(1)393 On the Phonology of the Modem Indo-Aryan Vernaculars

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393

On the Phonology of the Modem Indo-Aryan

Vernaculars.

By George A. Grierson.

The phonology of the Modem Indo-Aryan Vernaculars has

been very fully dealt with by Beames (Comp. Gr. I, 124—360),

Hoernle (Gd. Gr., 1—95), and Bhandarkar (JBRA. xvii, ii, 99—182).

With the exception of Hoernle, these authors have dealt -ith the

phenomena presenting themselves from the point of view of Sanskrit

scholars. They have classified the changes which Sanskrit words

are found to have undergone when they reappear as Modem Indian

vernaculars.

It appears to me that this is a misleading method of going

to work. Although most Modern Indo-Aryan Vernacular words

can ultimately be referred to Sanskrit, they can only be so re¬

ferred through the medium of Apabhramsa Prakrit. They are the

children of Apabhramsa , and in explaining their forms it is more

proper to consider what the forms in tbe father-language were.

The connexion of Apabhramsa with Sanskrit does not immediately

concern the student of the phonology of Modera Indo-Aryan

phonetics. That is a subject for the student of Prakrit to con¬

sider. If we are to refer modern vemaculär forms to Sanskrit

instead of to Apabhramsa, there is no reason why we should not

go further back and refer them to the original Aryan speech of

Finland or of 'Somewhere in Asia'.

Hoernle , it is true , has considered the connection of Apabh¬

ramsa with the Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars in his Gd. Gr.,

but he deals primarily with only one language , Bihari , or, as he

then called it, Eastern Hindi. The task I have set myself in the

present paper is to classify and arrange the phenomena of the

Modem Indo-Aryan Vernaculars , not according to their Sanskrit,

but according to their Apabhramsa derivation. This has entailed

an entire rearrangement of the examples which have previously

been given , for Sanskrit words are by no means uniform in

their process of conversion into Apabhramsa, any more than Apa¬

bhramea words are uniform in their process of conversion into the

Modem lAVs.

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394 Grierson, Phonology of the Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars.

My principle of arrangement has the advantage of simplicity.

The old system had to take count of two sets of forces not always

acting in the same direction, the present deals only with one.

I have in most cases also given the Skr. forms of lAV. words,

but this is only for facility of reference. The ground - words

with which I deal are the Apabhramsa ones. It is with those

only that I am concerned , the Skr. forms being only now and

then referred to for the sake of illustration.

Most of the iav. words given below will also be found in

one or more of tbe works above mentioned. It was impossible

to avoid tbis, but tbere are some new ones, and I have also dealt

with four new languages Assamese, Naipall, Multänl (this is only

a dialect), and Käsmiri.

The following signs are used by me in addition to those

authorized by the ZDMG.

As Ap. and tbe lAVs. posses a short e and a short o, long

e and long o are represented by e and 5 respectively , e and o

representing the short vowels.

The cerebral r ^ of the vernaculars is represented by r. There

is no danger of confusing this with the vowel ?' S is re¬

presented by rh.

I use tt to represent a palatal sound fluctuating between that

of the d in the English word 'hat' , and the « in the Italian

word 'ballo'. The sign d is used to represent the sound of d in

the English word 'ball'. The sign ö is used to represent the

sound of Ö in the English word 'hot'. All these sounds occur in

the Modem lAVs, and special signs are necessary for them.

The spelling of words in Kasmiri and Sindhi is extremely

fluctuating. For the former I use, as a rule, that of Elmslie's

Vocabulary, adopting that of Wade's Grammar when it seemed to

me to be preferable. For the latter, I have, as a rule, followed

the dictionary of Shirt Thavurdas and Mirza. In Assamese, I have

followed the spelling of Bronson's dictionary. Other authors with

purist learnings have used more sanskritic spelling, without any

of the excuses which may be urged for the more Pandit-ridden

Bengali.

I shall base my remarks principally on the phonology of

Tadbhava words, noticing the peculiarities of Tatsamas as occasion

may arise, and concluding with some additional notes on the latter,

which I have been unable to insert conveniently into the body

of the Essay.

{Contractions. The following are used. Skr. = Sanskrit; Pr. = Pra-- krit; Sr. Pr. = Sauraseni Prakrit; M. Pr. = MähärästrI Prakrit; Mg. Pr. =

MägadhT Prakrit; Ap. = Apabhramsa; A. = Assamese; Ar. = Arabic; B. =

BihSri; Bg. = BangälT; G. = GujarätT; H. = Hindi; Ks. = KäsmlrT;

M. = Maräthl; Ml. = MultSnT; N. = NaipälT; O. = Oriyä; P. = PaiijäbT;

Prs. = Persian; S. = SindhT; IAV. = Modern Indo-Aryan Vernacular; Ts. = Tatsama; sTs. = semi-tatsama; Tbh. = Tadbhava. The following can be pre-

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Grierson, Phonology of the Modem Indo-Aryan Vernaculars. 395 filed to any of the above: N. = North; S. = South; E. = East; W. = West;

O. = Old; M. = Modern. Thus OH. = Old Hindi; EIAV. = Eastem

Modern Indo-Aryan Vernacular. EH. means Eastern Hindi, which is not the language called Eastern Hindi in Hoernle's Qd. Gr., but the language spoken in the Eastern portion of the Hindi area proper, say, between Cawnpore and Benares. Hoernle's Eastern HindT is now called by him and by others Bihari.

Bh. = Bhandarkar; Bs. = Beames; HI. = Hoemle; Cp. Gr. = Comparative

Grammar; Gd. Gr. = Gaudian Grammar. When Bh. is quoted, his article in

JBEA, xvii, ii, 99—182 is referred to. H. C. = Hemacandra's Prakrit Grammar, Ed. Pischel. When I prefix IAV to a word, I do not mean that it necessarily occurs in every IAV language. All I mean is that it is in the large majority of IAV languages, over an area sufficiently wide to entitle it to be classed as belonging to the common stock of the lAVs. , and existing , where found , in the form given.]

[Literature. The Phonetic changes of the lAVs (except N. A, Ks., and Ml.) will be found discussed at great length, and much more fully than below, in Beames, Cp. Gr. I, 124—360; Hoernle, Gd. Gr. 1—95; Bhandarkar, Phonology of the Vernaculars of Nothern India, JBRA. xvii, ii, 99—182. Most of the examples quoted below (except those for N.A, Ks. and Ml), and many more, will be found in the above works, which have been consulted throughout]

A. ON THE STRESS ACCENT IN THE lAYS.

1. As the phonology of the lAVs. is greatly influenced by the

stress accent, it is most convenient to consider this first. The

following remarks have already appeared in much the same form

in JRAS, for Jany. 1895. It is necessary to repeat them here, as,

without them, much of what I subsequently say would be both

incomplete and unintelligible. Throughout the whole essay, I have

carefully marked the stress-accent in every IAV. polysyllabic word.

2. The lAVs. closely follow the rules of the Sanskrit stress-

accent (as distinct from the ancient musical accent) which have

been noted by Prof Jacobi ZDMG. xlvii. 574 and fl^. The only

difference is that the lAVs. do not usually throw the accent

further back tban the antepenultimate if the word ends in a long

syllable. Tbe general rules are as follows: —•

3. The stress-accent falls on the penultimate if it be long.

Examples — Skr. and Ts. kirti 'fame'; G. Janö'i 'a sacrificial thread';

M. gidh(d} 'a vulture'; känä 'one-eyed'; S. rahdü 'a dweller"; H.

asüjhä 'invisible'; kisdn{d) 'a husbandman'; B. chofdkka 'small'.

4. If the penultimate be short, the accent falls on the ante¬

penultimate, provided that be long. Examples — Skr. and Ts.

kirtan{a) 'a report' ; M. vfilan{a) 'inclination' , kdpad{a) 'clothes' ; H. hdndhan{a) 'binding'.

5. In any other case it is thrown back as far as possible, —

the limits being, in Sanskrit and Tss. , and in Tbh. IAV. words

ending in a short vowel, the last syllable but three; and in Tbh.

IAV. words ending in a long vowel, the antepenultimate. Exam¬

ples — Skr. kidilatä 'deceitfulness', as a Ts. küf ittä; M. kdr'vat{a)

'a saw' : sTs. pdr'bat{d) 'a mountain' ; B. pdr'sat{a) 'touching' ; H.

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tfn'ka 'a straw' , bdl(d) 'force' : but H. pahu'c'nä (not pdhuc'na) 'to arrive'; H. nikdl'tä 'issuing'.

Sometimes, however, even an IAV. word, which has the accent

on the antepenultimate, may retain the accent on the same syllable,

when it becomes the last syllable but three by the addition of a

secondary suffix. This is by no means universal ; pronunciation

varying with different people. Thus, H. tltali 'a butterfly', long

form, properly, titdliyä, but also sometimes Utaliyä.

6. If the accent does not fall on the first syllable of a word,

that syllable bas a secondary accent. Thus , Skr. huldnäm 'of

families'. So IAV. rahdü, chhtdkkä, as above; sTs. adhin{a) 'de¬

pendent on'.

7. A tendency is observable from the earliest times to elide

a short vowel following the accented syllable: thus, Skr. bhagini

or bhdgnl; Skr. pugaphdla, Ap. *pügphala, popphala; Skr. su¬

rabhi, Ap. *surbhi, subbhi; Skr. lavana, Ap. Hdvna, *ldUna, lona;

Skr. jivita, Ap. *jiia, jia. In the lAVs. the process is still carried

on, but the neutral vowel is substituted for a, i, or u, instead of

that vowel being altogether elided. Thus, M. kdr'vat 'a saw' ; B.

ghör'vä 'a horse'; Skr. durbdlakah 'weak', Ap. dübbalaü, H. düb'lä.^)

The elision of i and u is more rare in the lAVs., and is re¬

stricted to special cases.

Examples are- Skr.

bhagini 'sister'

Ap. IAV.

bdhini H. bdh'nl, bdhan, or

bdhin. Other dia¬

lects bdhin, but M.

and B., to preserve

the i, throw the

accent on it and

lengthen it, bahin.

H. bdh'rä or bahirä.

H. pdh'lä, but M. pd-

hils, G. pdhelo and so on.

H. bfjli,hMi other IAV.

Mjull.

Cases sometimes occur of the a being weakened to i or u

instead of the neutral vowel. The i change is most common in

Sindhi. and the u in Bangäll. Examples —

plppalu S. pfpiru.

vfralail S. bfrilö.

pdhjaraü S. pi jirö.

bddhirakah 'deaf prathamah 'first'

vidyut lightning'

bdhiraii padhävillaü

bijjuliä

pfppalah 'a pipal tree' viralakah 'rare'

pdnjarakam 'a cage'

1) Jacobi gives as parallel from the Romance languages — Latin, vh'ecün- dia; French, virgvgne; Italian, vkrgogna; Spanish, vkrgilinza.

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Grierson, Phonology of the Modem Indo-Aryan Vernaculars. 397

dgnth 'fire' sTs. , Bg. dgun(i).

Sdlmali 'a silk-cotton tree' sfmbali Bg. simul.

8. In compound words , the first memher retains its own

stress-accent as a secondary accent, the stress-accent of the second

member being the stress-accent of the word: thus, K. phn'sdl(i

'a watering place' ; M. phutmäli 'a florist' ; B. h-sujh{a) or a-

sujh'vä 'invisible'. This secondary accent I mark when necessary

with the sign of a grave accent, but shall generally omit it.

This rule about compound words explains such apparently

anomalous forms as the B. d^kh'ldku 'I saw', and the many similar

verbal forms in tbat language , in which the accent falls on the

penultimate or final syllable of the word. They are really com¬

pounds of the past participle [clekhal{a)], and old forms of the

ah 'to be', dhi meaning 'I am', and so on.

The tendency to drop the final vowel of the first member of

the compound [as in dekhal{a)-\-dhu] dates from the earliest times.

Thus, Skr. kumbha-kCirah 'a potter', Ap. kiimbha-äru or kumbhdru

(against the usual custom H. C. i. 8), IAV. kumhdr{a): Skr. nh-

vamdlikä 'jasmine', Ap. *navmdliä, *nb.ümdliä, nomdliä; Skr.

prhtive' dah, Ap. pae su or phdivesu, H. padö's{a). A long vowel

in such a position is first shortened and then elided: thus. Skr.

dvd catvärimdat ; Ap. bdyäyällsu, bäyälisu; H. bydlis{a).

9. If the accent falls on a short vowel there is a tendency

to lengthen it ; thus , Skr. dpagä or dpagä 'a river' ; musala or

mil sala 'a club'; so also —

prdtipad 'first day of \ pddivayä or \ M. pdd'vu , but H.

a fortnight' i ^.^rifii'mya ( pddihCi, B. parab.

hdstint 'she elephant' hdtthini M. (with change of

accent) hattin , but H. etc. hdth'rd.

10. On the other hand the accent has a tendency to shorten

a preceding long vowel ; e.g. Skr. ügärarn or agäram 'a house' ;

Skr. atiküpyah or aküpyah (for aikupyak) 'very base'; so in

IAV.—

käsisam 'green vitriol' küsisu H. Jcasis.

ädhinah 'dependent on' sTs. adhin.

devdlayah 'temple' devalaii P. devala.

So M. bhik(a) 'begging', bhikdri, G. bhikhdrl 'a beggar'; M.

kdm{a) 'work', kamdu 'that which earns'. Again, Skr. gen. kar¬

nasya 'of an ear' ; Ap. dat. kanndssa or kunäsa 'to an e^r' : M.

kands{a) (qpTIT^) ^^'"'i which the first « is written

long, but is pronounced short like the a in the Italian bcdlo. So

also M. bhik{a), dat. bhike's{a)\ pik(a) 'a ripe crop', äs,t. pikds{a);

hdt{a) 'a hand', dat. hätds{a) as in känäs{a).

11. When a word begins with two long .syllables, the second

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of which has the stress-accent, the secondary accent on the first

syllable often attracts the first accent to itself, and the syllable

which would ordinarily bear the stress-accent is shortened. Thus,

Skr. änita becomes in Ap. änta; Skr. pii niya, Ap. päniya, and

so on. So —

de välaydh 'temple' H. deval, M. deval.

Icäydaihah 'a man of the

writer caste' Icäydtthu B. kdyath.

vätü'lakah 'mad' väü'laü M. bävalä, B. bdurä,

S. bavirö.

12. This even happens when the first syllable is short; e.g.

Skr. aliJca 'false', Ap. dliya; Skr. mhdhii'ka 'name of a tree', Ap.

mdhua; so —

ilrisah 'a kind of tree' sirisa H. sins.

d.mtiydkah 'second' dutiyaii H. diUiyä.

ghbhirakah 'deep' gdhiraii H. gdhirä.

bhlivdrdah 'a bullock' bhillu IAV. bail or bdil.

13. In Sanskrit and Prakrit there was also a secondary accent

on the penultimate of a word. Thus , in kwdlhtä the a in the

penultimate has more accent than the i in the antepenultimate.

Sometimes this secondary accent was so strongly felt that it

swallowed up the main stress accent, and itself became the main

accent, with the usual result of lengthening the accented syllable.

Thus we have in Skr.

Accent not on penult. Accent on penult.

jälpälca or jalpäka 'talkative'.

d<' vikä 'a goddess' de vikä 'a queen'.

ulhpin or ulü'pin 'a guinea-pig'.

Icdrira or khrira 'the shoot of a bamboo'.

vdrt)ra or vartira 'a quail'.

vdthla or vatu'la ,'inflated'.

In Pr. tbis is specially common in certain pleonastic termi¬

nations. One is -la or -Ila. Thus, vfpldä 'lightning', pdttdlam 'a

leaf, pialam 'yellow' ; but phllavillam 'a shoot', muhullam 'a face',

katthvlld 'a hand'. So Skr. devakulam, Pr. devllam; Ski-, sdr-

vhta/t , Pr. sawdttö; Skr. e'kcUäs, Pr. ekdttö; Skr. dnyhtah , Pr.

anndttö. So also the suffix lea : thus , Pr. hiakam , or (Mg. Pr.)

hhddkkam 'heart'. According to Märkundt'ya , xii. 16, the rule

is made general in Magadhi Prakrit, in which any vowel before

the suffix ka may be lengthened. Thus, Skr. lävdnyakak, Mg. Pr.

läünnhki^', or launnäke 'lovely'.

This secondary accent on the penultimate reappears in several

of the IA Vs. The Apabhramsa termination -hku becomes (by

elision of the k) aü. and then ö" or a. So the termination )ka

beconias lä or Iyä, and thence i. In two Western Vernaculars, i.e.

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Gujarati, and especially Marätil, curiously enough the Magadhi Prakrit

custom has obtained, and this secondary accent swallows up the

main accent of the word, and becomes itself the main accent, with

the usual consequence of shortening the preceding syllable.') So

that hku and Ilea become äku, äu, and ikä, id, and then d or o ,

and i, preceded by a short vowel. Thus —

kü'phkah 'a well' küvhü G. ktivö', but H. kuä.

cü dhkah 'a bangle' cudhii G. ckdo , M. ckdd, but H. cura .

cu'mhkah 'lime' cünnh 'd G. cuno' , M. di/nA, but H. cuna .

cttrakah 'a leopard' cUhii

kithkah 'a worm' kidhii

dfksitah 'learned' sfkkhlü

misüücah 'sweet' ndtthhü

suclkah 'a taüor' sü'ciü

vitlkä 'a betel-roir vidlä

^. , ^. ^.^.^j „

M. cita, but H. citä .

M. kidd, but H. kirä\

M. ^Ichd, but H. sikhd.

M. mltkd, but H. mitha.

M. suci, but H. suci.

M. bidi, but H. biri.

Again, in other terminations-

kdtthlni M. Tidttin, but H. hdthlni.

bdhlvi M. bhhin, B. bhhin, but H.

6aÄin.

And so in all other similar feminines in M.

But a similar change occurs in other languages; thus —

P. ju d but S. H.

jiid.

P. dii/d, but H.

dlyd.

H. Ihijd , but M.

Bg.O.A. bhljd

'wet'._

H. bhifhr, but

M.Bg.O.A.bhlidr.

14. The shortening and elision of the vowel following the

accented syllable, as in de'val(a) for deväla and düb'lä, has had

hdstlni 'she elephant' bhagini

dyuthkarn 'gambling' dipbkah 'a light' (XbhydnjUah 'anointed'

hbhydnthre 'within'

juhü or judu

divhil or ^vdu

hbbhfjjlü

hbbhinthrahi

1) The accuracy of this statement has been doubted by eminent scholars, but further inquiry has not induced me to alter it. It is baaed on the words of Dr. Bhandarkar, on p. 117 of the Jonrnal of the Bombay Branch of the R.A.S. vol. xvii. pt. ii. He says: 'There is a rule, which in M. is almost uni¬

versal, and in G. often observable, in virtue of which the accent, or the whole weight of the sound of a word, falls on the final ä or e of nouns in the former, and the final ü or m' in tbe latter; and tbe preceding vowels are rendered short, while in tbe original Sanskrit and HindT they are long.' He then gives as examples — M. kidä; M. khilii; G. kuvö; M. citä; M. cudä; G. cudö; M.

cunä; G. cuno. He gives further examples on p. 141 of the same article.

On the point of the question of the correct pronunciation of these two languages, Dr. Bhandarkar's evidence is entitled to great respect. As regards M., Moles¬

worth's dictionary gives küd and kiflä, citä, cudä, ciin, and cunä, all of which exactly bear out his remarks.

Bd. XLIX. 27

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one very important result. It follows that when a word ends in

a short vowel, that vowel, under the influence of the stress or the

secondary accent on the penultimate, has a tendency to disappear.

Taking Tadbhava words first. — These come to the lAVs.

through the Apabhratnia , and noims pass into the lAVs. in the

form of the nominative singular. Nearly every Apabhrainsa word,

and the nominative of every noim in that language ended in a,

8* or M, or in one of these vowels nasalized. If one of these final

vowels be preceded by a consonant , under the influence of the

accent, it disappears in the modern tongues. Thus —

Skr. Nom. Sg. Pr. Nom. Sg. Ap. Nom. Sg. IAV.

ghatah 'horse' ghodo ghodu g^'d {ghor).

pdrkaü 'fig tree' pdkkadl pdkbdi pakad (pakar).

bdhuh 'arm' bdhu bdhu bäh.

The same applies to the cases in which a verbal form ends

in a short vowel. Thus —

Skr. Apr. Pr.

pdthoLsi 'thou readest' pddhhsi M. pddhas (or padhes).

It will be seen that rmder the influence of the accent there

has been a regular weakening of the final vowel at each of the

last two stages. Prakrit has ghodo with the final ö long, Apa¬

bhramsa weakens it to u, and the lAVs. omit it altogether. There

is a tendency in some dialects to preserve the final vowel. It is

especially the case in Bg., 0., S. and This is due to the in¬

fluence of purists who endeavour to preserve the pronunciation.

In Bg. and its sister language , it is also due to other special

reasons which need not be discussed bere. On the other hand,

some languages are fond of shortening and eliding a final long

vowel of a Ts. Thus in Bihari the word for 'woman' is indifferen,tly

ndrl (purist), ndri, or ndr (poetical and vulgar). In Sindhi and

Käämlri the final short vowel of Tadbhavas , though preserved , is

only very faintly pronounced. We meet the process, in fact, at

an older stage , and can watch the vowel in the very act of dis¬

appearing.

In Tatsamas the result is the same. The noun is also used

in its nominative form, and a final visarga or anusvära is omitted,

as these letters have ceased to exist in the lAVs. We thus get —

Skr. Intermediate Stage. IAV.

bdlah 'strength' bdla bdl or bdla

mdtih 'mind' Twrffe* mdt or mdti.

vdstu 'thing' bdstu bdst or bastu.

The above remarks only refer to prose pronunciation. In

prose these vowels, though they have disappeared, are not elided,

for they are still there , and again reappear in poetrj', which al¬

ways preserves the older forms of the language. Thus —

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Orierson, Phonology of the Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars. 401

IAV. Is pronounced Is pronounced

in Prose. in Poetry.

ghor ghö'ra.

PT*^ pdkar pdkära or pdkän.

bSh bä'ha or hä'hu.

pddhas pddhäsa.

bdl bdla.

»rf7T mdt mdti.

^ bdst bdstu.

B. VOWEL CHANGES.

15. As a rule, the lAVs. follow the Prakrit and Apabhramsa

vowel-scale with great fidelity.

Even when, in sporadic cases, Pr. takes vowels different from

those apparent in the Skr. form of the same word, the lAVs.

usually follow the Pr., and not the Skr. Thus —

Skr. Ap. IAV.

pdkvakah 'ripe' pikkaii or pdkkaii G.Ypik or Ypak'riTpen',

M. plk 'a ripe crop', M.

pikd, P.H.O. pdkka, S.

pdkö, A. pdka, Bg. pd-

kä, B. pdkal, N. päk,

but Ks. pop, all mea¬

ning 'ripe'.

H.B. bds'ha. The others use the Ts. form.

G. büddhd , S. bddho,

H.P. büddhd, and so

others. B. has budh, and Ks. büd.

G. vädö'^S. vdddö, P.H.B.

bddä, Bg.O. bdda, A.

bar, N. barö, but K&.

bor.

H. B.O.A. Ma, Mä, 'ü.hiye.

vr'sdbhakah 'a bull' vdsahaü

vfddhäkah 'old' vüddhäü

vr'ddhäkah 'large' väddhaü

hr'dayam 'heart' hüiü

harCärlkä 'turmeric' haldddiä or haliddla G. hdlad, M. haldddä,

¥.hdl'dM,R.B.O.'hdi:di, Ks. lidir, Udar, but Bg.

hdlud.

aindri rah 'vermilion' sindü'ru or sendü'ru M. de dur , H. sedur,

B. senur, A. sendur

or sindur, G.Bg. sulur, S. sindhuru.

27*

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idyyä 'a bed' ahgdrhkoth 'embers'

sijjä

ingdlaü or angdlaM

kustham 'leprosy' kötthu

lalätam 'the forehead' kkanditah 'broken'

badaratn 'the jujube- tree'

nidälu or nadälam khüdiu

bäru (ILG. I., 170)

H. sef, M. dej, and so on.

M. ägdrä, (dial.) tgal.

tgalö, S. ägdru, Ks.

ydngar ; other IAV.

ägär &c.

M. köd, G.H.B.O. ködh,

S. Wrhi Bg. köth, !^.

kör, but A. kuth.

H. lildr, &c.

M.G. /«M^ S. khuti, H.

Ä;Aö<, and others.

M. bör, but others Äair, ber, &c. Exc.O. bar (bor), Ks. deest.

16. At the same time, the lAVs. have gone further than Pr.,

and many instances occur of vowel changes from that language

on the same lines as those of Pr. from Skr. Thus —

a becomes i

närdnglkä 'an orange' närdngiä

mr'ttilcä 'earth' mdttlä or mdttiä

ksdma 'patience' chdmä, khdmä.

ksdnatn 'a moment' khanam

hrdksyafi 'he will pull' kanchai

gandyati 'he counts' ganei

dmbaUkä 'tamarind' dmbaha

H. naringi, but also nardngl.

G. H.P. mitti, S. niiti, Ks.

mils, M. mdti, H.G.B.O.

mdti, H. mdal, N. mätö.

H. chimä, S. khtmä.

M. (dial.) S. khin, H.P.B.N.

chin.

H.khtcaior khdtcai'he pulls'.

H.P. Ygin, Bg. (dial.) gun.

H. im li.

mdjjä marrow maya

kdrkaükä 'a cucumber' kdkkadlä

This change is specially common in SindhI, and in a lesser

degree in H. and P. cf. again —

S.

miiia.

kdkiri, but H. kdk'rl,

and 0. kdkuri.

kiranah 'a ray' sTs.kirini-.so also B.kirin.

dtasikä 'linseed' aZ(wlä(H.C.I.,211) iPsi, but H. al'si.

parva 'festival' sTs. pirbhu.

And so many others.

P. commonly substitutes i ior the neutral vowel before the

nä of infinitives (derived from aniyam). Thus rdhinä 'to remain',

kahinä 'to say'. So also nahir 'a canal' = Ar. nahr; Skr. prd-

ha'ah 'a watch', Ap.pdharu, P.pdhir, other lAVs. pdhar. Again

nimak (so also H.) for Prs. namak 'salt'.

(11)

Grierson, Phonology of the Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars. 403 It will be observed that in most cases the i is in an unaccented

syllable, immediately following the main stress accent, or else that

it is due to the presence of another i in the accented syllable.

It is also sometimes due to a preceding palatal ch.

17. a or ä becomes u. This is especially common in Bg., and 0.

dgnijt 'fire' «^j-am(H.C.II, 102) Bg. Ögun.

y sthäp 'to place' fhäv

dälmalth 'silk-cotton-tree' sdmari

mudgarah 'a club'

hdridrä 'turmeric' pdtah 'cloth'

moggaru haldddä

vatsah 'a calf

pafdkkau vacchadu

vdnganah 'the egg-plant' vdhganau

ygandyati 'he counts' ganei

dngulika 'a finger' drigutla

Bg. ythu.

Bg. dimul.

Bg. mugur.

Bg. hdmd.

Bg.O. pdpukä 'a gar¬

ment'.

Bg.O. bächur, Kl vüts (Ap. vacchu)

Bg.O.bdgun,B. bdlgun.

Bg. (dial.) y gun 'to

count'.

H. u'g'li' , P. u'guli, but M. a'guli.

This last is a case of exchange of vowels, vide post.

It will be seen that in most cases the m is in an unaccented

syllable, inmiediately following the main stress accent, or else that

it is due to the presence of another u in the accented syllable.

In accented syllables, it is due to the influence of the nasal.

In Ks. a regularly becomes m or o under the influence of a

following u (umlaut). Thus kdrun, 'to do', for *karanu; hostu

or htisf^ 'an elephant' for hastu.

18. a or S is changed to e or e, especially under the influence of a following i {umlavi)

ädbarlkä 'a hill-tribe sdvarlä woman'

^älmahkä 'sük-cotton sämarlä

tree'

sthäpayati 'he places' thdvei

dmhrlkah 'foot' {amhiu, H.C.

IV., 288) srtncZAi'Ä(l) 'friendship' sdndhl

(2) 'a burglar's mine'

This is common in A. ; e. g.

(idä 'hope' u dhdrah 'support'

ardhakah 'half

asu dddhau

H. s&dri.

H. semar, or semad, M. se'v'rl.

M. yihev (Ks. y'thaw).

G.M.P.H.Bg. edi, B. edi, 'heel'.

(1) S. sedhi 'friendship'.

(2) S. sdndhi, Ml. sandh, P.

sannh, H. sedh, B. senk, Bg.O.

sindh, A. sindhi 'a mine', Ks.

san 'burglary'.

A. esä or äsä.

A.sTs. ddhär or edhär'Üie breast'.

A. e dhä or ädhä.

(12)

404 Grrierton, Phonology of the Modem Indo-Aryan Vernaculars.

G. has as usual a preference for a change to e, especially

with vmlaut as before. Thus —

Skr. Y*kath, kathay Ykah{^r.Ykadhe) G. Ykeh, cl¥.käht{nä).

Yeah y sah G. Yseh, cf.P. sdhUnä).

Yrah Yrah G. Y reh, cf.P. rdhi(nä).

krdksyati 'he will pull' kdnchhai G. khece 'he pulls'.

Even in foreign words: e. g. Ar. dahshat 'fear', G. dSh'Sat,

or Ar. zahr 'poison', G. jiher. So also S. —

mdhisah 'a buffalo' mdhiso S. mehi, G. bhMs.

M. also has the samo changes in foreign words. E. g. Ar. khänj,

M. khe rij 'excluded'; Ar. hisab 'an account', M. hiseb.

The change of ä to e is very common in colloquial Bg. Thus

thäkiyä, 'fiom', pronounced thSke; bSciyä 'having escaped', pr.

be ce; dXlam 'I gave', pr. dilem; ägä 'before', pr. ^gye; cf. also

Skr. s'dlyam, Bg. del 'a dart'.

In connexion with the foregoing, note the forms M.H.P.B.

bdigan, and 0. bdi'gun, but Bg. begun, for Skr. vdnganah 'the

egg - plant'. So also certain compound numerals , formed with

the Skr. pdfica, Pr. pdflna 'five', and Skr. sapta, Pr. sdtta 'seven',

take a« in H.P.N.B.Bg.O. and A. Thus H. paitis 'thirty - five' ;

saitls 'thirty-seven', and so on.

19. a changes to o or Ö.

cdncuh 'a beak' cdncü H.B.M. coc, Bg.O. cbt.

cdksuh 'an eye' cdkkhü Bg. cö'kh.

pdduh 'a beast' "pdhu W.H. poke 'cattle'.

dmddruh 'a moustache' {mdmsü, mdssu) B.Bg.O. mö'ch, A. möc, but

G.H. much , P. mucch,

S. milcha.

vdrkarah 'a goat' bdkkaru M. bokar, B. bok'rä, others

bdkkar, bdk'rä &c.

kumbhakdrah'a Tpotter kumbhdru Bg. kumo r,others kumhdr.

This change is most common in Bg. and 0. It occurs even

in foreign words. E. g. Prs. Idhgar 'an anchor', Bg. logar.

ä is sometimes shortened to a, pronounced like the a in the

Italian word ballo. In most lAVs. this is due to the shortening

of the vowel by its losing the accent, or by its becoming, by

declensional or conjugational changes, so far back in the word that

it cannot remain long. An instance of the first , is the M. hät

'hand', dat. hätds, in which the first ä is shortened owing to the

accent falling on the last syllable. It is however written ^initl .

It is never written isniv , nor is it pronounced hatus. An example

of the latter case is B. Y mär 'strike', 1. pret. sg. mär'lö 'I struck',

(13)

Grierson , Phonology of the Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars. 405

in which the a is shortened to ä, as it is in the penultimate with

a long vowel in the last syllable.

In Ks. this shortening is much more extended and has de¬

veloped into an independent vowel, which however is not marked

in the native character. Examples are: äth 'the hand' = H. häth,

Ap.Pr. hdtthu, Skr. hdstah; tsurän, obl. pl. of tsur 'a thief, Pr.

*cördnnarn; Skr. cöränäm.

20. i changes to a, in unaccented syllables.

Mhilah 'loose' sd4hilu

purohitah 'a priest' vibhutüi 'ashes'

pariksä 'a test" partkhha Yniriks 'see'

Yvthar 'rejoice'

Ynirikkh Y vfhar

M. sddhal, S. dhdrö, B. dhdla,

but M. dhild, G. dhilu, H.

dhilä, A.dhtl, 'N.dhllö, and so on.

P.sTs. purohat.

G.P.H. hhabut or hhdbhut, S.

bhabhu'ti.

G. M. pärakh, S. paralcha, H.P.

& YlkYpdrakh, G. a.\sopärekh.

IAV. Ynirakh.

H. Ybdhal.

This change is common in P.S. and esp. G. Thus —

G. pdnde 'bodily'.

G. bdkds.

sTs.G.P. kdthan, S. kdflianu.

sTs.G. vdkrö.

pfndu vtkOsu

pindah 'a body'

vikdsah 'yawning' kdthinah 'difficult' vikrayah 'sale'

Ylikh 'write' Y Ukh G. Ylakh.

Ymil 'meet' G. y mal.

misam 'a pretext' misu G. mas.

And so many others, in all of which the other lAVs. preserve the i.

21. i changes to m, in unaccented syllables.

lö' hitarn 'blood' lö'hiu H. lä'hii, but B. lehü.

gainkarn 'red chalk' geriu M.H. gerü, G.G. geru.

ledttini 'a bawd' sTs.O. kjlttunl, but Bg. kuttani.

tintidi 'tamarind' tintidi Bg. tStul, 0. te'tuM, but A. te'-

teli, N. tit'ri.

This change is most common in Bg. and 0.

In Ks. , sometimes becomes ii, pronounced as in German.

E. g. karUm, for *kari-me, first sing. pret. fem. of Y kar, 'do'.

22. i changes to e. This is common in Pr. before a 'compound

consonant. In lAVs. we have other instances, as for example —

viddmbati 'he mocks' viddmvai H.beräi orbirdi,^Lberdvi.

vibhdnuh 'brilliant' vihänü H. behdn or bihdn.

nimdntraharn 'an invitation' nimdntail H. nSv'tä, P. niiudä.

mithunah 'pair' mihunu M. m6hun.

irgdluh 'a jackal' sittlu B.C. iedl or didi.

(14)

nimhu'kah 'a lime'

prdthamarn 'first'

n\mhu'il padhäÜlu

This change is most common in

nsual ; e. g.

bhagini 'sister'

Bg. le'mü.

Gr. pSh'lu , but others

pdhüä or pdh'lä.

the WIAV. esp. G. as

bddhirakah 'deaf

tintidi 'tamarind'

bdhini G. bShen, but H. bdhin,

P. bainh.

bdhiraii G. b^herö, but others bd-

hirä or bdh'rä.

tintidi Bg. tetul, 0. te'tult, A.

In Ks. there is great confusion between i and C, which are

frequently difficult to distinguish from each other.

23. M is changed to a.

ik^h 'sugar cane' ucchU {*ukkhü) B. and Bg. dkh, but H. ü'kh

vidyut 'lightning' vijjudiä

mükutah 'a crown'

surühgä 'a mine' surungä

Sdkunah 'an omen' sd^nu

yü'thäkah 'a herd' jü thäu

pünah 'again' pünu

kutümbarp 'a family'

(East), or ikh (W.)

H. bijli, for bijall, but B. bijuli.

G.sTs. mugat, P.sTs. mulcat.

M.H.B, surdrig, Bg. suddrig,

but S. siringha.

P. sdgan.

M. jathd, G. jdthö, H. jdthä.

G.M. ^an, 'but'.

sTs.G.H. kütam, S. kutdmbhu

or kuiimu.

As in the case of this is specially common in G. : thus —

Skr. tülasl 'the tulsi plant' , G.sTs. tdl'sl ; Skr. mänüsyah , Ap.

TwawtissM, G. mänas 'a man' ; Skr. mr'tarn, Ap. müdadau 'a dead

thing', G. mdd'dü 'a corpse' (probably influenced by the Prs.

murda) ; punusö ttamah , N.P. , G.sTs. , par so ttam. This occurs

even in foreign words, for instance Ar. mdlixm, G. mdlam.

24. u is changed to i.

tdnukah 'small'

ündurah \

or ündarah }

cü'cukam 'a nipple'

mükutah 'a crown'

kutümbarp. 'a family'

surüngä 'a mine'

vdlukä 'sand'

a rat' ündaru

(Ap. Mg.) tanükke B. tdnik, and so in others

EIAV.

M. Mnt?ir, H. and EIAV.

/Wwr.

H. and EIAV. cti'cl.

S.sTs. mukitu, or mutiku.

S.sTs. kutimu.

S. siringha. Vide supra.

Bg.O.A. mZi, S. Ä(2ri. Others

&c. Ks. deest.

25. M changes to o or 5. This is the nile (though by no means

so universal as H.C. I, 116, makes out) in Pr. before a compound

consonant. In IAV. we have other instances, as for example —

cu cuu

surungä väluä

(15)

GH^i'soH, Phonology of the Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars. 407

mükham 'face' mühadaü G. möh'du 'face', M. möh're

'in front', P. mohar, H. mo-

k'rä 'vanguard'.

silkhakdrah 'pleasing' suhadru H. sohar 'pleasing'.

dväram 'doorway' dudru Bg. doydr (pr. dawär).

ksüräkah 'a razor' chüräü Bg. chord.

In Ks. there is great confusion between u and o which are

frequently difficult to distinguish from each otber. u is frequently

pleonastically inserted in a word in that language, which ends in

M, if the preceding vowel is i. Thus nyulu, for nilu 'blue' ; dyUthn, for dithu 'seen'.

26. e is frequently weakened to i, especially in the W. Thus,

from bm 'daughter', Ig. fm. EIAV. bMlya , ^VIAV. Mtlya. This

is an extremely common change. Cf remarks about Ks. in § 22.

27. ai changes to e. Prequently as a weakening of the final

syllable, in the 3*. person sg. of verbs. Thus —

upavUati 'he sits' uvaisai B. bdisai, but other lAVs.

bdise , bade, &c.

So also as an old termination of the strong forms in Eastern

dialects , derived from the Ap.Mg.Pr. (Skr. akah , Mg. de, Ap.Mg.

Pr. ♦ai', hence old EIAV. e). Example in Vidyäpati I, 1: kämini

kdrai sindne 'the damsel does bathing', in which sindne = Skr.

snänäkam, Mg.Pr. sindnäe, Ap.Mg. Pr. *sindnui.

Again as a termination of the obl. form of strong nouns, in

H.P.B. and S. Thus H. gha de {ka), '(of) a horse' is reduced from

ghddai. ghö'däi is thus arrived at:

Skr. ghötakdsya, Ap. ghö'daähe, OIAV. gho dadhi, ghödaai, ghö'däi.

Similarly, as a rare oblique form of weak nouns, such as B.

gäm 'a village', which has an oblique foi-m gdme, for gdmai, for

gdmahi, for Ap. gdmahe, Skr. grdmasya.

As a neuter termination in Maräthi. E. g.

idtarn 'a hundred' sd{ij)am M. neut. de for dat.

bhändäkam 'a chest' bhända{y)am M. bhade.

All the above are instances of the diphthong being weakened

because it is at the end of a word. The change occurs bow-

ever in the middle of words also, especially in Gujarätl and Sindhi.

Examples —

kddalhkam 'a plantain' ka{y)ala{y)u H.P. kelä, for kailä, M.

kele, so G. kei.

vddarah 'the jujube-tree' *vd{y)aru H. ber.

nagaram 'a city' nd{y)aru IAV. nair or ner.

So also H.M. paithd 'entered', G.S. petho; H. bain 'a word',

G. ven, S. venu; H. nain 'an eye', G. nen, S. nenu; Prs. paidä

'born', G. pedd, and many others.

(16)

408 Grierson, Phonology of the Modern Indo-Aryan Verrutcidars.

This ai, e, is again sometimes weakened to i. E. g.

in the termination of the M. Past Habitual (i. e. Old Present),

of the second or transitive conjugation. E. g. modi, for mödai

'he used to break'. So also the M. locative term. ? for a{h)i;

e. g. ghdrt 'in a house' for ghdrai. So also G. pachi (Ap.Pr.

pacchai) 'after', and other similar words.

ai is finally sometimes weakened to a. This is especially

common in P. Examples —

valrdgi 'a mendicant' P.sTs. bardgi.

vaitarani 'name of a river' P.sTs. hatdrnl.

Ar. häirdt 'alms' P. khärdt.

Ski-, upavidati 'he sits down' uvaisai M.Bg.G. base , A. bdhi .

So also M. mhais or mhos 'a buffalo'; IAV. <a« or tais 'of

that kind'.

iivaisai becomes bihe in S. ; but H. (and also M.) and others baise.

It will be observed that the first three examples are all due

to the influence of tbe stress-accent.

At the end of a word , a(i/)a is sometimes contracted to ai,

and then weakened to a, which is not pronounced (exc. in S.),

thus —

Svadurdlayam {-dlaydkairi) susurdlaya H. sus'rdl, M. sds're.

'a father-in-law's house' {-dla(y)äü)

devülayam 'a temple' devdlaya 'R.'Bg. de'val,G. deval,

Bg. not uncommonly has m, where other languages have ö.

Dr. Bhandarkar gives the following instances:

M.H. co'rl, Bg. airi 'theft' ; M.H. mod, Bg. nvdci 'a cobbler' ;

M. poll, Bg. jmli 'a cake'; G. chöri, B. chdu'dl, Bg. chudi 'a

girl'; M. y^w/, Bg. Yjjud 'burn'; M.H. y khöd , Bg. khud 'dig';

H. y khöj, Bg. khiy 'seek'.

Ö is often weakened to u especially in the western languages.

Thus löti 'a small water-pot', Ig. f EIAV. lotlyd, WIAV. luüyä.

Tbis is a very common change. Regarding m and o in Ks. see g 2-5.

In foi-ming the feminine in that language u and o are often

changed to it or ö under the influence of the original i of the

feminine (umlaut). Thus —

möt 'thick', fem. mitt (tor moti); kätsur 'brown', fem. kütsür;

töf 'beloved', fem. föf; bod 'big', fem. büd; völ a ring', fem. vöz.

airayah 'refuge'

B. deval, P. devälä, S. de'vill.

S. dsara, cf. M.P.H.B.

N.Bg.O.A. ddrä.

28. o changes to a (rarely).

gödhumah 'wheat' göhü'mu

(17)

29. Ö changes to e. ^

lö'hüam 'blood' lö'hiu B. lehü, but H. lö'hü, Bg. lö.

go dhu mah 'wheat' gohumu H. g/ihu, P. ght^u, A. gh^hu,

M.Bg. see above, and B.

göhü, and göhumä.

ro hilah 'a kind of fish' rohiu PJ3. rBhü, H. rö'Äw, A. rö.

In Ks. Ö is liable to change to ö, pronounced much like the

German ö, under the influence of a following i {umlaut). Thus —

bror 'a tom-cat', fem. bror for iron*.

30. au is weakened to ö.

Regularly as the termination of the nominative of strong mas¬

culine nouns in G. and S. E. g.

ghJotdkah 'a horse' gho dhu G.S. ghö'dö.

Prequently in the termination of the 2*. pers. pl. of verbs.

Thus—

p<ÖÄa<AaÄ 'you two read' pddhahu (pl.) O.H. pddhahu or pddhau,

Br. and N. j^ddhau, H.

P.G.S. pddhö 'y'e (plural) read'.

Sometimes also in the interior of words, esp. G. and S. Cf.

H. naunl, M. lö'nl 'butter'; H. sau'p'nä, M. sd'p'ne, G. sop'vu

'to entrust'; H. maddd 'a wreath', G. mö'd, S. moru; H. cautha

'fourth', G.S. CO thd; H. kaudl 'a shell', G. kö'di, S. kori; Ar.

daulat 'riches', G. dolat, and so many others.

In Assamese, au, though usually written, is invariably pro¬

nounced as Ö. Thus Ts. ausadh 'medicine', is written avsadh,

and is pronounced ö'hödh.

au, Ö, is also sometimes further weakened to w or ü. E. g.

Regularly in G. in forming the termination of neuter nouns

in u. Thus —

Skr. pdkvakam 'ripe' Ap. pdkkau G. j'äkü, cf H. pdkkau

pdkka.

Occasionally also in isolated words. E. g. IAV. Ybhul, bhül,

bhur or bhür 'forget', from Skr. bhramarayati , through the Ap.

bhavarai or (Mg.) bhavalai. Hence OIAV. bha'urai or bhuulai.

Ci. also Skr. Idvanam , Ap. lönu , M.H. lön , but EIAV. also lün

or nün 'salt'.

Finally this au, ö, u, is sometimes further reduced to a or ft. E. g.

Regularly in forming the termination of the nominative of

strong masc. nouns in M.P.H.B. (See , however , the note at the

end of this paragraph.) Thus —

ghotiikah 'a horse' Ap. gho däu M.H. &c. ghödä ghö'ra , for gho dhu.

In Bg.O. and A. , this termination is sometimes , and also

always the ö {ahu, au kc.) termination of verbs (in this also B.),

(18)

reduced to a, which however is pronounced as a long'ö, thus

really remaining in the first stage of weakening from au. Thus

H.M. &c. chota 'small', but Bg.O. , pronounced so to; H.

bhdld 'weir, Bg.O.A. ^TST, pronounced hhdlo . Again H. kärö\

imperat., 'do', but B.Bg.O.A. ^T^, pronounced kdro, exc. in B., in

which it is kdrd, the final a resembling the a in 'ball'.

Again , as a medial it is reduced to a, pronounced as short

Ö, in Bg.G. dhdlä, A. dhdla 'white', equivalent to the H. dhdulä,

Skr. dhdvalakah.

This reduction of au to a (o) is by no means uncommon in

dialectic Bg. , though it is rigidly excluded by purists fi-om the

dictionary. A good example is the Northem Bg. ndni (pr. nd'ni),

but H. nduni 'butter', for the Skr. navanitam.

Note. The apparent change of au to ü may be a result of the adoption of the termination H^a for äka, see § 13. Thus in Ap.Pr. ghöddku, ghödäü, instead of gho'dhku, ghödaü. Under the influence of the strongly accented ä, the u would be elided, and the form ghö'dä would remain, with, in Eastem dialects, the accent transferred to the resultant penultimate. Or, again, only the accented d termination of M. (in kidu &e.) may come from alca, as a contraction of U -\- a, and in P.H.B, the unaccented ä may be a contraction of a -{- a.

According to H.C. IV, 344, the termination u of a-bases may be dropped, and the original a of the base will then only remain, we thus get —

ghö'takah or ghStdkah ghü'däu or ghO'ddu \

or'(H.C. IV, 344) I Hence

ghö'dha or I P.H.B, ghö'dä

ghö dda \ M. ghbdu.

31. It will be seen from the above examples that the two

great causes of the change of vowels are, (1) the fact that an ad¬

joining syllable is accented, under the sound of which the vowel of

an unaccented syllable is rendered uncertain, or 2) the proximity of

a consonant or of another vowel which tends to change neighbouring

vowels to its own class. Thus palatal letters induce i or e, and

labials m and o. In connexion with this, the curious attraction

which the letter h has for the palatal vowel i and e, should be

noted. Very often both these causes work together.

It is also worthy of remark that the western languages, as

a rale , when they do change their vowels , prefer palatal ones.

This is specially the case in G., which however on tbe other band

is also fond of substituting a for t. The Eastern languages , on

the contrary , usually prefer the labial vowels u and o. G. and

S. also prefer P and ö to ai and au respectively.

32. Vowels are interchanged, as in Pr. vCnchuo for vun-

chio, the Skr. wscikah 'a scorpion'. Thus —

dhgutlka 'a finger' drigului H.B. li^'q'll or a guli. But N. aulö.

Idghuh 'light' hdlü H. hduk 'slowly'.

hdrirü 'a deer' hdrinl H. hfran.

kdtih 'the waist' kddl G. ki^d.

vinduh 'drop' vi'ndii G.P. bund, all others btid, S. buda.

(19)

Grierson, Phonology of the Modem Indo-Aryan Vernacidars. 411

In the last instance the change of i to u is probably in¬

fluenced by the preceding v.

S3, ^ort vowels are frequently lengthened.

1) According to Prakrit rule , when one of the members

of a following consonantal nexus is elided. In such cases, in the

lAVs. , the vowel is often nasalized. It will be seen under the

head of consonants that this tendency to the simplification of con-

juncts is especially common in the EIA Vs., but it also occurs in

the West. Examples —

mdrgah Voad' mdggu

bhdktah 'food' Jchdtvä 'bed' pdkvah 'ripe' ßhvä 'tongue'

bhattu

khdftä p{kku,2Jdkku jibbM

cü'rnäkam 'powder' ciinnau

uccak, uccdkah 'high' üccu, üccäu

mrtyuh 'death'

M.G. mäg 'a road', H.P.G.B.

mäg 'parting of the hair',

S. mdhga 'a hair-chain', Bg.

mä 'vulva', IAV. y mäg or

mäg 'to ask', but S. mdhanu 'to ask'.

IAV. bhät 'boiled rice', but

S. bhdtu.

IAV. khat, but S. hlidta.

M. pik 'ripe crops'; other

lAVs. Ypäk or pakk.

IAV. jlbh , except S. jjibha

in which the doubling is

transferred to the first syl¬

lable, K. zeo, N. jih'rd.

H.P.B.Bg.O. cw'nä', Ks. dina,

but G. cuno , M. cand, S.

cunu, N.A. cun 'lime'.

G. S. UCÖ, H. ucä, B.Bg.O.

uc, M. -dnc (for uc), but

P. uccä, A. okha (pr. ukko).

H. mic.

miccü

We meet continually even in the same language all those

forms coexisting, viz. the short vowel before the double letter, the

long vowel before the single letter, and the nasalized long vowel.

E. g. Skr. madhye, Pr. majjhi, O.H. majjh, mäjh or mäjh. These

instances are, however, not always easy to quote, as usually one

form only has been adopted by the literary language , and the

rest are alone found in rustic speech. For further information on

this point see under the head of conjunct consonants § 72.

An important group of conjunct consonants demands special

notice, those which in Prakrit consist of a consonant preceded by

a nasal consonant or anusvära. As will be explained when dealing

with consonants, the anusvära is either converted into the nasal

of the class corresponding to the consonant to which it is attached

and the consonant remains unchanged, in which case the pre¬

ceding vowel remains short, or else the anusvära is elided.

(20)

412 Grierson, Phonology of the Modem Indo-Aryan Vernaculars.

and the preceding vowel is lengthened and nasalized in compen¬

sation. For further information see § 103. Sometimes both forms

are used in the literary language in different meanings. Examples —

kdnkanam 'bracelet'

aimhah 'lion' skdndKtücah 'shoulder'

vdrndah 'famüy or

bamboo'

kdnkanu or

karnkanu

sihfjhu or simghu khdndhhu vdmsu

H. kdnkan, P.G.M. kdh-

gan, S. kdnganu, Bg.O.

kagan.

IAV. generally aingh (often written simh), or skgk.

H. kadhd, P. kdndfid &c.

H. bans or vans (often

written vamd) 'a family',

and so in all; H. bäs 'a

bamboo', and so in all.

S. basu, A. bäh.

The same rule is followed in M. even in the case of Tatsa¬

mas. Thus sampraddya, is also written sapraddy.

On the other hand words which are derived from Skr. words

containing tii followed by Ä or a sibilant, are frequently written

by purists in their Skr. form, though they are pronounced as above.

Thus they write sirnh, vamd, but say singh, bans.

2) Under the influence of stress-accent , mostly in isolated

instances. Thus —

rnddanah 'the God of Love' rdthah 'a carriage'

sTs.M. mddan.

sTs.M. rath (a as in 'ball'), H.B.

rdnth.

M. (inf.) sdh'ni, but H. sdh'nd.

M.sTs. kbthin.

EIAV. piyai 'he drinks', but M.

Vpi

M. hattin, 'a she-elephant', bahin 'a sister', and so on; so B. ba¬

hin 'a sister'; but H. hdthlni, bdhin.

M. kü'l, but others kul.

Pronounced pür in all lAVs.

though written pur, cf. Urdu

. H. cu'ai.

M. pdrakh, S. pdrakha, G. also

pärakh, but HP. and EIAV.

pdrakh.

See the remarks on this point in § 9.

3) Sometimes in compensation for the loss of a vowel in a

neighbouring syllable.

y sah 'endure' kdthinah 'hard' pibaii 'he drinks'

-Ini, fem. termi¬

nation

kulam 'a family'

pdram 'a town'

deo tati 'he drops' pariksä 'a test'

Ysah

piai Inl

kiilu piiru

cuai parikkhä

(21)

iUhUhkaJi 'loose' sidhilhu H. dhilä, M.B.Bg.O. dhil, but

P. dhOlä, S. dhflo, dUro.

This is very common in the IAV. terminations I and ü. E. g.

tcdhkah 'oü man' tMhu IAV. teit.

bhhginipdflkah 'sister's bbJiinivdiu B. bhhinoi.

husband'

ghö'ßkä 'mare' ghä'dlä IAV. ghodi or ghori.

tdddukah 'sweet meat' Idddhu IAV. Idddu or .

All these except the first are due to the secondary accent in

the penultimate, vide §§ 13, 37.

34. (1) Original long vowels are frequently shortened

in the lATs. As already explained this is often due to the in¬

fluence of the stress-accent, vide § 10. The following list of

examples is arranged on a system different from that of those sections, and is more full.

a) Accent on the final syllable of lAVs.

kithkah 'a worm' kidhu M. kAdd^ but H. kidä'.

hitdkah 'a wedge' kilhu M. kh\la, but H. kild.

huphkah 'a well' kuvhu G. kitvo, but H. kua.

cttrhkah 'a leopard' ctttiiu M. cltd, but G. citto, H. citä\