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Italian in the no-man's land between stress-timing and syllable-timing? : Speakers are more stress-timed than listeners

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INTERSPEECH 20II

Italian in the no-man's land between stress-timing and syllable-timing?

Speakers are more stress-timed than listeners Bettina Braun and Sabine Geiselmann

1

Department ofLinguistics, University ofKonstanz, Germany

{bettina.braun,sabine.geiselmann}@uni-konstanz.de

Abstract

How syllable-timed is ltalian? We investigate two contexts for vowel reduction, unstressed syllables and syllables in polysyllabic words. In a production experiment, a large sampIe of speakers from Tuscany read di- and trisyllabic target words with different stress placement in a sentence context. Results showed vowel reduction in unstressed syllabIes, both in terms of duration and spectral quality as well as polysyllabic shortening (without spectral reduction). These temporal adjustments are of similar magnitude as reported for stress- timed languages. Results of a two-alternative forced choice task, however, showed little sensitivity to temporal patterns in monosyllabic fragments. Hence, production patterns appear to be more stress-timed than perceptual mechanisms which has implications for duration models in speech synthesis.

Index Terms: ltalian, rhythm, stress, polysyllabic shortening, duration models

1. Introduction

Pike suggested to classify languages as either stress-timed (e.g. English or German), where stressed syllables recur in more or less isochronous intervals, or syllable-timed (such as many Romance languages), where syllables recur in more or less isochronous intervals [1].

One way to gain isochrony in stress-timed languages is vowel reduction. In unstressed syllabIes, vowels are produced considerably shorter than in stressed syllabIes. Furthermore, stress-timed languages often exhibit polysy llabic shortening:

The duration of syllables in a word is inversely related to the length of the word, i.e. the more sy llables a word contains (e.g., mace, mason, masonry) the shorter its syllables [2,3,4].

Newborns are already able to telllanguages apart that belong to different rhythm classes [5,6,7], even though acoustic measures do not support the postulated isochrony (e.g., [8]).

Dauer argued that syllable-timed languages have regularly recurring stress beats just like stress-timed languages, with the only difference that those beats seem perceptually less salient than those in stress-timed languages. She therefore does not distinguish between syllable timing (a notion also judged to be psychologically implausible by [9]) and stress-timing but proposes a continuum from more to less stress-based languages.

In this paper we study ltalian which has been described as less stress-based [10,11]. Although it has discernible stress beats, it shows considerably less vowel reduction than, e.g. German, a more stress-based language. Word level prominence in Italian is mainly associated with the duration of the vocalic part of the stressed sy llable, which is also a property characteristic of stress-timed languages [10,12,13,14]: Vowels in open (non- final) syllables are lengthened when they are stressed, especially in penultimate position [13]. Vowel length is not lexically contrastive in Italian. It has long been debated though whether or not Italian also features polysyllabic shortening. On

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the one hand, [15] and [16] did not find consistent evidence for polysyllabic shortening (only for two out of four speakers in [15] and for one out of three speakers in [16]). On the other hand, polysyllabic shortening has been found by [13] and [14].

This paper hence takes a new look at polysyllabic shortening in Italian with a much larger population of speakers (N=24).

Furthermore, we compare the durational effect of polysyllabic shortening to the durational difference between stressed and unstressed syllabIes, a durational difference that is allegedly very salient for the perception of stress in Italian (e.g., [17]).

Finally, we investigate the degree of spectral reduction.

In a second experiment, we test whether Italian listeners can make use of durational differences due to stress or polysyllabic shortening in online speech comprehension as the word unfolds over time. While Dutch listeners have been shown to use durational cues for stress perception [18] and polysyllabic shortening [19,20], there are no perception data for Italian.

The perception experiments make use of a speeded classification task with resynthesised stimuli varying in duration only (cf [18]).

2. Experiment 1

Experiment 1 was a production experiment to investigate the effects of stress and syllable number. In the stress condition, the first sy llable of trisyllabic words, both stressed and unstressed, is compared. In the syllable condition. the first syllable in di- and trisyllabic words (stressed in both conditions) is compared.

2.1. Participants

Twenty-four native speakers of ltalian from Tuscany, students at Florence University (aged 21 to 38, 20 female) pmiicipated for a small fee. They had no seU:'reported speech or hearing deficits and were unaware ofthe purpose ofthe study.

2.2. Materials

Thirty words (3 pairs and 8 trip lets) were chosen from the lcxical databasc BADlP [21]. Thc pairs containcd one disyllabic and one trisyllabic word with the same initial (open) syllable: 'capo - 'capita, 'vaso - 'va lido, 'vela - 'vedovo. The second syllable in both words started with the same place of articulation. In the triplets, another trisy llabic word with stress on the penultimate syllable was included: 'caro - 'carico - ca'rota, 'cavo - 'cavolo - ca'vare, 'fila - 'fisica -fi'dare, 'papa - 'papera - pa 'pale, 'ra pa - 'rapido - ra'pire, 'riso - 'ridere - ri'sata, 'viso - 'visita - vi'sivo, 'vivo - 'vivere - vi'vace. The three types of words were matched for lexical frequency (disyllabic words 55/million, trisy lIabic words with penultimate stress 66/million, trisyllabic words with antepenultimate stress 12/million). Furthermore, we selected 30 filler items with two to four syllables and different stress patterns.

28 - 31 August 2011, Florence, Italy First publ. in: Proceedings of the 12th Annual Conference of the International Speech Communication Association

(Interspeech 2011) ; 27-31 August 2011 . Florence, Italy / International Speech Communication Association. - Proceedings CD-ROM. - pp. 2697-2700

Konstanzer Online-Publikations-System (KOPS) URL: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:352-188746

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3.5. Discussion

The re ults of the Italian subjeets in the stress condition cOIToborate that duration is a eue towards word stress in Italian, 311 else being equnl. However, the e[fect of duration is not very strong. Very likeJy, the controlled factors pitch and

~ntensity also play an ~portant role (or a more important roJe) m natural stress perception. On the other hand, Italian listeners were not able to use durntional patterns of word fragments to reliably predict the structure of the word (in tenns of its number of syllabies).

Gene m. 1 Discuss io n

Our results clearly show !hat ltalian speakers shorten syllables when .!hey occur in longer words compared to when they o~cur lJ1 shorter words. This effect was larger for low lhan for lugh voweJs and comparable to the eiiects previously reported for Italian [I3J and English [4]. Not surprisingly, durationnl differences due to polysyUabic shortening were smaller than durational differences due 10 stress. What is more, lUlstressed vowels are also spect:rally reduced, which is not die case for reduction due to polysyUabic shorterung.

A speeded 2AFC task showed that the dur.lion of a rnonosyllabic word fragment influenced responses in the stress condition, a11 else being equaI. The longer the monosyll.bic fragment, the more responses to the word starting with a stressed syllable. However, the identification function is not as ste~ as reported for Dut.eh in.a comparable e>.:periment [18J.

Tins suggests that Italian hsteners are less sensitive to durational cues to word stress than listeners of more stress- based languages. Regarding the perception of polysyll.bic shortening, Italian listerlers performed at chance level. In other words, they were not able to use the durational differences for identification (deciding whether the fragment sterns from a disyllabic or trisyllabic word). Such an asynunelry between production and perception has also been discussed by [25].

Concelv.ably, Italian hsteners' reduced sensitivity to vowel length differences may stern from the fact tl18t vowellength is

~ot phonem~c in Italian as it is in Dutch. Therefore, Italian listeners mlght' not process vowel duration for lexical a.ctivation. On the other hand, in non·lexical tasks, Italian bsteners scored as high as Gennan listeners who have a phonemie length distinction far same vowels. Trus task

~volved same-different judgl1lents on vocalic length contrasts m CVC and CV:C syllables [26]. Therefore, we hypothesise that Italian listeners are sensitive to vowel duration but da not use it for prelexical or lexical processing.

In co~clusion. OUf resuJts show that Italian speakers alter the durabQ~lal structure of words in a similar way as speakers cf a stress-tuned language do (vowel reduction, polysyllabic shorterung). On the OUler hand, ltaJian list,,,,ers do not use durational Clles dtuing ollHne speech recognition. This suggests that speech S)'Itthesis applications for ltalian need not be as concemed with precise timing of sounds as in other languages (e.g., [27]). Future research will have to investigate oLh~r cues to word stress slieh as intensity ami pitch, as weU as theJr respective weightiJlg with respect to duration - both in the perception of nahlra} and synthesized speech.

[IJ [2J [3]

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American English Ann Arbor: University ofMiclllgan Press. ' Lelllste, I. (1972). The timing of utteranees and linguistie boundaries. JASA 51, 2018-2024.

Port, R.F. (1981). Linguistic timing factors in combination. JASA 69,262-274.

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[4J WIllte, L. & Turk, A. (2010). English words on U,e Procrustean bed: Polysyllabic shortening reconsidered.

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[5J Nazzi, T., Bertoncini, J. & MeJuer, J. (1998). Language discnmmatlon by newboms: toward an understanding of u,e role ofrhytJun, JEP: 24, 756-766.

[6J Raruus, F., Nespor, M. & Mehler, J. (1999). ColTeJates oflinguistic rhythm in the speech signnl, Cognition 73, 265-292.

[7J Nazzi, T. & Ramus, F. (2003). Perception and acquisition of linguistic rhythm by infants, Speech Commull;ca!ion 41, 233~243.

[8J Dauer, R. M. (1983): Stress-timing and syllable-timing reanalyzed, Joumal ojPhollelics 11,51-62.

[9J Arvaniti, A. (2009). Rhythm, timing and the timing of rhytlun,Phonetico 66,46-63.

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[IIJ Bertinetto, P.M. (1981): Stll/tMe Prosodie"e dell'Italiano, Firenze: Accadenüa della Crusca.

(J2J Bertinelto, P.M. (1980). The perception of stress by ltalian speakers, JoumaJ o!Phollelics 8, 385-395.

[I3] D'lmperio, M. & Rosenthall, S. (1999). Phon.tics and phonoJogy ofItnlian rnain stress, Phonology 16, 1-28.

[I4J Hajek, 1., Stevens, M. & Webster, G. (2007). Vowel duratiol4 compression and lengthening in stressed syll.bles in Itnlian,Proeeedings lCPhS 16, 1057-1060.

[15J Marott., G. (1985). Modelli e Misure Rihuiehe: 10 Durala Vocalica ;11 "aUano, Bologna: Zanichelli.

[I6J Vayra, M., Fowler, C.A. & Avesani, C. (1987). Word- level coarticulation and shortening in Italian and English speech, Haskins Labora/Olies StahlS Reporl on Speech Research SR/91, 75-89.

[I7J Bertinetto, P.M. (1977). A colltrastive study on the production and perception of stress by English and ItnlJan speakers" In Conte, M., Giacnlone R.A. & Rarna~

P. (eds.). Sprache im Kall/exl. Akten des 12. Lingu- isli~~hen Kolloquiums, Tübingen: Niemeyer, 79-92.

(J8J Reuusch, E., Jesse, A. & MCQueeJ\ I.M. (201 I). Speaking rate affects the perception of duratiol1 as a suprasegmentaJ Ie.'<icnl-stress eue, L&S 54,147-165.

[19] Shatzman, K. B. & McQueen, J. M. (2006). Prosodie knowledge aiiects the recognition of newly aC'Juired words, PsychologicaJ Science 17,372-77.

[20J Snlverda, A.P., Dahan, D. & McQueen, I.M. (2003). The role of prosodie boundaries in the resolution of lexical embedding in speech comprehension, CoglI. 90, 51-89.

[21J De Mauro, T., M.ncini, F., Vedovelli, M. & Voghera, M. (1993). BADIP - Banca Dati deJI'ltaliano Parlato

[badip.uni-graz.at]. ,

[22J Boersma, P. & Weenik, D. (2009): Praal: Doing phonetics by computer.

[23 J Baayen, H.R. (2008). AnalyziJlg linguistic data. A

proclical inlroduclion 10 slalislics IIsiJlg R. CUP [24J Baayen, H.R., Davidson, D. J., & Bates, D. M. (2008).

Mixed-effects modeling with crossed random effects for subjecls and itOlns, JML 59, 390-412.

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Karen, M. & Miller, C. (1991). Near- mergers and the uspension of phonemic contrast.

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[27J Möbius B., & Santen P. H. J. (1996). Modeling Segn'eJ1tnl duration in Gerrnan Text-to-Speech Synthesis.Proceedblgs o/lCSLP, Vol. 4, pp 2395-2398.

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