this power to their children. T h e female ancestors w h o were im­

p o r t a n t for the king to claim rulership traced their lineage back to t h e sisters of Alara. For this reason they were especially revered.2 Priese (1981: 52) would derive additional evidence f r o m the Assyrian source which calls Tanweta­

mani the son of Taharqa's sister. H e r e , too, the right to the t h r o n e passed t h r o u g h a sister (s'nt) to the "son of a sister." W h e t h e r Taharqa's sister or rather a titular royal sister (snt njswt) was in ac­

tuality the m o t h e r of Tanwetamani remains moot.

Evaluating all available sources a n d differing interpretations of t h e m , it seems to m e most likely that the snt njswt could pass on the right to the t h r o n e . I would suggest that all sisters were equally entitled to b e q u e a t h kingship to their sons. All w o m e n w h o b o r e the title snt njswt be­

longed to a specific category, the snwt njswt;

their sons f o r m e d the pool of snw njswt. T h e d a u g h t e r s of these w o m e n in turn were snwt njswt a n d so on. T h e frequently m e n t i o n e d snw njsiut (king's brothers) comprise the g r o u p of

2 1 Note, however, that Priese (1970: 23) takes exception

to lliis view, calling attention to the fact that Aspelta traced his ancestry two generations back beyond Alara.

2 2 Taharqa established a cult for the mww.t tpjwc (Kawa VI, 25) while Anlamani placed his mother under the special protection of the gods (Kawa VIII, 26).

potential successors to the t h r o n e , equals f r o m a m o n g w h o m the new Kushite king was cho­

sen.2 3They b e l o n g e d to this g r o u p because the m o t h e r s of each of t h e m was a snt njswt. Only w h e n h e r son b e c a m e king did a s'nt njswt attain the status of mwt njswt.

In Rush t h e r e are a series of w o m e n b e a r i n g both hmt njsiut a n d snt njswt titles who are regu­

larly designated "sister­wives" in the literature. If o n e admits, however, that snlsnt does n o t neces­

sarily imply a direct c o n s a n g u i n e o u s relation­

ship, t h e n it is n o t necessary to p r e s u m e incest or a legitimacy t h r o u g h sibling marriage. Of course, a king chose his consort(s) w h e n pos­

sible f r o m t h e g r o u p of snt njswt. In t h e m o d e l I propose, the possibility that h e selected his actual sister was comparatively r e m o t e . Should h e marry a snt njswt, t h e n all of his sons were potential successors.

T h e genealogy of Aspelta f u r n i s h e s the most i m p o r t a n t d o c u m e n t a t i o n of the matrilineal c o m p o n e n t in the succession.2 4T h e legitimacy of Aspelta's selection was based on his d e s c e n t f r o m seven successive g e n e r a t i o n s of snwt njswt.

Each of these seven w o m e n m i g h t have b e e n a decisive factor in the succession of kings be­

tween Alara a n d Aspelta. In the literature they are customarily called m o t h e r s of kings or crown princes, b u t this is an interpretation which ig­

nores the fact that only for the first of t h e m , Nasalsa, is the title mwt njswt actually m e n t i o n e d . T h e omission of the title mwt njswt for the others c a n n o t be coincidental, especially since snt njswt is consistently i n c l u d e d in their titularies. For this reason, I d o n o t believe that any of these seven w o m e n except Nasalsa was the m o t h e r or wife of a king. T h e fact that the king was se­

lected f r o m a m o n g a g r o u p of possible succes­

sors does n o t necessarily imply that all w o m e n in the female line of descent were wives or m o t h e r s of kings.

Aspelta's genealogy d o c u m e n t s his "pure" lin­

eage by n o t i n g that seven g e n e r a t i o n s of his female ancestors were snt njswt (fig. 3); they all b e l o n g e d to that g r o u p of w o m e n who might

2 3 Previously remarked by Apelt (1990: 28).

2 4 Recorded in the text of his Election stela, in the Egyp­

tian Museum, Cairo, JE 48866: Grimal 1981a: pis. V­VII. For a translation see FHN I: 2 3 2 ­ 5 2 .

snt njswt hnwt nj Ks

I

snt njswt

Alara

snt njswt snt njswt snt njswt snt njswt dwl ntr

0 0 ?

0 0

0 0 ?

0 0 ?

0 0 ?

snt njswt mwt njswt Nasalsa oo king

Anlamani Aspelta

Fig. 3. The genealogy of Aspelta according to the text of the Election Stela.

b e q u e a t h the right to the t h r o n e , substantiating the legitimacy of his selection. Aspelta thus be­

longed to the pool of snw njswt, and, moreover, his association e x t e n d e d back t h r o u g h time over seven generations.

T h e Evidence of t h e Tombs

T h e tombs of female m e m b e r s of the Kushite royal h o u s e are an i m p o r t a n t source of infor­

m a t i o n a b o u t their status. Many of these w o m e n were b u r i e d in the necropolis of El Kurru a n d Nuri, like the Kushite kings.2 3 A few royal w o m e n possessed t o m b s in the c e m e t e r y of Meroe,2 6

a n d tombs b e l o n g i n g to Kushite royal w o m e n have also b e e n f o u n d in Egypt, at Abydos.2 7

Since, however, the minimal r e m a i n s at Meroe

25 Dunham 1950; 1955.

26 Dunham 1924; 1963.

27 Leahy 1994.

a n d Abydos p r e c l u d e p r o p e r analysis, the discus­

sion that follows necessarily focuses on evidence f r o m El Kurru a n d Nuri.

El Kurru is the oldest Kushite royal burial g r o u n d . H e r e lie the so­called ancestral tombs a n d those of t h e kings of Dynasty XXV, with the exception of Taharqa. H e built his pyramid at Nuri where his successors of the N a p a t a n Period down t h r o u g h Nastasen were also interred. Two wadis divide the cemetery of El Kurru into t h r e e sections. T h e main section is in the center; t h e r e lie the tombs of the "ancestors" a n d those of the kings of Dynasty XXV, as well as the pyramid of an a n o n y m o u s king dating to the late N a p a t a n Period. In the section to the south, t h e r e are six pyramids b e l o n g i n g to royal w o m e n of Dynasty XXV a n d an a n o n y m o u s pyramid for a q u e e n of the Napatan Period. More tombs of royal w o m e n are located in the n o r t h e r n section. In o t h e r words, royal w o m e n were b u r i e d in two g r o u p s in the El Kurru necropolis, south a n d n o r t h of the kings' tombs in the central field. U n f o r t u ­ nately, the site p r o d u c e d only limited inscrip­

tional evidence with a b e a r i n g o n the relative status of these w o m e n . But the location, size a n d e q u i p m e n t of their tombs provide data that is indicative of a hierarchical distribution of buri­

als within the cemetery.

At Nuri, the pyramids were built on two paral­

lel plateaus. Taharqa's pyramid, N u . l , occupies the highest point in the necropolis, the p r o m o n ­ tory of t h e west plateau, while the pyramids of the o t h e r kings are situated o n the east plateau.

T h e tombs of royal w o m e n are located on the west plateau. They f o r m t h r e e groups: the south­

e r n g r o u p inscribes an arch to the south a n d west of N u . l ; the second g r o u p consists of two parallel rows n o r t h of N u . l ; while a cluster of very small tombs to the far n o r t h f o r m a third g r o u p (fig. 4). More inscriptional i n f o r m a t i o n is available at Nuri than at El Kurru; thus it is clear that kings' m o t h e r s were b u r i e d in the s o u t h e r n g r o u p , in the largest tombs of the cemetery.

S o m e w o m e n b u r i e d in the same sector of the cemetery, however, d o n o t bear the title mwt njswt. Perhaps they fulfilled o t h e r f u n c t i o n s which were the prerogative of w o m e n in an es­

pecially high position entitling t h e m to burial alongside kings' mothers. Kings' wives were laid to rest primarily in the two rows of tombs n o r t h

QUEENSHIP IN RUSH 67

M

m

32

m MM

1 Taharqa

Fig. 4. Female burials in the cemetery at Nuri.

mother of a king H H B sister of a king wife of a king daughter of a king yyyy.

M

48 46

M P > » * Ik

36

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o ^{74 05}

[8o|«

of Nu.l. These women seem to have enjoyed a median status. The tombs forming the group to the north are smaller, and they preserve lit­

tle textual information with hardly any titles, arousing the suspicion that this part of the cem­

etery was reserved for royal women of com­

paratively low status. The form of these smaller tombs can be cited in support of this interpreta­

tion. While the tombs of the southern group and those of the two parallel rows possess rela­

tively well­preserved pyramidal superstructures, the small tombs to the north give no indication of ever having superstructures of any kind. The substructures, too, are modest affairs with a sin­

gle chamber, by contrast to the more complex subterranean arrangements in the other tombs of royal women at the site.

Although the paucity of texts does not permit us to determine the precise status of each indi­

vidual tomb owner, we can nevertheless postu­

late that royal women were allotted burial in a particular part of the cemetery according to their status.

With few exceptions, Egyptian royal women of the New Kingdom were not buried alongside the rulers in the Valley of the Kings, by marked con­

trast to the royal women of Kush who shared the cemetery of the kings. El Kurru and Nuri were reserved for the exclusive use of kings and royal

women—mothers, sisters, and wives of rulers.

Other male members of the royal family were not given burial there. In the hereafter, as in life, Kushite royal women were not separated from the sovereign.

The Role of Kushite Royal Women in Ritual In the cult of the gods, the royal women of Kush, like their Egyptian counterparts, assisted the king by shaking the sistrum. This activity, like censing, was a preliminary to the ritual.

Kushite royal women are also depicted pouring libations before Amun, a rite that was the pre­

rogative of the king in Egypt. In Kush it was quite normal to show women libating (e.g., fig.

I).

Pouring liquid—milk or water—was an

offering per se, but it might also express a wish for fertility or be associated with purification.

The motif of royal women libating makes its first appearance in Dynasty XXV, suggesting that the practice itself was introduced at that time and

2 8 In the lunettes of large royal stelae (Tanwetamani: Gri-

mal 1981a: pi. I; Aspelta: Macadam 1949: pi. 40; Harsiyotef:

Grimal 1981a: pi. X; Nastasen: Schafer 1901: pi. I) and on temple walls (Gebel Barkal, B 303; Robisek 1989: 113, 114;

Gebel Barkal, B 700: Griffith 1929: pi. V; Sanam: Griffith 1922: pis. XXXVIII, XLV; Kawa: Macadam 1955: pis. 14b, 6 4 e - i ) .

that Kushite royal w o m e n actually p e r f o r m e d t h e rite in the cult of the gods. T h e role of w o m e n in the cult took o n a new d i m e n s i o n u n­

d e r the Kushites, a d i m e n s i o n which was n o t o p e n to Egyptian royal w o m e n . Kushite q u e e n s assumed o n e of the roles which was reserved for the king in Egypt as "lord of t h e ritual," vis a vis the god. Kushite royal w o m e n n o t only assisted in p r e p a r i n g for the cult; they participated in the cult, c o m m u n i n g themselves with the gods.

Royal W o m e n at the E n t h r o n e m e n t T h e most i m p o r t a n t event, the event which e n s u r e d the continuity of kingship, was the e n ­ t h r o n e m e n t of the new king. In b o t h Egyptian a n d Kushite ideology, P h a r a o h ' s d e a t h p l u n g e d the land into chaos. T h e e n t h r o n e m e n t of the successor restored o r d e r to the universe, e n d i n g a p e r i o d f r a u g h t with d a n g e r a n d uncertainty.

Festivals served to i n t r o d u c e the new king to the gods whose aid h e sought to p r o t e c t the realm f r o m e n e m i e s a n d misfortune. Royal women were m e n t i o n e d a n d r e p r e s e n t e d in association with the c o r o n a t i o n ceremony.

In Kush the rite of c o r o n a t i o n was symbolized by the tableau "presenting maat, the pectoral a n d the chain."2 9 T h e new king p r e s e n t e d maat in the f o r m of a small figure,30the pectoral a n d the chain to A m u n of Napata (or A m u n of Kar­

nak) w h o h a n d e d over crowns to the king in re­

turn, as shown o n the c o r o n a t i o n stela of Piye.31

T h e lunettes of the stelae of Tanwetamani, Har­

siyotef, a n d Nastasen show antithetical r e n ­ derings of this scene a c c o m p a n i e d by texts describing the e n t h r o n e m e n t of these kings ( c o m p a r e fig. 1). T h e king is always a c c o m p a ­ nied by female m e m b e r s of his family—in o n e scene by his m o t h e r a n d in the o t h e r by his wife.

It is significant that they assist him on the occa­

sion of this crucial c e r e m o n y by shaking a sis­

t r u m a n d libating, exercising priestly f u n c t i o n s at this m o s t i m p o r t a n t m o m e n t inaugurating the king's reign. T h e i r presence is n o t coincidental b u t p u r p o s e f u l ; they were p a r t i c i p a n t s in t h e

2 9 For details, consult Lohwasser 1995.

3 0 From the reign of Harsiyotef onwards maat is n o longer

included.

3 1 Khartoum No. 1851: Reisner 1931: pis. V, VI.

c e r e m o n y which epitomized Kushite kingship, implying that the f e m i n i n e c o u n t e r p a r t of the king was eminently i m p o r t a n t . T h e r e is n o repre­

sentation of the c o r o n a t i o n d u r i n g N a p a t a n times that excludes the king's wife or his m o t h e r .

T h e king's m o t h e r played a decisive role at the coronation. As snt njswt, she bestowed u p o n h e r son the legitimacy essential for his candida­

ture. She traveled to the c o r o n a t i o n a n d deliv­

e r e d a speech, calling u p o n A m u n to bestow rulership o n "their" son. She assumed a key po­

sition in the succession a n d legitimization of the new ruler.

In t h r e e cases t h e r e is inscriptional evidence for suggesting that the m o t h e r of a king actually traveled to h e r son's c o r o n a t i o n . Accordingly, Taharqa's m o t h e r Abalo c a m e to Memphis; An­

lamani a n d I r i k a m a n o t e were b o t h visited by their m o t h e r s in Napata.3 2 T h e texts m e n t i o n ­ ing these j o u r n e y s associate t h e m with the myth of Isis a n d Horns. W h e t h e r the journeys occurred in actuality c a n n o t be proven. But the very m e n ­ tion of t h e m d o c u m e n t s the i m p o r t a n c e for the king of his m o t h e r ' s p r e s e n c e at his side for or shortly after his c o r o n a t i o n . T h e texts testify to a tradition that the king's m o t h e r should see him newly crowned.

Four sources can b e cited in s u p p o r t of the idea that the king's m o t h e r a n d / o r his wife deliv­

e r e d an address on the occasion of the corona­

tion. This speech was n o t a formulaic recitation, b u t an address c o u c h e d in individual terms, even if the c o n t e n t was in essence u n i f o r m . T h e royal w o m a n requested that A m u n bestow the ruler­

ship on the new king, that the g o d "establish"

h i m as king. T h e fullest version of the speech is r e c o r d e d for Nasala on the lunette of Aspelta's Election Stela.3 3 It is inscribed in the c e n t e r of the lunette, occupying the most p r o m i n e n t posi­

tion available. A n o t h e r e x a m p l e of this speech was f o u n d in T e m p l e B 300 at Gebel Baikal, r o o m 3033 4where the text begins following on the label identifying the king's m o t h e r Abalo a n d

3 2 Taharqa: stelae Kawa V, 1. 1 6 - 2 1 and Tanis, 1. 1 1 - 2 2 (Macadam 1949: pis. 9, 10; Leclant/Yoyotte 1949: pi. II); An- lamani: stela Kawa VIII, 1. 2 2 - 2 4 (Macadam 1949: pis. 1 5 - 16); Irikeamanotc: inscription Kawa IV, 1. 8 1 - 8 4 (Macadam 1949: pi. 25).

3 3 Grimal 1981a: pi. V.

3 4 Robisek 1989: 1 1 3 - 1 4 .

Q U E E N S H I P IN RUSH 69

c o n t i n u e s after the label of the king's wife Taka- h a t a m a n i . T h e two r e m a i n i n g examples are only partially preserved. O n the wall of court 502 in Temple B 500 at Gebel Barkal,3 5 Pekereslo stands b e h i n d the king w h o faces a b a r q u e procession.

T h e inscription above the q u e e n is nowadays mostly destroyed b u t a portion of it can be re­

constructed, thanks to the p h o t o g r a p h taken by the Breasted expedition. T h e f o u r t h a n d last ex­

a m p l e is inscribed in the Temple of Sanam, in the shrine of Aspelta.3 6T h e scene where the text occurs shows a god leading the king by the h a n d ; the ruler was followed by two female figures whose n a m e s a n d titles were n o t preserved when Lepsius r e c o r d e d the minimal remains of the speech above the first figure.

T h e god's investiture of the king was n o t taken for g r a n t e d — a t the very least t h e r e was a ritual r e q u i r e m e n t , p e r h a p s of great antiquity, that a woman of the royal house must request the office of rulership f r o m A m u n .

Egyptian I n f l u e n c e

T h e royal w o m e n of Rush a n d Egyptian q u e e n s b o t h h a d their own, discrete traditions which limit the viability of comparisons between t h e m . Direct borrowings f r o m Egypt can be detected in t h e representations, b u t the a d o p t i o n of icono­

graphic features was, however, relatively limited a n d n o t c o m p a r a b l e to the f r e q u e n t a n d notable a d o p t i o n of Egyptian queenly titles a n d epithets.

Structural similarities are noteworthy, especially in respect to the hierarchy within the set of royal w o m e n where, e.g., the king's m o t h e r occupied the most i m p o r t a n t position in both cultures.

T h e roles played by royal w o m e n in Rush, how­

ever, followed their own tradition which had few parallels in Egypt. T h e only e x a m p l e of congru­

e n c e is the office of "God's Wife" which was i m p o r t a n t for the ideology of Rushite rulership in Rush, as well as for the Rushite p h a r a o h s of Dynasty XXV in Egypt.

I c o n c u r with those scholars w h o have a r g u e d that the p e r s o n who a r r a n g e d for the a d o p t i o n of Amenirdis I by the i n c u m b e n t God's Wife S h e p e n w e p e t I ( d a u g h t e r of Osorkon III) was

3 5 Priese 1968: 177, n. 70.

3 6 Griffith 1922: pi. XLV.

h e r f a t h e r Rashta, n o t h e r b r o t h e r Piye.37 In s u b s e q u e n t adoptions, t h e a d o p t e e was always the d a u g h t e r of the reigning king. Since Rashta probably did reach T h e b e s ,3 8 it would seem to have b e e n politically o p p o r t u n e for h i m to ar­

r a n g e his d a u g h t e r ' s a d o p t i o n . T h e text of Piye's victory stela records the injunctions:

W h e n you reach T h e b e s o p p o s i t e Rarnak, e n ­ ter i n t o the water, purify yourselves in the river, a n d dress yourselves. Lay down your weapons! Loosen your arrows!3 9

In o t h e r words, T h e b e s s h o u l d not b e attacked b u t treated as a sacred place. T h e text r e p e a t e d l y alludes to A m u n of R a r n a k as t h e king's sup­

porter. T h e r e are g r o u n d s for s u p p o s i n g that Piye did n o t n e e d to c o n q u e r t h e T h e b a n re­

gion, quite possibly b e c a u s e Rashta h a d already c o m p l e t e d T h e b e s ' s pacification. As a manifes­

tation of his power, h e m i g h t well have p r o p o s e d that S h e p e n w e p e t a d o p t his d a u g h t e r . T h u s Piye would have f o u n d an ally, r a t h e r t h a n an o p p o ­ n e n t , a p e r s o n w h o m h e could c o u n t u p o n as a security factor in Egypt's south.

In the tradition of h e r predecessor a n d a d o p ­ tive m o t h e r , Amenirdis I utilized h e r position as God's Wife to political advantage. From this time forward, God's Wives exercised royal rights in an e x p a n d e d ritual role, a l t h o u g h d e facto power probably lay in the h a n d s of the m a j o r d o m o s w h o a d m i n i s t e r e d their property. T h e ascen­

dancy of the institution of God's Wife began to­

wards the e n d of the T h i r d I n t e r m e d i a t e Period, b u t its full flowering was first possible in Dynasty XXV, thanks to the largely p e a c e f u l environ­

m e n t of the reunified c o u n t r y a n d to the tradi­

tionally i m p o r t a n t role of Rushite royal w o m e n . Contact with the state g o d A m u n was main­

tained primarily t h r o u g h these w o m e n . Accord­

ing to texts preserved o n two stelae of Taharqa,4 0

the (mythical) origin of the relationship between the Rushites a n d A m u n was established by a

3 7 Bierbrier (1975: 102), Robins (1993: 154), Torok

(1995: 51) and Morkot (1999: 196). Contrast Kitchen (1995:

151) who favors her brother Piye.

3 8 So Priese 1970: 21.

3 9 FHN I: 71.

4 0 Kawa IV, 1. 1 6 - 1 9 and Kawa VI, 1. 2 2 - 2 5 (Macadam 1949: pis. 7 - 8 , 1 1 - 1 2 ) .

"contract" between the god and the Kushite royal house. This arrangement was strengthened by the presentation of royal women to Amun, the sisters of the royal ancestor Alara.

The institution of God's Wife provided the Kushites in Egypt with a means to express their own concept of rulership and the role of women in it. The office of God's Wife was the instru­

ment that allowed Rush to manifest Rushite

"queenship" in Egyptian guise in Egypt itself.

There God's Wives were exclusively associated with Amun. They were the mortals with the clos­

est contact to their divine consort. In their own kingdom, Rushite royal women were regularly depicted alongside the king, but in Egypt this was not common during Dynasty XXV. Instead the God's Wife accompanied the Rushite king, for she provided an acceptable alternative for both Egyptians and Rushites.

The Ideology of Queenship as Expressed in Religion

The roles of Rushite women were equated with those of goddesses, "thematized" and inter­

preted sacramentally.

Many sources document a maternal role for goddesses in their relationship with the king.

Goddesses could be shown engaged in maternal activity while texts describe goddesses as the king's mother. A particularly intimate expres­

sion of the mother­son relationship is the act of nursing. Through nursing, a mortal is imbued with the essence of royalty; he is drawn into the divine sphere, "sacralized." In Rush the nursing goddesses were Mut, Bastet, and Isis.

Isis enjoyed a special status among mother goddesses as the mother of Horus. Because Horus is the living king, Isis is also closely asso­

ciated with kingship. The myth of Horus and his loving mother Isis is frequently found in Rushite sources, with the king's actual mother compared to Isis and her son to Horus.

For the c o n c e p t "sakramentale Ausdeutung," see Ass- m a n n 1977: 21.

4 2 Mut: aegis of Kashta (Leclant 1963: figs. 2 - 5 ) ; Bastet:

menat of Taharqa (Leclant 1961: pi. I) and in the text of the Nastasen stela, 1. 3 2 - 3 3 (Schafer 1901: 114); Isis: amulet of Neferukakashta ( D u n h a m 1950: pis. LXc, L X X b 4 / l ) .

Different goddesses assumed the role of con­

sort for different forms of Amun. Generally, Amun of Rarnak, Amun of Napata, and Amun of Sanam were all associated with Mut, the goddess known from Egypt as Amun's partner. Her pri­

mary function was to accompany the god. She stands behind him, protecting or simply accom­

panying him and accepting offerings with him.

The presence of his divine wife makes the state god Amun universal.

Goddesses occur in Rush primarily in two functions: as mothers and as companions. Royal women are found in precisely these same two contexts. The functions overlap, the divine and mortal spheres thematize the same basic pattern.

Royal Women in the Roles of Goddesses The most important role of a queen in Rush­

ite rulership is that of king's mother. She is cru­

cial for her son's claim to the throne. Just as Horus was legitimized by Isis, so the Rushite king is dependent upon legitimation through his mother. The prominent role of the king's mother is apparent at the king's enthronement when she had elementary functions to fulfill

(see supra). The king's mother was also specifi­

cally associated with Isis. In texts of Dynasty XXV and the Napatan Period, the comparison of Horus and Isis with the king and his mother is a prominent and recurring theme.

It must be emphasized that the same myth does not play a comparable role in Egyptian royal ideology. The Rushites did not simply adopt many concepts of rulership that they encountered in Egypt, as often presumed. Rather, the Rushites purpose­

fully took up individual aspects and adapted them to accommodate their own ideas of ruler­

ship and to interpret them sacramentally. The connection between the Isis­Horus myth and the king's mother is the closest point of contact between goddesses and queenship: the real world is projected into the divine sphere and vice versa.

Isis as mother and decisive factor for Horus's

4 3 Taharqa: stelae Kawa V, 1. 1 9 - 2 1 , Tanis 1. 1 6 - 2 2 (Mac­

adam 1949: pis. 9, 10; Leclant/Yoyotte 1949: pi. II); Anla­

mani: stela Kawa VIII, 1. 2 2 ­ 2 4 (Macadam 1949: pis. 1 5 ­ 1 6 ) , Khaliut stela 1. 1 3 ­ 1 5 (Reisner 1934: 4 3 ­ 4 4 ) , Irikeamanote:

inscription Kawa IX, 1. 3 4 ­ 3 5 , 1. 8 1 ­ 8 4 (Macadam 1949: pis.

23, 25).

QUEENSHIP IN RUSH 71 legitimacy is equated with the king's mother who

acts as mother and also plays an important role at the coronation of her son.

Just as goddesses stand behind a god, so royal women—wives and mothers of kings—stood be­

hind the king. In particular they accompanied him in tableaus depicting him officiating in the ritual before the gods; in such contexts royal women often participated actively in the cult. As companions they supply the feminine counter­

part to the masculine element embodied in the king. Just as the King of the Gods Amun is ac­

companied by his wife Mut to embody the prin­

ciple "god" as a whole comprising masculine and feminine elements, so the king is not de­

picted acting alone as the male ruler but as the masculine aspect of rulership accompanied by his royal wife who manifests the feminine aspect.

The accompaniment of the king by his wife is to be understood as a conscious expression of gender dichotomy. In their role as companions of the king, queens have a special function to fulfill. The importance of both mother and wife is reflected in their antithetical arrangement in the scenes depicted in the lunette of large royal stelae (see, e.g., fig. 1): mother and wife were thematized as companions of the king.

Queenship in Rush

Down to the present, the only longer study that considers Kushite queenship is Laszlo Torok's

"The Birth of an Ancient African Kingdom: Kush and Her Myth of State in the First Millennium BC" (1995). Torok makes frequent reference to Troy (1986), and he interprets Kushite queen­

ship by drawing parallels with the institution in Egypt, as Troy understood it. For her, duality is the fundamental concept underyling Egyptian queenship—sexual duality and generational du­

ality. The former defines the relationship between male and female while the latter encompasses the relationship between mother and daughter.

By contrast, I believe that the concept "com­

plementarity" is better suited to interpreting queenship. Hornung (1971: 233­40) borrowed the term "complementarity" from the natural sci­

ences to explain the juxtaposition of a supreme god and many gods. "Complementarity" de­

scribes a relationship between components which

can be viewed separately as opposites but which comprise a unified whole when taken together.

In general, complementarity is understood as

"parallel complementarity." For example, two concepts such as "masculine­feminine" are desig­

nated complementarity.

In Egyptian, as in Kushite queenship, there are a series of elements which are complementary.

For me, the complementarity of man and woman in rulership is the most noteworthy. The oppos­

ing "male" and "female" principles form a whole.

This tenet is present in many cultures—e.g., Yin and Yang in Taoism, opposites which comple­

ment one another to form a unified whole. The creator gods in Egypt, who initially created them­

selves, also embody male and female in one—

they are androgynous.

Both elements, male and female, are not only opposite poles; they also embody a dynamic principle. The union of man and woman pro­

duces new life, that itself brings forth life. In my opinion, Troy's concept of duality does not comprehend the succession of generations (her

"generational duality"), just as "sexual duality" is inadequate for interpreting the dichotomy of the sexes. Dynamism is the principle inherent in the succession of generations, much more so than in the "complementarity of both sexes."

Generations do not stand in a dual relationship to each other; neither are they complementary.

Instead they are the basis for movement, for per­

petual development. Endless progression into the future is expressed by the "dynamism of gen­

erations." Troy understands Egyptian queenship to be expressed in both generations, mother and daughter, seeing them in relation to each other. In her view they form together the "gen­

erational duality."

But when we study ruler­

ship, the king—the ruler himself—must always be central to our inquiry. Queenship cannot be equated with rulership; rather it comprises only part of it. All lines of thought, all associations, all links proceed from or lead to the king. He is the pivot; his legitimacy and rule are central concerns. Rulership and consequently queenship

4 4 For "complementarity," see in general von Weizsacker 1958, Fischer/Herzka/Reich 1992. Cf. also the remarks of Baines 1984.

T h e temporal factor is important here (i.e., the gener­

ational succession mother­daughter), not consanguinity.

are d e f i n e d in terms of the king. T h u s the "dual­

ity of generations" can only be explained starting with the king. A q u e e n is the king's m o t h e r or the king's wife. T h e king's m o t h e r a n d the king thus f o r m the dynamism of the generations.

T h e concepts c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y a n d dynamism are f o u n d in Kush. This m a n n e r of thinking per­

meates the entire world as a natural p h e n o m e ­ n o n , for in the e n v i r o n m e n t d i c h o t o m i e s of two c o m p l e m e n t a r y opposites occur time a n d time again. T h e traditional h u m a n b e i n g is s h a p e d by the r h y t h m of day a n d night, c o m i n g into a n d passing o u t of being.

T h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of this motif into repre­

sentational f o r m has its roots in Egyptian cul­

ture. But the a d o p t i o n of f o r m s f r o m Egypt does n o t imply identity of c o n t e n t . T h e f o r m , the image borrowed f r o m Egypt, was i m b u e d with Kushite c o n t e n t .

Kushite c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y a n d dynamism as they refer specifically to q u e e n s h i p received their fullest expression in an antithetical repre­

sentational scheme. In the lunettes of the great royal stelae (e.g., fig. 1) a n d on temple walls a tableau showing the king a c c o m p a n i e d by his m o t h e r was j u x t a p o s e d antithetically to a tab­

leau depicting h i m a c c o m p a n i e d by his wife.

This s c h e m e is typically Kushite. T h e king pre­

sents offerings to A m u n in his two primary m a n i f e s t a t i o n s — A m u n of Karnak a n d A m u n of Napata. B e h i n d the king stands a w o m a n , his m o t h e r o n o n e side a n d his wife on the o t h e r .4 6

For me, the concepts of c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y a n d dynamism can b e recognized in the representa­

tions of these w o m e n . T h e king is shown with his m o t h e r or wife. T h e male a n d female principles, the opposites comprising a unity a n d g u a r a n t e e ­ ing continual renewal eternally, are i m m a n e n t h e r e in the king himself a n d in the w o m e n who are of primary i m p o r t a n c e for him. T h e "com­

plementarity of the sexes" occupies a p r o m i n e n t position; the king with his essential f e m i n i n e c o m p l e m e n t , signifying, as in Egypt a n d many o t h e r cultures, the universal principle of the continuity of life t h r o u g h the u n i o n of m a n a n d w o m a n .

4 6 The sole exception being Kawa VIII which shows the

king's mother on both sides.

But the "dynamism of the generations" is j u s t as a p p a r e n t in the composition. T h e m o t h e r of the king belongs to the previous g e n e r a t i o n , to his ancestry, while h e e m b o d i e s the ruling g e n e r ­ ation. T h e king's m o t h e r a n d h e himself are com­

p o n e n t s in "the dynamism of the generations."

M o t h e r a n d wife of the king also f u n c t i o n as two genealogical transformers. His wife, t h r o u g h h e r fertility, g u a r a n t e e d the continuity of ruler­

ship; she also insured the c o n t i n u a t i o n of the family of the actual king. T h r o u g h the m e d i u m of his wife, the king could i n f l u e n c e the f u t u r e . She c o n n e c t e d h i m with his descendants. His m o t h e r provides the link to the past, his contact with earlier generations, serving as an interface between the king a n d the genealogical network of his family. She is his link to the past while his wife is his link to the f u t u r e . In this system, the king, a n c h o r e d to the present, is c o n n e c t e d to the historical succession of rulership by these w o m e n as the e x p o n e n t s of q u e e n s h i p .

Both these w o m e n , d e p i c t e d in the lunette, also e m b o d y two levels of i n f l u e n c e which q u e e n ­ ship h a d on the k i n g — a n d o n the ideology of rulership. T h e rule of the king is based on two factors which g u a r a n t e e d the durability of ruler­

ship. Barta (1975) a n d Assmann (1990) have dealt with these factors. T h e s e scholars began a n d c o n c l u d e d their research at d i f f e r e n t points, b u t they share the same central thesis. Barta

(1975: 16) d i f f e r e n t i a t e d "rites of transmitting rulership" f r o m "rites of exercising rulership." In the f o r m e r context, the king reacts; in the latter, h e acts. Assmann (1990: 2 0 8 ­ 9 ) distinguished the gods, who were responsible for the investiture of the king a n d initiating his actions, f r o m the king, whose task was to maintain action o n c e set in mo­

tion. Both levels—the initial a n d u n i q u e action of a g o d a n d the king's c o n t i n u a l m a i n t e n a n c e of r u l e r s h i p — f o r m the basis of rulership in Kush as well as in Egypt.

T h e god's investiture of the king is a singular act—"initial." This u n i q u e a n d creative activity c o n d i t i o n e d the c o n t i n u o u s activity of the king as ruler. T h e c o r o n a t i o n established the king o n c e a n d for all as ruler. But in o r d e r to fulfill his obligations as king vis a vis the gods a n d h u m a n k i n d , h e must be active, h e must accom­

plish deeds. T h e s e i n c l u d e d building temples,

QUEENSHIP IN RUSH

Amun

direct contact

contact through kin

king mother of a king

o become king

contact hrough king

to be kins

connection to ancestors

wife of kin

connection to descendants

Fig. 5. Schema of queenship in Kush.

endowing them with offerings and personnel, repelling enemies, guaranteeing order in the kingdom. I propose to confront the unique oc­

currence of "becoming king" with the contin­

uum of "being/remaining king."

Kushite queenship is to be integrated into this scheme (fig. 5). The antithetical composition of the lunette renders this image precisely in its Kushite manifestation. On one side, the mother

of the king is shown in a manner wholly charac­

teristic for Kush: she bears responsibility for her son's becoming king. By contrast to Egypt, her ancestry is the primary factor in determining her son's chances to become king. Furthermore, she plays an important role at the coronation.

Without her ritual participation, the king can­

not be crowned. She is thus the decisive factor in his "becoming king."

On the other side of the composition, the king's wife accompanies him. She is the female component which complements the male ruler, as in Egypt. In every culture man and woman are complementary components of the whole.

In Egypt, too, the king requires a consort, just like the god. Without the female component, renewal is impossible. Projected into the mortal sphere and using means comprehensible to the Kushites, this union of male and female princi­

ples is expressed in the depiction of the king accompanied by his female complement, his consort. Her task lies in continually reiterating that the king "exists and endures."

Mother and wife of the king express the con­

tinuum of renewal, the continuum of the king's office. Queenship, as a component of rulership,

is responsible for guaranteeing the kingship of the king and thus the continued existence of the kingdom. Without the female aspect, ruler­

ship would not function. The concept of queen­

ship in Rush gave royal women the possibility to become active participants. They could exercise influence at various crucial junctures. How far they might go was, however, limited by subjective factors. The ability to be politically active at the highest level—to ascend the throne as ruler—is first documented in the Meroitic Period,

but the ideological basis for this step was already prepared by Kushite queenship.

Humbolt­Universitat zu Berlin

4 7 For an overview, consult Zach 1992.

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