By Thomas Amis Lyman, St. Helena, Cal.
Dedicated to Professor Mary R.
Haas, Instructor in Thai and Lin¬
guistics at the University of Cali¬
fornia, Berkeley. Miss Haas was not
only my mentor but provided the
inspiration which kept me going
during my years of research unth
the Mong Njua.
Prom 1962-1970, I devoted myself to ethnological and linguistic
research on the Mong Njua (Green Miao) of Naan Province, Northem
Thailand. This province lies in the extreme north-northeast ofthe coun¬
try bordering on the Mekong watershed. (Field-work took place during
the years 1962-1965 and 1966-1967.') The Mong Njua (möng njüa)^ of
this wild area live in almost inaccessible settlements. To reach their
villages I had to climb jungle-clad mountains for several days — often in
drenching tropical rain. As a result of this, I frequently suffered from
tropical influenza with accompanying fever, but sick or well, I pre-
severed until I accomplished my goal. I might add that field-work with
the tribesmen was carried out under the most primitive conditions
imaginable. Initially, Thai was employed in questioning. Later, the
Mong language itself was used.
The Mong Njua are a non-literate people for whose tonal, pre-nasal-
ized, and aspirate/unaspirated speech I personally invented an alpha-
' 1 am indebted to the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropologieal
Research, the American Council of Leamed Societies, and the American Philo¬
sophical Soeiety for generous research grants which enabled me to carry out
field-work in the Mong Njua (Green Miao) areas of Naan Province, Thailand
from 1962-1965 and 1966-1967.
^ The Mong Njua (Green Miao) orthography used in this paper has mainly the
phonetic values given the respective letters by the Intemational Phonetic Asso¬
ciation. For exceptions and modifications, see T. A. Lyman: English-Meo Dic¬
ticmary. 2nd Ed. Bangkok: German Cultural Inst. (Goethe-Inst.) 1973.
bet suitable for study by both Westem scholars and interested non-spe¬
cialists. After having achieved a thorough knovpledge of Mong speech
and custom, I compiled two dictionaries, wrote one grammar, and pub¬
lished numerous articles on this folk-group. They were the first works of
their kind ever printed on Mong Njua language and ethnology.
The Mong Njua (Green Mong) people are also known as the 'Green
Miao' or 'Green Meo.' The name 'Miao' is derived from Chinese, while
the Thai, Yon (Kam Myang) , Lao, and Vietnamese equivalent is 'Meo.'
The group under study, however, now prefers to use its own ethnic name
'Mong'. This may be taken as also referring to the cognate tribal name
'Hmong' (formerly White Miao) by which the more newsworthy cousins
of the Mong Njua are known. For the sake of convenience, the term
Mong vrill usually be employed in the present article as a shortening for
Mong Njua. (Note: In Laos the Mong Njua are known as the Mong Leng
or "Seamed" Miao.)
The Mong/Hmong constitute a sub-division ofthe ethnic stock known
as Miao which numbers over three million persons and is located in the
mountainous regions of Southwest China, Northem Vietnam, Laos, the
Shan States of Burma, and Northem Thailand. The Miao are divided by
linguistic and cultural differences into a number of tribes whose names
often derive from the color of their women's garments, e. g. White Miao,
Black Miao, Striped Miao, etc. The various Miao tribes are not restrict¬
ed to any definite geographical location in respect to each other. Thus,
the Mong Njua (Green Miao) group may be found in any ofthe countries
mentioned above.
The average educated American or Englishman does not really know
the difference between 'proverb' and 'parable' until he looks these
words up in the dictionary. Similarly, a Mong person would probably
have to refer to some known authority on the Mong language such as
Chieftain Nju Tu (njü tü) of Khun Sathaan Village. In the present
article, the following definitions are accepted.'
proverb (pi lü, pi tsü lü) — I. a, short popular saying, long current,
embodying some familiar tmth or useful thought in ex¬
pressive language. 2. a wise saying or precept; a didactic
sentence (i. e. intended for instmction) .
parable (pdng lü) — I. a, short allegorical story, designed to con¬
vey some tmth or moral lesson. 2. a discourse or saying
' These definitions are taken from The American College Dicticmary. New York
1947, of which Leonard Bloomfield and Charles C. Fries were on the
Editorial Advisory Committee.
2S*
conveying the intended meaning by an (allegorical) com¬
parison.
Note: Chieftain Nju Tu was my principal informant both in 1949 and later
from 1962 to 1967. He provided me with a veritable "mass" of information on the language and customs of Iiis people. Nju Tu was regarded by all the Mong Njua of Northem Thailand as the "King" in the recital and analysis of
folktales, legends, proverbs, and parables. When properly inspired, he
could recite these oral art-forms literally all night long. I might say that Nju
Tu was the most valuable Mong informant I ever had. His village, Khun
Sathaan, is located in the District of Naan Noi, Naan Province, Thailand on
the mountain Doi Khun Sathaan whieh lies almost on the boundary hne be¬
tween Phrae and Naan provinces.
The Mong term pi lü (proverb) means literally "comparing words" and
is derived from the verb pi 'to compare; to speak to one person though
the message is really directed to another person who overhears.' The
term päng lü (parable) translated directly means "flower words" and is
derived from the noun päng'üower.' The altemate term for 'proverb' pi
t«ü lü simply includes the Classifier tsü which does not affect the trans¬
lation. This is a Classifier used to count ribbon-like objects, e. g. ropes, thread, wire, trips of cloth, turbans, and trails, but for some illogical rea¬
son is also employed by the Mong Njua as a plurality Classifier for
'words.' The phrase tsü lü could in addition be translated a* 'speech.' In
contrast, lu means 'the word, the language' (< lu, Classifier) , while tü
lü means 'news, information' (< tü, Classifier)."
Stated very simply, a pi lü offers a direct and obvious comparison,
while apäng lü has a hidden meaning (allegory) and must be interpret¬
ed.
Cutting across the proverb/parable dichotomy is the further classifi¬
cation of rhyme. In Mong Njua a rhyming couplet is known as lü,
derived from the word tsü' which can mean either 'rhyme' or 'pair.' A
Mong proverb (pi lu) or a Mong parable (päng lü) which rhymes may
also be referred to as a tsw lü. It is highly important to remember that
in both the Mong and Hmong languages, some proverbs and parables
rhyme while some do not.
" For explanations and comments on the use of all these Mong "Classifiers"
(labelled by the author "Selectors"), seeT. A. Lyman: Dictionary of Mong Njua:
A Miao (Meo) Language of Southeast Asia. The Hague and Paris: Mouton 1974.
Both Ernest Heimbach^ and Judy Lewis* writing on the Hmong
(White Miao) language, mix Hmong proverbs (p{ ts6 lü) and parables
(pä lü) or "flower words" in their listings indiscriminately. In addition,
no attempt is made to give an interpretation ofthe parables. In the c&se
of the Rev. Mr. Heimbach, this was due to the fact that he was very
tired and extremely preoccupied with the backbreaking work of compil¬
ing his Hmong dictionary. He simply did not have the time to delve fur¬
ther into the subject of proverbs and parables. Judy Lewis, however,
had ample time and certainly ample funds. In her case, it is obviously a
question of faulty research. Ms. Lewis is also guilty of stating on page
67 of her book: "The literal proverbs are caUed piv-txqj-lus (compare-
way-word) . They contain rhyming words and are used frequently in day-
to-day conversation." On page 68 she declares: "Flower words do not
contain rhyming words, and are not known by many people." These
statements are definitely not true of either Mong or Hmong.
At this point, I wish to thank my Mong Njua informants who lived in
Naan Province, Northem Thailand (ages as of 1962). As previously
mentioned, my principal informant was Chiefi»in Njii Tü (50) of Khim
Sathaan VUlage. His son Häw (18) also provided me with valuable
information. My two male informants in Kang Ho VUlage were Qhua
Tyhäo and Shä (both about 30) who oftien worked with me from sun¬
up till sun-down. Especial thanks are here rendered to my Laos-bom
Mong informant S6ng Njriia Hyöng (Mr. Djoua X. Xiong) who prefers
the altemate ethnic name Mong Leng (möng Ung). Mr. Xiong graduated
from a French lyc6e, speaks English, and now resides in Winfield,
lUinois. He has given me invaluable assistance in the matter ofthe alle¬
gorical meanings of parables.
Proverbs (pi lü or pi taü lü):
1. ngäu tahäng qä, njräu tahäng nöng.
ngäu njräu i.tshi cräu.
Maiden with the bones of a chicken, youth vrith the bones of a bird.
(Being counterparts), this maiden and youth throughout eternity
were ordained to be united in love and marriage.
' See Ernest E. Heimbach: White Hmong-Engliah Dictionary. Ithaca, N.Y.
1979. (Data Paper, Southeast Asia Program, Cornell Umversity, Ithaea, New
York. 75.), pp. 461-466.
' See Lue Vang and Judy Lewis: Grandmother's Path Grandfather's Way.
San Francisco, Cal.: Hmong Preservation Project, ZeUerbach FamUy Fund
1984, pp. 67-88.
Second line: This translates literally as: "Maiden and youth, one life-span, matched."
Notes: This proverb indicates to the Mong listener that the Maiden
and Youth, even before conception, were chosen by either the Spi¬
rits of the Ancestors (pü yaw tai tadng) or by the Supreme Creator
(All-Father Shdu) to be one or to be united as one. At birth the two
were separated by vast distances, but it was ordained by the higher
powers that one day they should meet, fall in love, and ultimately
be married — thus living together forever.
The verb cräu seems to mean 'to be ordained that two persons
should enter into a close conjugal or amicable relationship.' Here
reincarnation is involved. Perhaps the interpretation ofthe proverb
should be: "It was ordained by All-Father Shdu and the Spirits from
the time long before their birth that (no matter what generation)
the Maiden and Youth should fall in love and be married."
2. qöng cl pi hli. Mum njrua njrdo.
qda^pü ci pi mao, klua njrua zhäo.
(When you have) abandoned crops for three months,
grass will already be growing up all over (the field).
(When you have) abandoned a woman for three nights,
(she) will already be (enjoying herself with men) all over the village.
First line: qöng is the "clipped form" of q&ng-ldng 'crops.'
3. pti cu, yüa tüa.
pü nii, yüa plüa.
Encounter a tiger and (you) will depart this life.
Encounter a govemment official and (you) will be degraded to
poverty.
First line: (< pii 'to see').
Second line: (< plüa 'to be poor, destitute').
Note: nu is an abbreviation for 7iu cCb 'government official.'
4. yäo kao cräo, käo nchäng —
käo tahang, käo nGä.hläng.
(That person) is of your essence (and) of your blood —
(Of) your bone, (and thus) your offspring.
First line: The word cräo translates variously as 'fat, grease, oil;
(fig.) essence.'
Second line: The words nGä hläng mean literally "sprouting fiesh"
but figuratively 'offspring.'
Notes: As a kinship term, the expression nGä hläng is rather broad.
It can refer to a son, daughter, or grandchild.
In the foregoing proverb, a third person is admonishing the
father. Usually the father is angry at his offspring. The third Mong
person then reminds him that the son, daughter, or grandchild is
his own "flesh and blood." But the proverb can also be quoted if
the offspring does sometfiing commendable.
The metaphorical compound nGä hlAng further indicates that the
spirit (klängt of an ancestor has "come through" and now resides in
the body of the young person. For the Mong, the term nGä hläng
implies that Reincarnation has taken place. (It may also denote an
embryo which has just been conceived.)
+ 5. cröng tau ngi qüa-crua.
läu ngi qäa-hlüa.
The butt of an axe spoils a wedge.
An impotent gray-beard spoils a sexual woman.
Second line: (< qua-hlüa 'young unmarried woman').
6. tsäw.ndil ci qi sü.
tsäw.ha ci qe lü.
One clever at the loom doesn't throw away thread.
One clever at glib-talk doesn't use words in vain.
Second line: (< tsdw.hä "con man").
7. hi/ao ndü, tshä tau ndü ndong.
hyao na hyao tsi, tshä tau zhong.
Bow to the celestial powers and consequently (you) will achieve the
blessings of the All-Father.
Bow to (your) mother and father and consequently (you) wiü
achieve prosperity.
Note: ndong 'to wear headgear, put on (a hat)' has a figurative
meaning of 'to inherit.' Thus ndü ndong in the first line translates roughly as "celestial inheritance."
8. mbldng ci zhing, zhöng ci kdng. ^
mblä-ti tüaning ci tüa, mblä-ti ndi ci täng.
Supposing that leaves didn't fall, then the (oak) forest would never
be illuminated.
' For those readers interested in spirit-worship and demonology, referenee is made to the foUowing article. T. A. Lyman: GreenMiao ßleo) Spirit-Ceremonies.
In: Ethnologica NS 4 (1968), pp. 1-28.
Supposing that the world's human beings didn't die, then the world
would never be able to encompass them.
Second line: Literally "The world would never be finished packing them in."
Note: The foregoing shows that at one time the Mong lived in
northem areas covered by deciduous trees. In Thailand only the
Siamese oak (qhi), growing high on the mountain sides, fulfills the
definition given in the proverb.
9. kli läu ci zhü Idng.
ning läu ci ngua pldu.
Aged canines are not (properly) watchful in guarding the city walls.
Aged humans are not (properly) competent in matters of judge¬
ment.
Note: The second line should actually be translated: "Aged indivi¬
duals are no longer effective in judgement, duties, or affairs."
10. qöng li qöng mblüa.
tü li tü njüa.
Late-planted grain results in chaff.
(A) late-sired child results in an orphan.
11. ndydu M ndyäu chraw, tshäw tau.
ndyäu tüaning, tshäw ci tau.
The mouths of jars and the mouths of casks (we) are able to stop up.
The mouths of human beings (we) are unable to stop up.
12. thau zhong mä ki i.lü qai, do.Ung näo ci täng.
thau phe. mä tua i.tu ntshi, tü ci tsdu do.Ung näo.
If times are good, then to scramble one egg will amply satisfy two
persons. If times are bad, then even to kill an elephant will not be
enough for the (same) two persons' meal.
First line: Literally "Two persons will eat, not finish."
Second line: Literally "Two persons eat."
Note: The verb Hmeans 'to fry (quickly with only a little fat or oil) ,
to saut6, stir-fry.' Thus qai it denotes 'scrambled eggs.' The Mong
do not know about American-style "fried eggs." The Thai and Yon in contrast do. (Cf Thai khäj daaw,^ lit. "star egg").
' I use the Haas system of Thai romanization. See Mary R. Haas: The Thai
System of Writing. Washington, D.C: Ameriean Couneil of Leamed Societies
1956.
13. plüa plüa, ua phlu lüa.
müa müa, ua phlu qüa.
(Those) very poor are often happy.
(Those) very rich are often brought to tears.
First line: Literally "to make a laughing face." (< lüa 'to laugh').
Second line: Literally "to make a crying face." (< g^'tocry, howl, roar').
+
14. qhä läu, qhä ci nji. ^
nhig läu, ning ci ti ~ li.
Aged ginger (is) tasteless ginger.
Aged persons (are) ineffective persons.
First line: (< nji 'to be hot from spices, be highly seasoned with
hot spices').
Second line: (< ti ~ li 'to have strength or effectiveness').
15. Mang kli, yäo Me qhau.
ci ti cäw tyhaw, yäo hie hau.
Every time one crosses a watercourse, it is necessary to remove
one's shoes.
Every time one changes a dwelling-place, it is necessary to remove
one's (former) chieftain.
Second line: hau is the abrreviation for hau-zhäo 'village chieftain, village headman.'
+
16. ndyi yüa tüa, ci ti tydo möng crau njrua kli.
tüaning yüa müa, ci ti möng nyäo qhao zhong tyhaw.
(Proper) mushrooms are bound to sprout, no matter if one soaks
them in water or not.
(Smart) people are bound to become rich, no matter if they go to
live in a good location or not.
Note: The Mong believe in a mythical mountain range called meng
täo. It surrounds a beautiful valley, and if a Mong tribesman takes
up residence there, he will quickly become wealthy and powerful. In
the second line of the proverb, the phrase qhao zhon^ tyhaw 'good
location' is understood by all Mong as referring to the meng tdo
area.
Parables (päng lü):
17. qüa-pü ua lü njd.
qüa-yäw ua lü ntshi.
A woman is like a grain of hulled rice.
A man is like a grain of unhusked paddy.
Allegorical meaning: "Hulled rice (njd), if thrown on the ground
and exposed to rain, will eventually deteriorate and rot away. A
woman ( similarly) , if she has sex with too many men, will eventual¬
ly develop the mentality of a wanton and give herself up to a life of
debauchery.
Unhusked paddy (ntshi), if thrown on the ground and exposed to
rain, will eventually take root, sprout, and start a new life. A man
(similarly), if he has sex with a large number of women, will profit
by his experiences, reach the point of sexual satiety, single out the
woman (or women) of his choice, and settle down to a contented
conjugal life."
Note: Most Mong in Thailand believe in polygyny.
18. lüa cdng, ci njru lüa cdng.
lüa cäng täng, ua 1dl nuayäng.
(While) other people swing in the tree-tops,
(he) does not join in their swinging.
(When) the others stop swinging, (he) acts like the dog (who merely
watches what others are doing) and looks upward (at those who
were swinging).
First line: (< liia ' 3rd person obviative') ; (< cdng 'to swing on the' top branches of a tree') ; (< njru 'to accompany, be together with') .
Second line: (< nuayäng 'to put the head back and look up').
Allegorical meaning: "The lazy man stands far away from the
people of the communal group and simply watches them at their
laljors. He is amazed that others are getting their work done,
while he himself accomplishes nothing."
Informant's example of the foregoing: "When others are bringing in
the rice-sheaves (tl mbl6) after reaping, the lazy man just stands
contemplating their action and makes no effort to help."
Note: It seems that among the Mong, certain dogs are known for
not taking part in human activities. Attention is here drawn to the
fact that Mong dogs (kli möng) are of the Chow-Chow type and
extremely well cared for.
19. na. tsi khäi, ci ndo.
nyüa ktl> khäi, tsä tüaphäo.
When parents send (him) to do something, (he) pretends not to
hear them.
When little brother sends (him) to do something, (he) goes imme¬
diately — galloping (to all comers of the village, the rice-ladangs, and the jungle).
First line: khäi (1.) 'to send someone with a message, especially to
a distant hill rice-field. (2.) 'to send someone to do something.'
Second line: ted 'to take immediate action'; tüaphäo 'galloping,
mnning fast'.
Note: The Mong kinship term nyiki hb 'little brother' also func¬
tions as a metaphor for qau 'penis' (or figuratively 'sexual drive').
Semantically, 'little brother' is the central meaning while 'penis' is
the metaphoric (transferred or marginal) meaning. The expression
nyila hb may be classified as a quasi-secretive metaphor or
more properly as a humorous metaphor' (perhaps even as a
metaphor of "delicacy") . An example of a tmly secretive metaphor
in Mong is q(mg Id 'the red seed' which stands for ydyeng 'opium'
and is used to prevent the Yon and Thai from understanding. The
Tai-speaking people living or working near Mong areas have heard
the Mong word y&yhvg so often that they know what it means. (In
1949, my Mong friends in Khun Sathaan Village definitely told
me that they employed the metaphor qöng lä for the purpose of
secrecy. It should furthermore be noted that the seeds of the
opium poppy are black.)
Allegorical meaning: "When a young man's parents or friends
request help, he pays no attention to them. But when his penis
issues a command, he obeys instantly. Pushed ever on by his sexual
drive, the youth (hlua njräu) is willing to go anywhere at high speed
in order to find a woman. If his desire is not immediately gratified,
he utterly abandons himself to the hunt for girls (hliui ngäu) — no
matter how far he must go, how late at night, or how difiicult the
conquest (nzä hliM, ngäu).' 20. tsi lit, tsi ty&o na.
na lu, na tyäo pli qöng pli Idng — pli tü pli ki.
When Father arrives (at the house) , Father brings with him a vrife-
mother.
' See Leonard Bloomfield: Language. New York 1933, Chapter on
Semantic Change, p. 443: "One suspects that the queer slang use, a quarter ofa century ago, of twenty-three for 'get out' arose in a chance situation of sports-
manslüp, gambling, crime, or some other rakish environment; witfiin tliis
sphere, it may have started as some one person's witticism." (Final italics mine.)
When Mother arrives (at the house), Mother brings with her the
spirits of all crops and the souls of many children.
Notes: The religous term pli in Mong is a most interesting word. It
can be translated as 'soul, spirit, psyche, integrating power, vital
force, life force.' The term pli can be equated with Thai and Yon
khwän and with Malay semangat. (For further examples of use, see
my Dictionary of Mong Njita, p. 278.)
On the basis of my research, the elements -Idng and -ki seem to be
Bound Forms'" only occurring in the compounds qöng-löng 'crops'
and tu-ki 'children (irrespective of sex)'. If the syllables Idng and ki
occur separately as Free Forms, there is then a complete change
of meaning. In Mong poetry, proverbs, and parables, these Bound
Forms may, however, be separated from the 'head'" member of
their compounds for reasons of euphony. (In the case of verb repeti¬
tion, a similar separation may take place with the added value of
intensification. Example: ua qöng ua Idng 'to raise crops.') The
Bound Forms -Idng and -ki as 'attributes' in the foregoing com¬
pounds impart a supplementary meaning to the 'head' member, viz.
"all kinds of . . ." or "all possible varieties of. . ." with the connota¬
tion (or nuance) of great number. See below.
qöng ' grain (i.e. seeds or plants of the cereal type) , referring to one
specific kind of grain'; qöng-löng 'crops, referring to all possible
kinds of cereal plants, namely: mbli (rice), pdokib (maize), and me
(wheat)'; tii- 'child, referring to a child of one specific sex'; tü-ki
'children (both Iwys and girls), referring to all possible kinds of
children'.
Allegorical meaning: "When a man marries, he brings home a wife
and for him that's the end ofthe matter. When a woman marries,
she plants the crops, takes care of the pigs (mbua), chickens (qd),
cattle (nyü) and carabao (tw), plus producing a multitude of child¬
ren. In short, the woman is the one who brings prosperity to the
house and honor to the family and clan."
21. { tshäi tl, mbda ci njräo.
i tshäi taw, shäw ci njrl.
For the term Bound Form, see Leonard Bloomfield, o.e., pp. 160 and
177-184.
" The linguistic label 'head' was invented by Prof Leonard Bloomfield.
For this, see Bloomfield, opus eited, p. 195. (Paired with 'head' is Bloom- field's rendering of the term 'attribute'.)
Clapping with one hand does not result in making noise.
Trying to get up on one foot does not result in standing erect.
First line: njr&o 'to be noisy, be fully audible.'
Second line: njrl 'to be erect, be standing up.'
Allegorical meaning: "One person cannot carry the duties imposed
by a weighty task on his shoulders alone. It is necessary that there
be in existence a large tribe, a population, or an organized nation
so that its members can help each other — to get important work
done."
Altemate allegorical meaning: "In Union There Is Strength." (Cf.
"Union gives strength, even to weak men." Homer: The Riad. Bk.
xiii, line 237, circa 850 B.C.) (See Parable, No. 33).
22. nAo ci nAo, kü tüa klä.
lüa ci lüa, kä mi nä.
Whether eating or not, (you) ought (always) to grapse a spoon.
Whether laughing or not, (you) ought (always) to smile.
Second line: mi nä 'to smile,' literally "to add some teeth to it."
Allegorical meaning: "Even if you are depressed and feeling ter¬
ribly sad or if you are in a bad mood and angry at the world or if
you are feeling contrary and do not want to cooperate with people,
you must not show these emotions. You must dissimulate and pre¬
tend that you are very happy. You should smile a lot and act the
part ofthe "good guy." Others must never discover your tme state
of mind. If they do, they will look upon you with either contempt or
irritation."
23. ci.nGing ci yäo tyhaw shi täw.
cl.vüa ci yäo tyhaw shi zhi.
A house thatched with sword-grass is not the place to try (setting)
a fire.
A house roofed with tiles is not the place to try (throwing) stones.
Ethnographic Notes: nGing 'sword-grass, thatch-grass, lalang,
alang-alang, cogon, Imperata cylindrica Beauv.' (This is the usual
Mong roofing material.)
vüa as used here is an abbreviation for vua zhi 'roofing-tile.' (As a
roofing material, this is rarely if ever observed in Mong villages in
Thailand. The present author has personally never seen vüa zhi on
a Mong roof and considers that this line in the parable refers to a
period when the Mong lived in Southwest China.)
Allegorical meaning: "Don't tempt people to believe you with
cleverly-worded lies. They might retaliate."
Notes on the Allegory: This parable is mostly used by the Mong to
test young men to see if they really want to get married or if they
are just putting on an act. It might be referred to as a "test parable"
employed to find out whether the young man in question is lying
or not. Mong parents of a nubile daughter always by custom recite
the foregoing parable to the parents of the prospective son-in-law.
My Laos informant stated: "They do this to see if he is a frank and
sincere young man — and not a liar."
Many unmarried Mong men like to "play the role ofthe big wheel"
and will oflfer an utterly false marriage proposal to a pretty girl (and to her parents) . In this case, if the parents realize what the schemer
is up to, they will of course refuse to give their daughter in wed¬
lock. But going even further in their anger, they will actually want
to punish the bogus marriage candidate. This päng lü can further
be interpreted as a "conditional question" to the parents of the
would-be bridegroom. Naturally, everything depends on the Mong
girl's mother and father being shrewd judges of character and care¬
fully watching the facial expression ofthe boy and his parents when
the foregoing päng lü is recited.
24. ndü klü ndü tsi le qhäo ku lib.
shäo yü yüa tüa thau.tw?
The firmament is jet black like a carabao-hom's orifice.
When will one perish?
Second line: Literally "Whether one will perish when?"
Allegorical meaning: "The future for human beings is utterly and
completely obsecure. Who can tell when someone will die?"
Note: Dr. Maey R. Haas invented the label "Restricted Modifier"
(RM)'^ to describe an adverbial type of word-class which is only
found in conjunction with one, or at the most, four or five Verbs
in the entire language. Here we are dealing with both "Frequenta¬
tive Verbs" = English verbs of action) and "Intensifiable Verbs"
(=Engli8h adjectives).'' In the first line, klü means 'black.' The
word tsi in klü tsi 'jet black' is a Restricted Modifier.
25. ndü ndong, shdi tyl qhüa.
hä lü, shdi shä ql.
See Maey R. Haas: Techniques of Intensifying in Thai. In: Word 2 (1946), pp. 125-130.
" For a definition of both types of "Verbs" in Mong Njua, see T. A. Lyman:
Grammar of Mong Njua (GreenMiao): A Descriptive Linguistic Study. Sattley, Cal.
The Blue Oak Pr. 1979, pp. 25-26.
(Before you) chop down a tree, look at the dry boughs.
(Before you) utter words, look high and low.
Allegorical meaning: "Before you condemn other people, look
around you and be careful what you say. It is a potentially danger¬
ous situation and there may be a spy listening nearby."
26. häu-mi käo su näo.
häu-cöng käo su näng.
As for the nipple, you were first in time to suckle at it.
As for clothing, you were first in time to put it on.
First line: (< häu- 'principal part of an object, main part, "head"
part' + mi 'breast, udder, teat').
Second line: (< häu- 'vide supra + cöng to shield or protect
something by placing a covering over it'). Literally "principal
covering," i.e. clothing.
Allegorical meaning: "You did everything long before I did. You
were always far ahead of me when it came to experience in life."
Note: This parable is one the Mong employ whenever they wish to
"challenge" someone to perform a difficult task.
27. ndydu qdng zhi, mbläi qdng njL
mä näo, mä qhe.
A mouth sweetened with honey and a tongue smeared with salt.
In order the better to work a "con game" on (you).
Second line: mä . . . näo 'to swindle, defraud, deceive'; mä . . .
qhe id.; näo 'to eat'; qhe 'to swill, eat (derogatory)'.
Allegorical meaning: "Don't use sweetened nice-sounding words in
order to deceive. A swindler may deceive you in your turn, gobble
down the repast on your festive board, and then abruptly disappear
from your life."
Notes: This parable refers to a glib-tongued mendacious person
who wants to get things out of you or who is trying to "use" you.
For 'disappear', the informant gave: sOa.ki the = (lit.) "to vanish from the trail by running away."
According to the informant from Laos, mä näo originally meant 'to
cozen food out of someone' (< mä 'to deceive' -I- näo 'to eat') . Then
by figurative extension, it came to denote any type of fraud,
swindle, or deception and syntactically took an infixed object.
Example: kulong mä kd näo 'The Yon deceived me' (< M 'I, me').
This usage is indicated in hypostasis by the use of dots, viz. nzä . . .
nAo. (The verb-form nzä . . . qhe follows the same pattem.)
My principal informant in Naan Province, Thailand, however, gave
Tizä . . . näo as a word-for-word translational and semantic equival¬
ent ofthe Yon (Kam Myang) expression cü? . . . k{n.^* This could
point to a possible translational borrowing. (The Yon or Lanna
people of northem Thailand are referred to by the uninitiated as
"Northem Thai.")
The information provided by the Laos informant might well come
under the heading of "folk etymology." The best translation for
both nzä . . . näo and nzä . . . qhe is rendered by the American slang
phrase: to "con" somebody.
+
28. phvM hyöng ti ci
läu.qä qua ti ahihaw.
One splits bamboo exactly at the branch-knot.
A cock crows exactly at the (proper) time.
First line: ci 'the branch clusters at a bamboo joint' ; <1 'exactly at, right at'.
Allegorical meaning: This parable is often employed by a witness
in a confused Mong legal dispute. (The Mong have an involved code
of laws.) A certain person will testify: "I am right —just as exactly
right as the branch-knots of the bamboo for the woodcutter or the
time of day for the cock to crow."
29. cätshu ua shau cihtsi.
tü-ki UM shau na.tsl.
Animals make trouble for (their) owners.
Children make trouble for (their) parents.
Second line: na.tsi 'parents,' literally "mother and father."
Allegorical meaning: "Those in a subordinate position to you —
whether animal or himian — are always potential trouble makers.
They can bring you misfortune due to the very fact that they are
close to you. Because of this you need to be extremely careful in
what you do. No matter whether you are rich or poor, you must con¬
tinually watch your step."
Note: This parable was obviously coined by the Mong (Green
Miao) and then borrowed by the Hmong (White Miao). This state¬
ment is based on the final syllables of the parable which only
rhyme in Mong. The word ciitef'owner* is a borrowing from South¬
westem Mandarin. (Cf Szechuan chu-tsy 'master, owner, boss,
I employ the Haas system of Yon (Kam Myang) romanization as worked
out by her for the Chiangmai dialeet. See Mary R. Haas: The Tones of Four Tai
Dialects. In: Aeademia Siniea 29 (1958), pp. 817-826.
ruler"). For this, see Dictionnaire chinois-fran^ais de la langue man¬
darine parUe dans l'ouest de la Chine. Hongkong 1893, p. 545.
30. hyöng i.tsöng, ndong i.cdo.
nGä i.klai, täw i.phdo.
One thicket of bamboos, one clump of trees.
One slice of meat, one strip of skin.
Second line: (< klai 'Classifier'^ for sheet-like objects'); (< phdo 'Classifier for strips of skin or leather').
Allegorical meaning: "You and I are kinsmen. We are of one flesh,
one clan (scng), one tribe, and one ethnic group. Therefore we must
join forces, help each other, and work together for the common
good."
31. näo zhäu, qdng cheng nGd.
hau, kie, qdng ching tyäw.
Eating (plain) vegetables transformed into savory meat.
Drinking (pipe) water transformed into delectable liquor.
Allegorical meaning: "If you are in good company together with
congenial friends and people who admire and respect you, then no
matter how plain and flavorless the food and drink, they will taste
delicious. This is because you and the people at the table are all
happy. On the other hand, if there is continual heated argument,
hostility, and enmity among the guests, then even a sumptuous
repast given at a great dinner will taste vile."
Altemate allegorical meaning: "For the sake of happiness, one
should try to seek out tme friends and avoid creating enemies."
32. chäng.ndü, qdng zhi qdng tyäng qhüa.
näng lü, qdng zhi qdng tyäng ndü.
(When) the sun shines, beneath stones and beneath logs it is dry.
(When) the rain falls, beneath stones and beneath logs it is wet.
First line: chäng.ndü 'to be sunshiny' (< chäng 'to shine of the sun' + ndü 'sky')
Second line: näng lü 'to rain' (< näng 'rain' -I- Zw 'to fall, drop, form of meteorological particles')
Note: The phrase lü näng has the same meaning as nAng lü.
Allegorical meaning: "The blessings of All-Father Shdu are be¬
stowed equaUy on every comer of the earth. Everything in the
" For a linguistie deseription of the Mong word-elass here referred to as
"Classifiers," see the definition of "Selectors" as given by T. A. Lyman, Ibid., pp. 20-22.
24 ZDMG 140/2
world comes under the benediction of the Great Patriarch, i. e. all
humans, animals, locations, and things are blessed. It matters not
what the time or what the season."
Altemate allegorical meaning: "All-Father Shau blesses both poor
and rich impartially."
+ 33. i.leng ci tyä i.yi.
i.yi ci tyä i.zhäo.
i.lü zhäo ci tyä i.lü möng.
One person can't be a household.
One household can't be a village.
One village can't be a city.
Allegorical meaning: "We human beings need to be organized as
a national (inter-tribal) unity in order to benefit from the mass
support of others and to be backed up by sufficient power. An
individual lacks the force to move Society by himself Only by
drawing upon the "clout" engendered through cooperation with a
vast number of his fellows, can one single man become powerful
and thus effective."
Altemate allegorical meaning: "We derive strength from the unity
of numbers." (Cf «L'Union fait la force.» French proverb) (Cf also
„Einigkeit macht stark." German proverb) (See Parable, No. 21).
Notes: Of interest is the use of zhäo 'village' first as a Classifier, then as a Noun.'*
The Verb tyä 'to be' is of restricted usage and usually translates as
'to be (of existence), be alive.'
The Mong informant from Laos stated that this was not a "tme"
päng lü. (The parable was noted down during field-work with the
Mong of Thailand.)
" For a further definition of "Classifiers" (Selectors) as contrasted with
"Nouns" in Mong Njua, see T. A. Lyman, Ibid., pp. 94-96 and 22-24.
(Ende Sung bis Ming)*
Von Roderich Ptak, Heidelberg
Seit alters spielen die Andamanen und Nikobaren für die Seefahrt im
Indischen Ozean eine wichtige Rolle. Im Schnittpunkt verschiedener
Seerouten gelegen, die den Golf von Bengalen durchkreuzen, wurden sie
von vielen Reisenden angesteuert, die hier Zwischenstation einlegten,
Proviant luden oder vor Unwettern Zuflucht suchten. Manche kamen
allerdings auch widerwillig zu den Andamanen und Nikobaren — infolge
widriger Winde, die häufig Schiffe von der direkten Sumatra-Ceylon-
Route weit nach Norden verschlugen. So sind in der Reiseliteratur und
in der historischen Geographie eine Reihe von Beschreibungen dieser
Inseln überliefert, die jedoch — wie auch die Beschreibungen anderer
Gebiete — zahlreiche philologische Rätsel aufgeben. ' Bereits die Auftei¬
lung der Inseln in zwei unabhängige Ketten bereitet Schwierigkeiten,
denn nur wenige europäische und längst nicht alle arabischen Bericht¬
erstatter unterschieden genau zwischen den Andamanen, der nördliche¬
ren Gruppe, und den Nikobaren, der südlicheren. Einige scheinen sie
sogar mit einzelnen Eüanden vor der Sumatra-Küste durcheinander¬
geworfen zu haben, oder mit Orten vor der Küste Birmas. Die einzelnen
* Manuskript im Herbst 1988 erstellt.
' Diese wurden auch in den meisten Darstellungen zur Gesehiehte der Niko¬
baren und Andamanen übergangen, ebenso wie die ehinesischen Quellen.
T3rpisehe GesamtdarsteUungen z.B. in L. P. Mathur: History of the Andaman
and Nicobar Islands (1756-1966). Dehli: Sterling Publ. 1968, S. 7fi".; M. V.
Pobtman: a history of our relations with the Andamanese, compiled from histories and travels, and from the records of the government of India. Caleutta: Office ofthe
Superintendent of Govemment Printing, India 1899, Kap. 3; N. Iqbal Singh:
TheAru&iman story. New Dehli: Vikas Publ. House 1978, Kap. I. Es gibt meh¬
rere Bibliographien zu den Andamanen und Nikobaren — etwa Sumedha
Chawla u. T. N. Pandit: Bibliography on Andaman and Nicobarlslands [Cover¬
ing anthropology, biology, geography, geology, history, statistics, etc.f. Calcutta:
Anthropol. Survey of India 1981 —, doch aueh hier kommen die historischen
Quellen zu kurz. Handbücher wie Henry Yule u. A. C. Burnell: Hobson-Job¬
son: A glossary of colloquial Anglo-Indian words and phrases, and of kindred terms . . . London: Murray 1903, S. 29, 624-26, sind meist nützlicher.
24»
