By Willem Floor, Bethseda, Md.
Notwithstanding the prevaihng idea that in Iran the guilds were iden¬
tical with or organized along the lines oi futuvvat associations we find
little or no evidence at all for such a behef in either Persian or European literature.'
The term futuvvat refers to a body of virtues and to an association
for upholding these virtues. It moreover "denotes various movements
and organisations in the urban communities of the Middle East, the
study of which is made difficult by the fact, that, in the course of history,
they have assumed very diverse forms and because the information
about these organizations and movements often appears to be irrecon¬
cilable.
The futuvvat is often represented as being linked with the guild organi¬
zations. In the later Middle Ages a certain kind of interpenetration
between the trade guilds in the Irano-Turkish territories and the
futuvvat is undeniable. Where futuvvat once existed, it continued in a
different form, by becoming linked with the crafts, and thus, in time, it
became the rule of the guilds. This process occurred in all countries of
the Islamic Orient.^
This description of futuvvat by Cahen and Taeschner has greatly
contributed to the generally held notion with regard to the situation in
Iran, which was prompted by analogical reasoning rather than by facts.
Studies on neighbouring countries (Ottoman Turkey, Turkestan) have
led several scholars to the conclusion that the guilds in those countries
were organized along the lines of futuvvat organisational structures as
described in so-called futuvvatnamas.^ According to Taeschner for
instance, "a similar development ofthe futuvvat into a guild organisa¬
tion must also have taken place in Iran during the late Middle Ages. At
' See for example A. K. S. Lambton: Islamic Society inPersia. London, 1954, p. 19.
^ Article 'Futuwwat' by C. Cahen and F. Taeschner in: EI^.
' Ibid.
any rate a Persian work entitled Futuvvatnäma-yi suüänlhy Kamäl ud-
Din 5usAiN Vä'i? Käshifi points into that direction".* However, for
this teleological argument there is no evidence to be found at all. This is
strange indeed; the more so, since one would expect a strongly Shi'ite
tinged futuvvat organization, and consequently frequent references to it
in the literature of Shi'a Iran.
Fortunately we have some information on the prevalence of futuvvat
associations in 19th century Iran, which gives us a better insight into
the alleged guilds' role in these associations. The publication by
MahjCtb of material on the Faqr-i 'Ajam was untill recently the only
step forwards on the study oi futuvvat in 19th century Iran.* A recent
publication on the darvish order ofthe Khäksär adds some new elements
which merit discussion."
The Faqr-i 'Ajam or silsila-yi 'Ajam was a branch ofthe darvish order
of the Khäksär, or more likely, a futuvvat association affiliated with the
Khäksär order.' Its existence probably antedates that of the foundation
of the Safavid state, having its origins among the heterodox, radical
Shi'a {Ghulät, Ismä'iliyya) groups that abounded in Iran.* The 'Ajam
association recruited the majority of its members from among the lower
classes, though members of the middle and higher classes are also to be
found among its adherents. Only those who were gainfully employed
qualified for entrance into the 'Ajam association.'
It would seem that towards the end of the 19th century the Faqr-i
'Ajam were completely assimilated by the Khäksär order. This at least is
the position taken by the Khäksär order as reported by Grämlich and
Mudarrisi.'" Mahjüb, however, denies this, and although he does not
* F. Taeschner: Zünfte und Bruderschaften im Islam. Ziirich 1979, p. 421 (my spacing).
° Muhammad mahjüb: Sukhanvari. In: Sukhan, 9 (1337/1958), nrs. 6, 7, 8;
translated by Fr. Meier (commentary by F. Grämlich): Drei modeme Texte
zum persischen "Wettreden". In: ZDMG 114 (1964), pp. 289ff.
» NCtr ad Din Mudarrisi Chahärdehi: Khäksär va Ahl-i Haqq. n.p. 1358/
1979.
' Ibid., p. 3; F. Grämlich: Die sehiitischen Derwischorden Persiens. Vol. Iff.
Wiesbaden 1965ff., vol. 1, p. 78f.
* M. M. Mazzaoui: The Origins of the Safawids. Wiesbaden 1972, p. 57; J.
Masson Smith Jr.: The History of the Sardabar Dynasty 1336-1381 AD and its
sources. The Hague 1979, pp. 57-60, 112-113, 123, 126, 131; see also note 2.
° Meier, p. 295; J. Aubin: La Perse d'aujourd'hui. Paris 1908, p. 242.
'" Mudarrisi, p. 72; Grämlich, vol. I, p. 78f, vol. 2, p. 164, note 891.
quote them, he is supported in this view by two earlier observers viz.
Aubin and Lady Sheil. Aubin, writing in 1907 about the Khäksär a,nd
the Faqr-i 'Ajam, considers these associations as two seperate darvish
orders.'^ Lady Sheil, writing some fifty years earlier, enumerates the
seven darvish orders which existed in Iran, and she also names the
Khäksär and Faqr-i 'Ajam seperately."
Mahjctb also seems to be right on another point about which he diff¬
ers from Grämlich. According to Mahjijb the highest rank in the
order of the Faqr-i 'Ajam is that of the 'alamdär or ^ahib-i 'alam, who
comes directly under the naqib.'* In a note Grämlich writes that he
does not know exactly where he has to put this rank in the hierarchy of
the Khäksär order.'^ However, Mahjxjb said nothing about the $ahib-i
'alam being a rank ofthe Khäksär order. Moreover, Aubin agrees with
him. Speaking of the Faqr-i 'Ajam Aubin mentions the ^ähib-i 'alam
(the qufb or pole of the order) as the highest rank, directly under the
naqib. At that time two individuals held that rank.'"
Further the fact that a member of the Faqr-i 'Ajam had to be gainfully
employed speaks against Gramlich's contention. The Faqr-i'Ajam, in
contrast to the Khäksär, did not go around begging." The Jughräfiyä-yi
Iff ahän states that a few ofthe seven darvish orders in Iran require that
their members work for their living and do not become mendicants."
One of these orders must perforce be the Faqr-i 'Ajam.
The Faqr-i 'Ajam had a futuvvat organization and its hierarchical
ranks correspond with different degrees of initiations. Its members had
to leam the meaning of the mystic lore of certain "occupations". Ac¬
cording to its literature this association (ideally) drew its members from
17 groups representing the "occupations" ofthe 17 original "founding members"."
" Meier, p. 207.
'2 Aubin, p. 238 f.
" Lady Sheil: Glimpses of Persian Life. London 1856, p. 194. She mentioned the following groups "Ajem, Khäksär, NiamäooUahee, Zahabee, JaUälee, Kemberee, and Dehree".
'* Meier, p. 313.
'* Ibid., note 16.
'" Aubin, p. 242.
" Meier, p. 294.
" Mirzä Muhammad Husain Khän Tahvildär: Jughräfiyä-yi Isfahän.
Ed. M. SetOda. Tehran 1341/1962, p. 86.
" For the story of the foundation of the Faqr-i 'Ajam see Meier, p. 295-96.
A few things strike us with regard to the number seventeen. Firstly,
not all seventeen occupations constituted guilds. Secondly, there are
seven different, partly incomplete, lists of the seventeen occupations,
which do not tally with each other.
The first of the preserved lists^" of the groups constituting the Faqr-i
'Ajam comprises the following fourteen occupations:
1. bakers {nänvä, laväskpaz) 2. barbers {salmäni)
3. wrestlers {pahlavän) 4. butchers {qa§^äb)
5. pack-saddle makers {paländüz) 6. farriers {nälband)
7. muleteers {mukari, chärpädär) 8. watersellers {saqqä)
9. caravan leaders {chävüsh) 10. acrobats {lüti)
11. patchers (päradüz) 12. darvishes {darvisli)
13. washers of the dead (morda shüy)
14. eulologists of the martyrs of the Shi'a {rawda khvän).
The second list^' of fifteen items comprises the numbers 1,2, 3,4, 6, 7,
8, 9, 11, 12, 13, and 14 of list I as well as the following occupations:
15. darvish sheikh {bäbä) 18. thieves {shabraw)
16. sifters of grain (bavjar) 19. coffee house keeper (qah-
vachi) . 17. outriders {shä(ir-i jilüdär) .
The third list^^ of 12 items comprises the following numbers of lists I
and II: nrs. 1, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 14, 16, and 18. These three lists
have all been reported by Mahjüb.
The fourth list^' has seventeen items and apart from the numbers 1,2,
3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 12 of lists I and II comprises the following occupations:
20. blacksmiths (ähangar)
21. carpenters {najjär) 22. cobblers {kaffäsh)
23. bricklayers {bannä)
24. cement makers {gilkash)
25. camel drivers {shuturdär) 26. cotton beaters {halläj)
27. stonecutters (sangtaräsh) , and
28. passion play actors {ta'ziya khvän).
2' Ibid., p. 298.
Ibid., pp. 315-16.
23 Husain Partav-i BAipÄi'i: Tärikh-i Varzish-i Bästäni-yi Irän. Tehran
1337/1958, p. 25; Meier, p. 235.
The fifth list^* of sixteen items has only the following occupations of
lists I to IV, viz. 2, 5, 6, 8, 12, and 23, unless we accept that the dough
stretchers (shätir-i nänvä), the zürkhäna keepers {zürkhänachij , the
ushers (Jarräsh) the stitchers (pinadüz) are the same as nrs. 1,3, 11, and
17.
List V moreover comprises the following occupations:
29. beggars (gidä) 30. turners (kharrät)
31. coiners ((}arb gir) 32. poets (shd'ir)
33. washermen (gäzur), and 34. locksmiths (chilingar).
The sixth list^° of seventeen items comprises the numbers I (khabbäz),
2,5,8,11,21, and 27 of lists I to IV as well as the following occupations:
35. hat makers {kuläh düz) 36. bath attendents {hammämi)
37. druggists ('attär) 38. bookbinders {^ahhäf)
39. painters [naqqäsh) 40. retailers (baqqäl)
41. saddlers (sarräj) 42. tailors {khayyät), and
43. tanners {dabbägh).
The seventh^® and last list of 28 items comprises the numbers I, 20,
36, 40, 41, 42, and 43 of lists I to VI as well as the following occupa¬
tions:
44. cooks {tabbäkh) 45. cloth merchants {bazzäz)
46. grocers {'alläf) 47. hired mourners {khannäß
48. gold smiths {zargar) 49. bow makers {kamängar)
50. weavers {bäfanda) 51. dyers {rangzir)
52. cotton dressers {naddäf) 53. brickmakers {(ughiU säz)
54. physician {hakim) 55. govemor {häkim)
56. headmen {ashräf) 57. servants {ghuläm)
58. eunuchs {khväja) 59. executioners (?) (mir)
60. farmers {rdäyat) 61. watchmen (päsbän)
62. diviners ('arräf) 63. money changers (ßarräf)
The source of list V calls the 17 occupations mentioned by it the
a^näf-i muqaddasa or the blessed guilds.^' However, it also provides us
with a complete statistical overview ofthe guilds {a^näf) of Isfahan in
1924 which only mention 6 ofthe blessed guilds as being guilds in the
usual sense of the word.^'
Aqa Mir Sayyid 'Ali Janäb: Kitäb al-I^fahän. Isfahan 1303/1924, p. 80.
Mudarrisi, p. 74.
W. Ivanov (ed.): Diwan of Khaki Khorasani. Bombay 1933, p. 12.
Janäb, p. 80.
Ibid., p. 77f.
Moreover, the number of members of the Faqr-i 'Ajam is significant
fewer than that of the number of guild members. According to Aubin
the Faqr-i 'Ajam are "5 to 6,000, 10,000 if one adds the apprentices".^'
The number of the guilds in Tehran at that time amounted to some
40,000 members.'"
Finally, an analysis of the occupation of 34 known members of the
Faqr-i 'Ajam reveals that they were engaged in all kinds of occupations,
fourteen of which do not figure at all among any of the seven lists
mentioned above." This means that membership of the Faqr-i 'Ajam
was not restricted to those engaged in the 17 (of whatever composition)
occupations. This may be explained by the fact that the occupations are
probably traditional and the number of seventeen is only symbolic, for
according to other versions the number of these occupations is 18, 32,
33, or 44 instead of 17.'^
The number of 32 in this connection is of interest. In Safavid Iran the
number of royal workships was 32." This number probably had a
symbolic significance as well, for the guilds in the first Majlis (Parha¬
ment) in Iran in 1907 were also represented by 32 delegates. Each
delegate being a representative for several guilds closely related to or
dependent on each other.'*
^* Aubin, p. 241.
'" Based on earlier statistics the group of tradesmen and artisans represents
about 12 1/2 % ofthe total population in Tehran, or in Tehran of 1907 with a
population of 280,000 some 40,000 people.
" The following occupations do not figure among the lists mentioned above.
The analysis is based on the names ofthe sukhanvars (rethoriticians), members
ofthe Faqr-i 'Ajam mentioned by Maujüb. 1. Peddling fruit monger {tawäf}, 2.
rice merchant {razzäz), 3. servant {khadim), 4. dealer in second hand goods
(simsär), 5. rice cook {khushkapaz), 6. shopkeeper {duJckändär) , 7. kilnman {küra
paz), 8. bucket maker {dalv düz), 9. shoe-black {väksi), 10. copper smith
{misgar), 11. tinman (ähanJcüb), 12. yoghurt seller (mästband), 13. dried fruit seller (äjüt), 14. quilt maker (lilmf düz). Meier, pp. 318-19.
'^ The guilds "are supposed to be 'dakhili silsila'i Jaqr' i.e. participating in the sufic organisations, and are vaguely divided into eighteen trades", Ivanov,
p. 12; Ma'süm 'Alishäh Mudarrisi-yi 'Älam: Ganjina-yi Avliyä. Tehran
1338/1959, p. 68 speaks of 44 guruh (groups). On the number seventeen see I.
Melikoff: Nombres symboliques dans la litterature epico-religieuse des Turcs
d'Anatolie. In: JA 1961, pp. 435-445.
" J. Chardin: Voyages du Chevalier Chardin en Perse etc. Ed. L. Langläs.
Paris 1910, vol. 5, p. 499; according to the Tadhkirat al-Mulük. Ed. V.
Minorsky. London 1939, p. 30, there were 33 royal workshops.
'* Revue du Monde Musulmane 1 (1907), pp. 414-416.
According to Mudarrisi in his interesting study on the Khäksär
order 32 ofthe guilds in each town in Safavid Iran had to pay their taxes
to the naqib ten days before New Year's Day (nörüz). Seventeen of these
guilds (mentioned in list VI) had to pay their taxes to the naqib-i 'Ajam;
the other 15 guilds paid their taxes to the naqib-i Khäksär?^
Unfortunately Mudarrisi quotes no source for this information, so it
is impossible to evaluate properly its significance and value. On one
score this information would appear to be wrong, viz. the naqib
convened the guilds in the first quarter of each year, so after and not
before nürüz?^
Mudarrisi' s information may give credence to the belief that the
naqib in Safavid Iran indeed initiated people into a futuvvat association.
However, the evidence is still rather flimsy and so far cannot be
checked. Moreover, if we take the futuvvatnäma-yi sulfäni, which
according to Taeschner et alii is proof of the existence of & futuvvat-
guild organization in Iran we observe that this futuvvatnäma gives no
such indication at all, for no guilds figure among the groups mentioned
by it. It is however interesting to note that the groups mentioned in the
futuvvatnäma-yi sultäni also figure among the Faqr-i 'Ajam, these are
the following:" "The ahl-i sukhan and ma'raka girän, who form three
groups: (1) maddähän (panygyrists) and ghazal khvänän (poetry-reci-
ter§), and afsäna güyän (story-tellers).
2) The strong-arm men (ahl-i zür) from among the ma'raka girän, and
these comprise eight groups: wrestlers, weight-lifters, (sang girän),
wielders ofthe näva, basket carriers (salla käshän), porters (hammälän),
mace wielders (maghir garän) rope dancers (rasän bäzän), strong-men
(zürgarän).
3) The sportsmen (ahl-i bäzi) among the ma'raka girän, and these are
three groups: jugglers (täz bäzän), puppet players (lu'bat bäzän), and
conjurors (huqqa bäzän).
Apart from the fact that the futuvvatnäma-yi sultäni refers to these
groups as ahl-i faqr there is the interesting fact that the naqib in Safavid
'* Mudarrisi, p. 73; On p. 53 he writes that it is characteristic for the 17 guilds of each town to pay their taxes to the naqib-i shahri On the function of
naqib see my Two communications. In: ZDMG 123 (1973), pp. 97-81.
'" "In first quarter of each year he /the naqib/ appoints someone to convene
the guild headmen of each guild. To their mutual satisfaction he fixes the
bunicha of each / guild/ in conformity with the Law, Right, Reason and the
customs and rules of the realm, Tadhkirat al-Mulük, p. 83.
" Muhammad Ja'far Ma^jub (ed.): Futuvvatnäma-yi Sultäni. Tehran
1350/1971; see also R. M. Savory in: Der Islam 38 (1969), pp. 161-165.
Iran "also appoints the elders of darvishes, (street) performers ahl-i ma'ärilc and so on".'* It would seem that if the rmqib had a function with
regard to the futuvvat associations it would rather be in the sphere of
street performers, darvishes, entertainers and the like. Such a link
seems plausible in view of the fact that the supervision of the class of
entertainers was divided between two officials since Timurid times.''
One of these officials was the naqib, while this twofold division
remained into existence till the beginning of this century.'"' This divi¬
sion, moreover, tallies with the one suggested by Mudarrasi with
regard to the Khäicsär and Faqr 'Ajam.
The fact that the ranks of the hierarchy of the Faqr-i 'Ajam are not
those commonly associated with futuvvat organisations may not lead
one to the conclusion that the Faqr-i 'Ajam was not a futuvvat associa¬
tion. For the Faqr-i 'Ajam had all other characteristics of such & futuvvat
association. The veneration ofthe patrons {pir) ofthe 17 occupations as
teachers (murshid) ofthe mystic knowledge suggests the atmosphere of
the futuvvat association. Among the examples of sukhanvari presented
by Mahjüb figure a few verses containing the story of the creation
(ithbdt) of the art of hairdressing (salmäni). These verses do not differ
from the content of a futuvvatnäma in prose.'" Finally, Mudarrasi,
(again without quoting his sources) states that the naqib taught the
members of the Faqr-i 'Ajam the fundamentals of their occupation
according to the mystic lore in the form of poems (ash'ar) and explained
their meaning to them. During the session of the naqib with the guild
headmen at Nörüz he would go through the question-and-answer routine
common to the futuvvat ceremonial.''^
During the months of Muharram, Safar, and Rama<jlän members of the
Faqr-i 'Ajam staged rawda khvänis in various coffee houses and a com¬
petition in rethorics (sukhanvari) was held, a custom which was peculiar
to the Faqr-i 'Ajam. During those events each ofthe 17 occupations was
symbolized by a tool of trade which was nailed to the wall of the coffee
house (dar bastan beh sardam). These symbols, banners etc., were stored
for the remainder of the year in a mosque or takiya (darvish convent)
affiliated with the Faqr-i 'Ajam.*^
'* Tadhkirat al-Mulük, p. 83.
Ibid., pp. 68, 83, 138-39, 149.
See my: The lyufis, a Social Phenomenon in Qajar Persia. In: WI 13(1971), p.
104.
*' Meier, p. 315-16.
Mudarrisi, p. 74.
Meier.
8 ZDMG 134/1
Public ceremonies show that guild members had strong ties with the
darvish orders. At such festivities like the 'Id-i Qurbän and Muharram
processions some guilds participated. Here, however, the town quarter
and the affiliation with the Haidari-Ni'mati factions was the mobilizing
factor. At the end of the 1 9th century hardly any guild groups ( dasta)
participated in the Myharram processions, and only very few had ban¬
ners which were typical for them.**
Conclusion: Members of various socio-econimic groups, guild mem¬
bers in particular, participated in futuvvat associations by joining for
instance the Faqr-i 'Ajam. However, there is no shred of evidence that
guilds were organized along the lines of futuvvat organisation struc¬
tures. Nor is there any evidence for the existence of initiation rites and
other futuvvat ceremonial within the guilds. When we speak about a
futuvvat association this term, therefore, does not refer to a guild, but to
a socio-religious association affiliated with darvish orders.
** M. G. VAN Vloten: Les Drapeaux en Usage a la Fete de Husain a T&iiran.
In: Int. Archiv f. Ethnographie 5 (1894), p. 110.
Von Harry Falk, Freiburg i. Br.
Keines der zahlreichen vedischen Rituale ist in seiner Urform auf uns
gekonunen. Vergleiche zeigen auf den ersten Blick, daß selbst Texte
eines Veda und einer Epoche in Beschreibungen ein und desselben
Opfers oft nur grob übereinstimmen, zweifellos als Folge einer stän¬
digen Weiterentwicklung und Anpassung an veränderte äußere Bedin¬
gungen'.
Die einzelnen Opferhandlungen erscheinen nicht selten in unter¬
schiedlicher Reihenfolge oder mit abweichenden Erklärungen
versehen. Die Autoren der Srautasütras verschmelzen dann zu einer
neuen Einheit, was zuvor in den Brähma^a-Schulen getrennt entwickelt
worden war. Überaltertes wird dabei oft aus dem Ritual entfemt oder
neu interpretiert. Für die Forschung beginnen daher die Schwierig¬
keiten schon bei der Beschreibung des Ablaufs eines Opfers, die auch
dem Nicht-Spezialisten verständlich sein sollte. Größte Mühen aber
bereitet die Deutung mancher Rituale: Wamm wurde etwa das Gaväm-
ayana geschaffen, wie erhielt es seine endgültige Ausformung in den
Sütras und weswegen verlor es an Popularität?
Im Falle des Räjasüyas scheint eine dieser Fragen gelöst zu sein: Es
gilt als Soma-Opfer zur Vorbereitung und Durchführung der Weihe
(abhiseka) eines Königs. Seit A. Weber^ 1893 die erste umfassende
Untersuchung vorlegte, konnte als gesichert gelten, daß als Kem des
Räjasüyas die Salbung des Königs durch Repräsentanten der verschie¬
denen Stände anzusehen ist. Das Ritual selbst enstammt K§atriya-
Kreisen und verdankt seine spätere Gestalt den Brahmanen, die es mit
ihrem Soma-Opfer verschmolzen. Weber's Interpretation wurde bis
' A. B. Kbith: Rigveda Brähmanas. London 1920, S. 22ff., A. Parpola: The
Srautasütras of Lätyäyana and Drähyäyana and their commentaries. Vol. 1:1.
Helsinki 1968, S. 33 f., J. Gonda: Vedic Literature. Wiesbaden 1975. (A History of Indian literature. I, 1.), S. 348.
^ A. Weber: Über die Königsweihe, den Räjasüya. Berlin 1893. (Abh. der
Preuss. Akad. der Wiss.) 8*
