P 85 - 3
WORKING WOMEN IN WEST GERMANY
Ariane Berthoin Antal*
Camilla Krebsbach-Gnath**
*Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin
* * B a tte lle - In s titu t e.V. Frankfurt
Based on a paper presented at the Annual Conference of the Academy of Management, San Diego 1985
Accepted fo r publication in : Equal Opportunities International 1/1985
A b stra ct
This paper summarizes the q u a n tita tiv e and q u a lit a t iv e changes in the employment o f women in the FRG since 1945 and looks a t some o f the background fa c to r s (e d u ca tio n , le g is la t io n , and p o l it ic a l a c t iv it ie s ) th a t have in flu e n c e d developments in th e p a s t. F in a lly , fu tu re tre nds are being speculated on, based on these h is t o r ic a l aspects and the most recent developments in Germany and abroad.
Zusammenfassung
In diesem A r t ik e l werden d ie q u a n tita tiv e n und q u a lita tiv e n Verände
rungen in der B e r u fs tä tig k e it von Frauen in der Bundesrepublik Deutsch
land s e it 1945 zusammengefaßt und dabei e in ig e E in flu ß fa k to re n , wie z.B . B ild un g, Gesetzgebung und p o lit is c h e A k t iv it ä t e n , b e tra c h te t. Es w ird ve rsucht, vo r dem H inte rgru nd h is to r is c h e r sowie gegenw ärtiger E rschei
nungen im In - und Ausland Rückschlüsse a u f m ögliche z u k ü n ftig e Entwick
lungen zu ziehen.
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I . In tro d u c tio n
The cha lle ng es faced by w orking women in in d u s tr ia liz e d c o u n trie s are e s s e n tia lly the same: to achieve equal o p p o rtu n itie s on th e la b o r market in terms o f q u a n tity , ty p e , and le v e l o f occupation and rem uneration; to develop a s o c ie ta l s tru c tu re s u p p o rtiv e o f the r e c o n c ilia tio n o f fa m ily and work r e s p o n s ib ilit ie s ( f o r both men and women). But c o u n trie s have d e a lt w ith these challenges by ta k in g somewhat d if f e r e n t ro u te s , and the y have progressed a t d if f e r e n t paces.
They have experimented w ith d if f e r e n t types and com binations o f measures, depending on t h e i r h is t o r ic a l e v o lu tio n and t h e ir c u rre n t s o c ia l, p o l i t i c a l , and economic c o n d itio n s . An exam ination o f the p a r tic ip a tio n o f women in th e la b o r market in th e Federal R epublic o f Germany shows t h a t , as compared to the U nited S ta te s , a g re a t deal has been achieved in some areas, w h ile in o th e rs th e re is a l o t th a t remains to be done. Both c o u n trie s stand to gain from stud ying each o th e r's approaches to d e a lin g w ith common problems.
This paper w i l l summarize the q u a n tita tiv e and q u a lit a t iv e changes in the employment o f women in the FRG since 1945 and look a t some o f the background fa c to rs (e d u c a tio n , le g is la t io n , and p o l it ic a l a c t i v i t i e s ) th a t have in flu e n c e d developments in th e p a s t. F in a lly , fu tu r e tre n d s w i l l be speculated on, based on these h is t o r ic a l aspects and th e most recent developments in Germany and abroad.
I I . The p a r tic ip a tio n o f women in the la b o r market in the Federal R epublic o f Germany since 1945
Compared to t h e ir American c o u n te rp a rts , German women s ta rte d o f f a f t e r the war w ith a r e la t iv e ly high percentage o f the la b o r m arket. But the le v e l remained c o n s ta n t, w h ile in th e U.S. a noteworthy in cre ase in p a r tic ip a tio n can be observed, s ta r tin g from a lower le v e l than in Germany and then s ig n if ic a n t ly o v e rta k in g them. W hile in th e U.S. in 1950 women represented 33.9 percent o f the la b o r fo rc e and rose to 51.2 percent in 1980, in Germany in 1950 women represented 36.1 percent o f the la b o r fo rc e and in 1979 they represented 37.6 percent (Larwood/Gutek
1984, p. 237-267; Kommission der Europäischen Gemeinschaft 1984, p .1 3 ).
In 1985, women form the m a jo rity o f the p o p u la tio n (52 p e rce n t) but only 38 percent o f the w orking p o p u la tio n in th e FRG (Der Bundesm inister f ü r Jugend, F a m ilie und Gesundheit 1984, p. 2 1 ).
These r e la t iv e ly s ta b le numbers should not be p e rm itte d to mask c e r ta in s tr u c tu r a l changes in the com position o f the female w o rk fo rc e , whose impact in the lon g-te rm could be s ig n if ic a n t . Marriage used to be a q u a si-a u to m a tic reason to leave the w o rkfo rce , but today 60 percent o f th e w orking women are m arried (Der Bundesm inister f ü r Jugend, F a m ilie und Gesundheit 1984, p. 2 1 ). F u rth e r, c h ild b e a rin g is causing a b r ie f e r in te r r u p tio n than had been the case e a r lie r (Wolfmeyer 1981, p. 2 3 ).
Thus, work is g ra d u a lly coming to be seen less as a stopgap measure than as a lif e - lo n g a c t i v i t y , and i t is to be expected th a t t h is should come to in flu e n c e the a ttitu d e s women have towards work, developing a longer term p e rsp e ctive on t h e ir jo b s .
At the same tim e , a gradual change in th e q u a lif ic a t io n le v e l o f women can be observed. W hile in 1960 o n ly 36.5 percent o f g i r l s attended Gymnasium, in 1983 50.1 percent d id so (Der Bundesm inister f ü r Bildung und W issenschaft 1984, p. 3 2 ). Since th e A b itu r diploma received from the Gymnasium is re q u ire d f o r e n try in to th e u n iv e r s ity , t h is increase in attendance a t the Gymnasium means th a t more young women have stu d ie d a t th e u n iv e r s ity . In 1960 23.9 percent o f the students were fem ale, in 1983 37.9 percent were a lre a d y female (Der Bundesm inister f ü r Bildung und W issenschaft 1984, p. 115). A ls o , a h ig h e r percentage o f g i r l s are e n te rin g a p p re n tice sh ip programs. In 1973 35.4 percent o f a ll apprentices were fem ale, r is in g to 39.3 percent in 1983 (Der Bundes
m in is te r f ü r Bildung und W issenschaft 1984, p. 82).
However, th re e d is tu rb in g notes must be made here: f i r s t , women remain se ve re ly underrepresented in the advanced te c h n ic a l t r a in in g programs and in t r a d i t i o n a l l y male courses o f e d u ca tio n . They co n ce n tra te t h e ir tr a in in g in such areas as h a ir d re s s in g , sales c le rk s , s e c r e ta r ia l and a d m in is tra tiv e jo b s , d o c to r's aids (Der Bundesm inister f ü r Jugend, F a m ilie und Gesundheit 1984, p. 14) and t h e ir u n iv e r s ity education in German language and l i t e r a t u r e , law, m edicine, and tea ching (Krebsbach-Gnath e t a l. 1983, pp. 4 6 -5 0 ). Only few are to be found in
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t r a d i t i o n a l l y male areas such as electro-m ech anics (2 p e rc e n t), or economics (20 p e rce n t) (Der Bundesm inister f ü r Bildung und W issenschaft 1981, p .4 4 ). Second, most re ce n t fig u re s seem to in d ic a te th a t g i r l s and young women are becoming discouraged at t h e ir prospects a f t e r education and t r a in in g , and are th e re fo re te n d in g not to complete t h e ir programs. 72 percent o f unemployed young g i r l s have not completed an education o r t r a in in g c e r t i f i c a t e . Two t h ir d s o f the adolescents unable to f in d a p p re n tic e s h ip s are g i r l s (SPD-Bundestagsfraktion 1985, p. 2 ).
The t h ir d issue o f concern here are the s t a t is t ic s on female unemployment. As is the case in o th e r in d u s tr ia liz e d c o u n trie s , unemployment ra te s f o r females have been r is in g fa s t e r than f o r males f o r most o f the tim e since 1960 (Paukert 1984, p. 5 8 ). Young women ju s t e n te rin g the la b o r market are h i t hardest o f a l l . The n a tio n a l average unemployment ra te is 9.4 p e rce n t. This is unevenly d is tr ib u te d between women (10.3 percent)and men (8 .7 p e r c e n t) .1 (SPD-Bundestagsfraktion 1985, p .2 ) As shown above, young women are p a r t ic u la r ly s e rio u s ly a ffe c te d , e s p e c ia lly those w ith o u t educatio nal o r t r a in in g c e r t if ic a t e s . Of e q u a lly se rio u s p ro p o rtio n is the unemployment le v e l o f educated women; w h ile o n ly 25 percent o f th e working p o p u la tio n having a u n iv e r s ity degree are women, they re pre sent 45 percent o f th e unemployed w ith a u n iv e r s ity education (SPD-Bundestagsfraktion 1985, p .4 ).
Studies now show th a t although women are s t i l l o fte n g e n e ra lly considered a "re se rve la b o r fo r c e ," t h e ir jobs are less d ir e c t ly a ffe c te d by c y c lic a l changes in the economy than are men's (Commission o f th e European Communities Document 1984b, p. 2 4 ). This appears to be due to the f a c t th a t t h e ir job s in th e s e rv ic e s e c to r are not a ffe c te d as d ir e c t ly by c y c lic a l down-turns in the economy as are those (m ostly male) jobs in m anufacturing (Paukert 1984, p. 1 8 ). P a r a lle lly , however, they do not b e n e fit as much from u p -tu rn s in th e economy, e it h e r . A fu r th e r fa c t o r in the unemployment tre n d s f o r women is the p o s s ib le impact on employment o f the new in fo rm a tio n te ch n o lo g ie s which have o n ly b a re ly begun to be intro d u ce d in Germany. The p o te n tia l f o r
^For an in s ig h t f u l d iscu ssio n o f m ale-fem ale unemloyment d if f e r e n t ia l from a com parative p e rsp e ctive see B jö rk lu n d (1983).
r a t io n a liz a t io n , s p e c if ic a lly in those s e rv ic e s e c to r jobs dominated by women, is estim ated to be h ig h --th e e f f e c t f o r women th e re fo re p o s s ib ly very n e g a tiv e .
I t is not s u r p ris in g th a t the predominance o f s e rv ic e s e c to r job s in female employment p a tte rn s has been re in fo rc e d over tim e . In 1982, 90 percent o f the w orking women were concentrated in 12 types o f job s in t h is s e c to r, p r im a r ily in o f f ic e s , r e t a i l , and h e a lth care (Krebsbach-Gnath e t a l . 1983, p. 3 4 ). W hile th e s e rv ic e s e c to r may have been growing very f a s t , i t has s t i l l not grown fa s t enough to match the in f lu x o f women in to the la b o r m arket.
The t o t a l female employment fig u re s are m islea ding because they do not d is tin g u is h between f u l l - and p a rt-tim e work. P a rt-tim e work is becoming an in c re a s in g ly im po rta nt fa c t o r on the la b o r m arket. In Germany, women account f o r 93.8 percent o f p a rt-tim e jo b s —w h ile in the U.S. 70.3 percent o f p a rt-tim e jobs are held by women (Paukert 1984, p .5 1 ). This means th a t about 30 percent o f w orking women have p a rt-tim e jobs in Germany (Der Bundesm inister f ü r Jugend, F a m ilie und Gesundheit 1984, p-2 1 ) . W hile p a rt-tim e work is greeted as a means o f p ro v id in g women w ith the o p p o rtu n ity to care f o r t h e ir fa m ilie s and work o u tsid e the home a t the same tim e , i t has a number o f negative consequences.
One o f these is th a t these jobs are u s u a lly dead-end s tre e ts w ith l i t t l e immediate r e s p o n s ib ilit y and r a r e ly a ffo rd in g o p p o rtu n itie s f o r development (Paukert 1984, p .5 4 ).3
A glance a t th e h ie ra rc h ic a l d is t r ib u t io n o f the jobs occupied by women is dism a l. The concept o f "women in management" remains q u ite fo re ig n to German o rg a n iz a tio n s in both the p u b lic and th e p riv a te s e c to r. In f a c t , the q u e stio n is so new th a t th e re is very l i t t l e r e lia b le , comparable data on the development and promotion o f women. T y p ic a lly , they are to be found in th e lower s t a f f le v e l, some in the medium le v e l, 2For more d e ta ile d breakdowns o f the types o f jobs women are employed in as compared to men, see appendix 1.
3Some o f th e o th e r im p lic a tio n s o f p a rt-tim e work which are causing concern f o r women are th a t employees w orking less than 20 hours per week are not covered by s o c ia l s e c u rity and the y g e n e ra lly do not f a l l under the same jo b s e c u rity , re g u la tio n s as do f u l l - t im e employees.
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very few in high le v e ls , and almost none a t th e to p . The r e s u lts o f one survey in d ic a te th a t women make up no more than two percent o f managers in Germany; le ss than in o th e r European c o u n trie s (W irtschaftsw oche 1984, p. 3 6 ) .4 5
As f a r as payment is concerned, broad comparisons show th a t f o r decades th e m onthly s a la rie s o f female employees have been about a t h ir d below those o f men (1950: 38.2 p e rce n t; 1982: 32.2 percent) (Hesse 1984, p.
6 6 ). Only 7.6 percent o f women are to be found in the h ig h e s t income brackets as opposed to 38 percent o f men (Hesse 1984, p. 6 6 ). Since the equal pay f o r comparable worth debate has not progressed very f a r in Germany, more d e ta ile d comparisons o f earnings have not y e t been conducted.
c.
I I I . L e g is la tiv e and in f r a s t r u c t u r a l p ro v is io n s f o r women a t work
In several respects the p ro v is io n s f o r women are e n v ia b ly w e ll e s ta b lis h e d in Germany. The Federal Republic o f Germany is one o f the few c o u n trie s in which the e q u a lity o f men and women be fore th e law is e xp ressly provided f o r in the C o n s titu tio n ( A r t ic le 3, § 2 ). No ERA needed here! Since 1949 a wide range o f laws has been passed and measures taken by th e government to f i l l out t h is a r t i c le o f the c o n s titu tio n and achieve the equal tre a tm e n t o f men and women in s o c ie ty in general and a t th e workplace in p a r t ic u la r . Most o f these measures have concentrated on s o c ia l s e c u rity p ro v is io n s , m a te rn ity leave, d iv o rc e laws, and h e a lth . Only q u ite re c e n tly , however, has a tte n tio n been paid s p e c if ic a lly to equal o p p o rtu n ity issu e s, as opposed to the more general e q u a lity issu e s. Key fe a tu re s o f some o f th e s o c ia l p ro v is io n s are sketched below:
4An emerging tre n d to counter the h ie ra rc h ic a l b a rrie r s in German
o rg a n iz a tio n s (as in o th e r c o u n trie s ) are the " fe m in is t e n tre p re n e u rs ".
I t is estim ated th a t ro u g h ly a q u a rte r o f a ll new businesses in Germany today are set up by women. (Business Week 1984, p. 43)
5Another e stim ate is th a t the d i f f e r e n t ia l is tw ic e as g re a t in West Germany as in the U .S ., "a sta g g e rin g 67 pe rcen t" (B e rn ie r e t a l . 1985, p. 3 4 ). See a ls o : Davidson and Cooper 1983, p. 50.
g
For a more d e ta ile d review o f le g is la t io n , see P fa rr and E ite l 1983
—M a te rn ity : Paid? m a te rn ity leave is granted to mothers s ix weeks be fore and e ig h t weeks a f t e r th e b ir t h o f a c h ild . In a d d itio n , the mother can c u r r e n tly e le c t to extend the leave f o r a f u r th e r fo u r months, d u rin g which she re ce ive s a stipe nd from th e p u b lic h e a lth
p
insurance . During pregnancy and m a te rn ity leave a mother cannot be f ir e d and she is guaranteed her p o s itio n on re tu rn from th e lea ve. A new law is c u r r e n tly being pushed through (to go in to e f f e c t as o f January 1 , 1986) p e rm ittin g e ith e r th e mother o r th e fa th e r to e le c t to take t h is extended leave f o r one ye a r a f t e r th e b ir t h o f each c h ild . The jo b is guaranteed on re tu rn from the leave . q This stip e n d is a lso to be granted f o r non-working women (as "E rziehungsgeld" i . e .
"money to ra is e c h ild r e n " ) - - a fa c t which c le a r ly shows th a t the stip e n d is also meant as an in c e n tiv e f o r having more c h ild r e n , since the b ir t h r a t e in Germany is p a r t ic u la r ly low. There is some debate about the " e q u a lity " im p lic a tio n s o f these p ro v is io n s . I t is argued by employers th a t the costs are to o h ig h , thereby making companies r e t ic e n t to employ women. However, p ro o f o f t h is e f f e c t has y e t to be provided and i t is suspected th a t i f such an "o b vious" reason f o r d is c rim in a tio n were e lim in a te d , o th e r less ta n g ib le reasons f o r not h ir in g women would be found.
—S ocial s e c u r it y : The s o c ia l s e c u rity p ro v is io n s f o r w orking women in Germany are la r g e ly the same as those f o r men. E ffo r ts have been made to improve the p ro v is io n s f o r women who are not w orkin g, f o r example by making i t p o s s ib le f o r housewives to pay in to s o c ia l s e c u rity and by " c r e d itin g " women w ith a year o f s o c ia l s e c u rity f o r each c h ild . Just t h is yea r (1985), th e p ro v is io n s f o r widowers and widows have been e q u a lize d . O f f i c i a l l y th e re tire m e n t age f o r men is 65 and f o r women 60, but i t is p o s s ib le f o r both to choose to r e t i r e a t 58. In fa c t t h is is c u r r e n tly encouraged, although more f o r economic than f o r s o c ia l p o lic y reasons.
^P art o f th e co st is borne by th e h e a lth insurance, and p a rt by the employer.
o
The c u rre n t co n se rva tive government reduced the stip e n d by about a t h ir d in 1984; a t the same tim e i t introdu ced an in c e n tiv e scheme to induce women to leave the la b o r market a f t e r the b ir t h o f th e c h ild , gWhen a parent decides to make use o f t h is p o s s ib ilit y she o r he is paid DM 6 0 0 .- per month.
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— Divorce la w s : Since 1977, d iv o rc e proceedings have been s im p lifie d , and the g u i l t clause has been dropped. Alimony p ro v is io n s apply e q u a lly to women and men: th e p a rtn e r who cannot support h e r- or h im s e lf must re c e iv e assista nce from the o th e r. F u rth e r, th e s o c ia l s e c u rity b e n e fits accrued d u rin g th e m arriage have to be shared evenly between th e p a rtn e rs .
—Health c a re : Among the main issues in h e a lth care have been fre e p re v e n tiv e cancer checkups f o r women over 20 and th e le g a liz a tio n o f a b o r t io n ^ . Germany has an e xte n sive p u b lic h e a lth system; p r iv a te and company insurance plans are also a v a ila b le . The insurance premiums in th e p u b lic h e a lth scheme are la r g e ly based on income but the sex plays a lso a r o le ; sex d if f e r e n t ia ls are the main d is t in c t io n s used in p r iv a te insurance schemes. I t is in te r e s tin g to note th a t t h is s t i l l passes almost com plete ly unchallenged in Germany, as i t does in o th e r types o f insu ra n ce .
— Equal o p p o rtu n itie s a t the w orkp la ce : I t is s ig n if ic a n t th a t the f i r s t piece o f le g is la t io n d ir e c t ly aimed a t achieving equal o p p o rtu n ity a t the workplace was not passed u n t il 1980. In f a c t , u n t il 1977, a husband could le g a lly p r o h ib it h is w ife from ta k in g a jo b i f he could argue th a t her doing so would contravene the then v a lid m arriage laws which p e rm itte d a woman to work "o n ly to the e xte n t th a t i t can be re c o n c ile d w ith her d u tie s to the m arriage and the fa m ily " ! (Der Bundesm inister f ü r Jugend, F a m ilie und Gesundheit, 1984, p. 34) In 1980, a t the prodding o f the European Communities, which had e s ta b lis h e d th a t the c o n s titu tio n a l p ro v is io n o f e q u a lity in Germany was in s u f f ic ie n t to achieve th e desired e q u a lity , the Federal P arliam ent passed a law c o n ta in in g such p ro v is io n s as: the p r o h ib itio n o f d is c rim in a tio n on the basis o f sex (rang in g from re c ru itm e n t, w orkplace, and f i r i n g procedures); and the p r in c ip le o f equal pay f o r equal or comparable work, s tip u la tin g th a t e x is tin g p r o te c tiv e measures may not be used to le g itim iz e lower pay. However, the sa n ctions remain weak in t h is law. For example, a woman who can show th a t she was d is c rim in a te d a g a in st in a p plying f o r a jo b is awarded th e costs in c u rre d by her a p p lic a tio n , i . e . the postage! Only
The costs are borne by the p u b lic h e a lth s e rv ic e . 10
in a few cases have the co u rts accorded th e woman the r ig h ts she sought, i . e . th e jo b o r promotion she had a p p lie d f o r . The p ro v is io n re q u irin g n o n -s e x is t jo b a d v e rtis in g is o fte n d isre ga rde d, p a r t ic u la r ly in the p r iv a te s e c to r. Women in Germany and the m onitors a t the European Community co n tinue to be u n s a tis fie d w ith the way government, business and the ju d ic ia r y are in te r p r e tin g the law on equal o p p o rtu n ity (SPD-Bundestagsfraktion 1985 and Commission o f the European Communities 1984a). C le a r ly , as long as such b la ta n t d is c rim in a tio n remains common p r a c tic e , very l i t t l e progress can be made in id e n t if y in g and e lim in a tin g th e e q u a lly dangerous s u b tle forms o f d is c rim in a tio n in re c ru itm e n t and promotion procedures.
—C h ild c a re : The most im po rta nt in f r a s t r u c t u r a l p ro v is io n to women who work is governm ent-subsidized c h ild ca re . The a v a i la b i l i t y o f such care d if f e r s r e g io n a lly , since i t is community- and s ta te - ra th e r than fe d e ra lly -fu n d e d . N ation-w ide th e re is an average o f nursery school places f o r about 4/5 o f th e c h ild re n between the ages o f 3 and 6 (Der Bundesm inister f ü r Jugend, F a m ilie und Gesundheit, 1984, p. 33) During the 1970's th e re was a se rio u s attem pt to ra is e the number o f day care places f o r 0-3 year o ld s , but th e co n se rva tive government is c u r r e n tly re v e rs in g t h is tre n d . I t is estim ated th a t o n ly 1.5 percent o f the c h ild re n in t h is age range can fin d c h ild care. In a d d itio n to these are the nursery schools sometimes organized by la rg e companies f o r t h e ir employees. While the a v a ila b le c h ild care is h e a v ily subsidized in Germany, a lu x u ry many Americans can o n ly dream o f, th e re remains a g re a t deal to be d e s ire d : more places are needed and the hours o f th e c h ild care centers need to be extended to perm it parents to work f u l l tim e i f they so choose.
To summarize the fe a tu re s o f the le g is la tu r e and in fr a s tr u c tu r a l p ro v is io n s f o r women in Germany o u tlin e d above: u n t il very re c e n tly , e f f o r t s were focused on th e s o c ia l n e t, seeking to provide e q u a lity f o r women in general and p ro te c tin g women a t work, p a r t ic u la r ly mothers. As the review shows, some o f th e achievements in t h is area appear more progressive than those obtained f o r women in the II.S . Questions re la te d to equal o p p o rtu n ity a t the w orkplace, however, have o n ly ju s t begun to be recognized and measures f o r t h e ir re s o lu tio n are in t h e ir in fa n c y , as compared to the U.S.
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IV . P o lit ic a l background re le v a n t to promoting (o r no t) the in te r e s ts o f women at work
Comparing th e s itu a tio n s o f women in th e la b o r fo rc e in Germany to o th e r in d u s tr ia l c o u n trie s , two main q u estion s a r is e :
—Why d id the p ro p o rtio n o f women in th e la b o r fo rc e not in c re a s e , p a r t ic u la r ly in tim es o f economic growth? and
—Why d id q u a lit a t iv e changes ( i . e . more women in top p o s itio n s , more women in n o n - tr a d itio n a l p o s itio n s ) not occur?
These q u estion s must be examined in l i g h t o f the s p e c ific s o c io - c u ltu r a l and socio-econom ic h is to r y o f Germany. U n til th e la te 1960's the p o l it ic a l c lim a te was q u ite c o n s e rv a tiv e , which im p lie s an in te r e s t in m a in ta in in g th e t r a d it io n a l r o le o f women as mothers and housewives.
Working women, and e s p e c ia lly w orking m others, were seen as r e q u irin g p ro te c tio n ra th e r than prom otion; t h e ir in te r e s ts and needs were not tre a te d as issues r e q u irin g p o l it ic a l a c tio n . U n like such c o u n trie s as Sweden o r the German Democratic R ep ublic, th e re were no p o l it ic a l tre n d s , s o c ie ta l in te r e s ts o r economic n e c e s s itie s in West Germany which could serve as an impetus to increase the number o f working women. On the c o n tra ry , the German la b o r unions have always concentrated on b a rg a in in g f o r wages and s a la ry le v e ls s u f f ic ie n t to support a fa m ily , so th a t the s o c ia l goal o f one-income fa m ilie s has remained a determ ining fa c t o r in t h e ir b a rg a in in g p o lic y . In d u s try has not sought to e x e rt pressure on women to e n te r the w orkforce because d u rin g periods when more la b o r was needed than c u r r e n tly a v a ila b le , fo re ig n workers were brought in from o th e r European c o u n tr ie s .1^
As compared to o th e r c o u n trie s , women themselves have not pushed very hard to e n te r the la b o r market e ith e r out o f fin a n c ia l n e ce ssity o r id e o lo g y . On the one hand the s o c ia l s e c u rity system provides r e la t iv e s e c u rity in Germany, so th a t even unmarried o r divo rced mothers are not a b s o lu te ly fo rc e d to work. And on the o th e r hand th e r e la t iv e la ck o f
The job s f i l l e d by such fo re ig n workers were almost e x c lu s iv e ly u n q u a lifie d m anufacturing p o s itio n s . They d id not r e a lly re pre sent a serious o p tio n f o r women, o fte n being in heavy in d u s trie s and o ff e r in g l i t t l e o p p o rtu n ity f o r le a rn in g and prom otion.
p o l it ic a l a tte n tio n to a c tiv e ly promoting women's in te r e s ts in the la b o r market is not u n re la te d to the nature o f women's movement in Germany, which has never r e a lly pushed such issu e s. The women's movement in t h is co u n try has i t s ro o ts p r im a r ily in th e s tu d e n ts ' movement o f th e I9 6 0 's, and d id not come in to i t s own u n t il the e a rly 1970's, when i t d is s o c ia te d i t s e l f from th e broader s tu d e n ts ' movement. Since the n, i t has concentrated on such issues as h e a lth ( p a r t ic u la r ly a b o rtio n ), research and education (women's s tu d ie s ), peace, and lo c a l s e lf- h e lp o rg a n iz a tio n s . Due to these v a rie d types o f focuses and to the fa c t th a t they have been pursued in a very d e c e n tra liz e d fa s h io n , th e women's movement has not exercised organized p o l it ic a l fo r c e . There are no re a l e q u iv a le n ts to such American p o l it ic a l a c tio n o rg a n iz a tio n s as NOW or WEAL in Germany to da te. Promoting women's ca re e rs, s p e c if ic a lly women in management, has been and w i l l probably remain a "n o n -issu e " f o r the t r a d it io n a l German women's movement.
As regards the q u a lit a t iv e s ta tu s o f women in the la b o r m arket, a number o f fa c to rs serve to e x p la in th e lack o f progress. As in d ic a te d above, the improvements in the q u a lif ic a t io n o f women through education and t r a in in g has been very slow , so women lack one o f the main p re re q u is ite s to clim b the co rp o ra te la d d e r. F u rth e r th e re have been so few r o le models f o r younger women to im ita te . I t is in te r e s tin g to note th a t a f t e r World War I I a co n sid e ra b le number o f women occupied top management p o s itio n s and n o n - tr a d itio n a l p o s itio n s in German in d u s try , p a r t ic u la r ly in fam ily-owned small and medium-sized businesses. But since t h is was u s u a lly due to the fa c t th a t they in h e r ite d these p o s itio n s in the absence o f men a f t e r th e war, no s h i f t in values from th e t r a d it io n a l s o c ia l s tru c tu re ensued because i t was g e n e ra lly seen as a tem porary, stop-gap s o lu tio n to a demographic problem (Merkl 1976, p.
132).
V. Outlook
In view o f t h is background, what can be expected in the next ten years?
W ill more women move in to more q u a lif ie d , b e tte r p a id , more d ive rse p o s itio n s in the fo resee ab le fu tu re ? There is some p o l it ic a l a c tio n a t a number o f d if f e r e n t le v e ls which g ive cause f o r hope.
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The major German p o l i t i c a l p a rtie s are awakening to the power o f the female v o te ; the "gender gap" discovered in th e U nited S tates is making i t s e l f f e l t in t h is c o u n try , to o . W hile th e c o n se rva tive c o a lit io n c u r r e n tly in power is basing i t s p o lic y p r im a r ily on appeals to t r a d it io n a l fa m ily values and r o le s , seeking to encourage women to remain at home, i t is a lso showing signs o f a c t i v i t y f o r w orking women (e .g . W irtschaftsw oche 1985, pp. 3 4 -4 8 ). The Federal M in is tr y f o r Youth, Fam ily, and H ealth re c e n tly commissioned th e B a tte lle I n s t it u t e in F ra n k fu rt to develop a set o f g u id e lin e s f o r equal o p p o rtu n ity measures f o r use in the p u b lic and th e p r iv a te s e c to r (Der Bundesm inister f ü r Jugend, F a m ilie und Gesundheit 1985). In t h i s , as in o th e r areas o f business-government r e la tio n s , the mood remains a n ti- r e g u la to r y , so such g u id e lin e s are subm itted f o r v o lu n ta ry ra th e r than mandatory a p p lic a tio n . The S ocial Democrats ( c u r r e n tly in the o p p o s itio n a t the fe d e ra l le v e l) are more a c tiv e ly prom oting the in tr o d u c tio n o f mandatory measures, and they are e x p lo rin g the p o s s ib ilit ie s o f a ff ir m a tiv e a c tio n programs, p a r t ic u la r ly in those s ta te s in which the y are in the m a jo r ity . The Green P arty took a major leap in 1984 when they e le cte d an all-women governing board a t the n a tio n a l p a rlia m e n ta ry le v e l ( c f . f o r example K le in , M ic h a lik 1985, p.
128). The o th e r p a rtie s have had occasional women a t th e m in is te r ia l le v e l, and the pressure to make women more v is ib le in p o l it ic a l organs is growing.
In 1972 an o f f ic e f o r Women's A f f a ir s was se t up w ith in th e M in is tr y f o r Youth, F a m ily, and H e a lth . Since then a number o f p u b lic women's bureaus o r equal o p p o rtu n ity o ffic e s have been appearing in r e la t iv e ly ra p id succession a t th e s ta te and lo c a l le v e l. The o ffic e s have been given d if f e r e n t amounts o f man/woman power; most o f them re p o rt d ir e c t ly to th e mayor o f the community o r the p re s id e n t o f th e s ta te . At t h is stage they have more o r le ss a "watch-dog" fu n c tio n , in te rv e n in g in cases o f d is c rim in a tio n o n ly i f and when they are asked to do so. But they have no mandate to sa n ctio n any o ffe n d e rs s e r io u s ly . I t is to be expected, i"?” ”
While one o f th e purposes o f t h is move (to p rovide an impetus f o r p la c in g women in v is ib le le a d e rsh ip p o s itio n s ) , appears to have had some e ff e c t i t is not y e t c le a r whether th e c la im th a t women w i l l have a s u b s ta n tiv e impact on the d ir e c tio n o f p o lic y has been met. No
d e f in it iv e study o f th e p o lic y content and decisionm aking s ty le o f the period has y e t been conducted.
however, th a t th e very fa c t th a t committed women are a c tiv e ly working on equal o p p o rtu n ity w i l l ra is e p u b lic awareness and se t more in motion in the d ir e c tio n o f a n tid is c r im in a tio n and a ff ir m a tiv e a c tio n .
Not on ly domestic fa c to rs give hope f o r improvements— the impact o f e xte rn a l fa c to r s must also be taken in to c o n s id e ra tio n . There are two such main sources o f in flu e n c e on West German p o lic y towards women:
o th e r in d u s tr ia liz e d c o u n trie s , p a r t ic u la r ly the United States and Sweden; and in te r n a tio n a l o rg a n iz a tio n s , p a r t ic u la r ly the European Communities.
The experiences o f o th e r c o u n trie s in seeking to deal w ith problems o f women in the la b o r market do not go unnoticed in Germany. The h ig h e st v i s i b i l i t y is achieved by developments in th e U nited S tates and Sweden.
P o lic y makers and a c t iv is t s in Germany observe the issues which emerge in these c o u n trie s and the experiments conducted to re so lve them. The d iscu ssio n about a ffir m a tiv e a c tio n programs, f o r example, has been in flu e n c e d both p o s itiv e ly and n e g a tiv e ly by re p o rts from the U .S .:
supporters p o in t to the increase in the 1970's and 80*s in th e numbers o f women in h ig h e r p o s itio n s and in the areas in which they have t r a d it io n a lly been underrepresented; opponents c it e the stu d ie s c r i t i c i z i n g th e b u re a u c ra tic side e ffe c ts and weaknesses o f a ffir m a tiv e a ctio n and p o in t to the instances in which i t is now being dropped in the U.S. At th e same tim e , Germans, co n se rva tive s as w e ll as lib e r a ls , are proud o f th e achievements o f t h e ir s o c ia l w e lfa re s ta te and fe e l th a t in many ways the s o c ia l net developed in t h is co u n try is b e tte r than what the American system o ffe r s i t s c it iz e n s . I t is p o l i t i c a l l y u n th in ka b le to a llo w the basic p r o te c tiv e p ro v is io n s and in fr a s tr u c tu r a l measures to d is in te g r a te in em ulation o f the c u rre n t s o c ia l p o lic y trends in th e U.S.
Second is th e in flu e n c e o f in te r n a tio n a l o rg a n iz a tio n s . West Germany became a s ig n a to ry to the United N a tio n 's re s o lu tio n a g a in st a ll forms o f d is c rim in a tio n ag ainst women in 1980— although i t took another 4 years before the con com itta nt law was then passed by the fe d e ra l p a rlia m e n t. Of much g re a te r s ig n ific a n c e is th e European Community. As discussed above, f o r example, the law on equal o p p o rtu n ity passed in 1980 in Germany was set in motion by the 1975 d ir e c tiv e o f the European
- 14 -
Communities re q u irin g such le g is la t io n in a ll o f the member c o u n trie s . The same is tru e o f the new law on p a re n ta l vs. maternal lea ve.
P a r tic u la r y sin ce the establishm ent o f th e European P a rlia m e n t, i t is becoming an in c re a s in g ly v o c ife ro u s and prog re ssive proponent o f equal tre a tm e n t f o r men and women. This can be explained by a couple o f e s s e n tia l reasons. Women are p la y in g a f a r g re a te r r o le in th e European P arliam ent than in th e German n a tio n a l p a rlia m e n t. In th e fo rm e r, 19.75 percent o f the e le c te d re p re s e n ta tiv e s are c u r r e n tly women, and in the l a t t e r o n ly 10 p e rce n t. (Commission o f the European Communities 1984c, p. 8) These women a t the European le v e l are p a r t ic u la r ly e f f e c tiv e because they are also assuming the c h a ir o f d if f e r e n t p o lic y committees (Commission o f the European Communities 1984c, p. 29) and because they are a c tiv e ly c o lla b o ra tin g w ith women from o th e r c o u n trie s across p a rty lin e s on these issu e s. F u rth e r, the y have recognized th e im portance o f sharing in fo rm a tio n about n a tio n a l and in te rn a tio n a l i n i t i a t i v e s and d iffu s in g i t at the lo c a l le v e l to m o b iliz e a c t i v i t i e s in the member
. . 13 c o u n trie s .
An a d d itio n a l reason e n ablin g th e European Parliam ent and th e Commision o f the European Communities to promote such p ro g re ssive measures f o r equal o p p o rtu n ity is c le a r ly th a t th e y are fr e e r to take such bold steps than are t h e ir co u n te rp a rts at the n a tio n a l o r s ta te le v e l, who are more d ir e c t ly subm itted to the pressure o f o th e r in te r e s t groups and who, in the event, must ensure the fu n d in g o f the measures the y propose. The d ir e c tiv e s developed by the European Community are not implemented d ir e c t ly by the Community, but ra th e r are passed on to the member c o u n trie s w ith the s tip u la tio n th a t the y be in te g ra te d in to n a tio n a l le g is la t io n . The Community then m onitors the a c tio n s o f th e c o u n trie s , rebukes them i f a c tio n is not taken o r is u n s a tis fa c to ry , and cases can be brought to th e European Court o f J u s tic e . C le a r ly , the impact is not v ia such s a n c tio n s , but ra th e r v ia the impetus provided by the ide a.
When the European Parliam ent pushes a p ropo sal, when an issue is taken up by the European Commission, the idea takes on a new le g itim a c y and l i f e a t the n a tio n a l le v e l i f i t is picked up th e re by the re le v a n t
13Of very g re a t value in t h is process is the n e w s le tte r "Women o f Europe" published in the languages o f the member c o u n trie s by the Commission o f the European Communities.
a c t iv is t s , in o r o u tsid e government (Warner 1984, p. 142). The sym bolic value o f th e European Community a c tio n s in such cases is w orth as much i f not more than i t s le g a l power.
I t is to be hoped th a t in the fo re se e a b le fu tu re one more source o f in flu e n c e prom oting women in management w i l l emerge: th e women in management them selves. One in stru m e n t in t h is process is netw orking at the n a tio n a l and a t the in te r n a tio n a l le v e l. I t is o n ly r e a l i s t i c , however, to admit th a t progress w i l l be slow, and w ith o u t th e necessary le g is la t iv e background (e .g . a n tid is c r im in a tio n laws) even slow er.
- 16 -
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18
A p p e n d ix 1: The s t r u c t u r e a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n of fe m a le em p lo y m e n t in th e F e d e r a l R e p u b lic of G e rm a n y 1970 a n d 1980 S o u rc e : K re b s b a c h - G n a th e t a l . 1983, p p . 36-45 •
Obersicht 3.5: Erwerbstätige nach Berufen Lfd. Berufsbezeichnung
Nr.
Erwerbstätige insgesamt
1970 1980 1980
(Tsd.) (Tsd,) (1970 = 100)
Erwerbstätige Frauen 1970 1980
(Tsd.) (Tsd.) Frauen-Anteil (S 1970 1980 01 Landwirte, Landarbeitskräfte
02 Tierzüchter, Tierpfleger
03 Gärtner,Floristen,Gartengestalter,-Verwalter 04 Waldarbeiter, Förster, Jäger
05 Familieneigene Landarbeitskräfte 06 Bergleute,M1nera1gewi nner, -aufberelter 07 Steinbearb.,8austoffhers..Edelsteinbearb.
08 Keramiker
09 Glasbearbeiter.-veredler, Glasmacher 10 Metallerzeuger,, Walzer
11 Chemiearbeiter, Gummiarbeiter
12 Sägewerker, Holzmaschinenführer.Holzaufber.
13 Papier-, Z e lls to ffh e rs te lle r 14 Spuler, Zwirner, Spinner 15 Gerber, Lederzurichter
16 8rauer, Weinküfer u.a.Getränkeherstei,er 17 übrige Ernährungsberufe, Tabakwarenmacher 18 Bäcker, Konditoren
19 Fleischer, Fischverarbeiter
20 Köche, Küchenh i 1fen,Obst-.Gemüsekonservierer 21 Weber, Webvorbereit'er
22 Maschenwarenfertiger, Textilverflechter 23 Schneider, Hut- und Mützenmacher 24 Textilnäher, Textilschmuckmacher,Sticker 25 Textilausrüster, Textilfärber
26 Lederwaren- u.Lederbekleidungsherst., Schuhmacher
27 Kürschner, Pelznäher
28 Buchbinder.Verpackungsmittelherst.u.a.
Papierverarb.
29 S chriftsetzer, Druckstockhersteller
916,0 31.2 178.9 66,4 872,3 179.5 80,0 33.3 49.9 105,1 283,7 73.1 41,8 77.1 14,0 30.5
731.2 23.9 180.3
54,6 477,7 119,1 41.5 34.2 33.6 70.2 215,5
50,4 13.2 36.9
4.8 20,8
80 77 101 82 55 66 52 103 67 67 76 69 32 48 34 68
212,9 8.5 50.6 8.0 701,4 (1.5) 3.5 14,0 10,9 2.7 68.6 9,9 12,8 48,3 4,1 3.6
229,3 6,9 52.3 3.8 401,0 (1 .4 ) 3.5 13,2 8.8 2,8 46.1 9.6 2.5 22.1 1.9
23 27 28 12 80 (1) 4 42 22 3 24 14 31 63 29 12
31 29 29 7 84 (1)
8 39 26
4 21 19 19 60 40
30 Drucker, -h e lfe r, V e rv ie lfä ltig e r 31 Kunststoffverarbeiter
32 Holzwarenmacher, Schnitzer 33 Former, Gussputzer, Formgießer 34 MetalIverformer (spanlos) 35 MetalIverformer (spanend)
36 Galvaniseure u .a.Metalloberflächenveredler 37 Schweisser, Löter, Nieter
38 M etallarbeiter ohne nähere Angabe 39 Schmiede, Behälterbauer
40 Installateure.Feinblecher,Rohrnetzbauer 41 Schlosser
42 Mechaniker 43 Werkzeugmacher
44 Zahntechniker, Edelmetall schmiede, Augen
optiker
45 Elektroinstallateure, Fernmeldemonteure 46 Elektromaschinenb., Elektro- u.Funkmechan.
47 Elektrogerätemontierer, sonst. Montierer 48 Maurer, Betonbauer
49 Zimmerer,Dachdecker, Gerüstbauer 50 Straßen-, Tiefbauer, Sprengmeister 51 Bauhilfsarbeiter
52 Stukkateure, Fliesenleger, Isolierer,Glaser 53 Raumausstatter, Polsterer
54 Tischler, Modelltischler
55 Stellmacher, Böttcher, Holzgerätebauer 56 Maler, Lackierer
57 Grenzschutz-, Polizeibedienstete 58 Obrige Sicherheitswahrer 59 Anwälte, Richter, Vollzugsbeamte 60 Publizisten, Bibliothekare, Dolmetscher 61 Künstler, Artisten, Berufssportler 62 Dekorateure, Innenarchitekten, Fotografen
68,8 31,2 45 26,9 8,2 39 26
146,0 132,6 91 16,3 15,5 11 12
157,5 133,1 85 19,4 10,3 12 8
221,1 277,9 1 126 160,1 201,8 72 73
63,9 31,2 49 29,6 12,5 46 40
42,1 21,9 52 25,1 12,3 60 56
184,9 99,5 54 133,4 78,6 72 79
336,1 254,9 76 322,4 232,2 96 91
31,3 21,9 70 7,5 6,1 24 28
158,0 94,4 60 76,0 49,1 48 52
17,6 12,7 72 10,7 9,2 61 72
70,6 44,9 64 40,5 23,6 57 53
73,2 56,1 77 5,9 7,2 8 13
115,6 102,7 89 28,8 20,0 25 19
81,5 41.1 50 35,6 15,3 44 37
20,4 12,2 60 8,7 5,7 43 47
90,1 43,4 48 5,6 1,9 6 4
115,5 65,7 57 43,0 25,3 37 39
375,1 265,1 71 23,7 13,4 6 5
66,2 40.5 61 12,6 6,9 19 17
182,0 150,7 83 33,2 24,8 18 16
308,8 181,3 59 97,0 53,6 31 30
66,8 32,3 48 ( 1.6) ( 1.4) (2) (4)
291,5 279,5 96 3,8 2,5 1 1
887,2 823,4 93 19,2 10,5 2 1
599,0 611,1 102 47,0 28,9 8 5
136,3 130,2 96 2,9 ( 1.2) 2 1
68,1 97,5 143 20,0 33,5 29 34
549,5 568,8 104 28,6 23,8 5 4
143,4 129,6 90 37,4 23,2 26 18
145,6 124,2 85 108,2 85,0 74 69
539,6 475,3 88 4,8 2,4 1 1
186,4 176,8 95 { 1.6) 1,9 (1) 1
162,7 102,6 63 ( 1.2) ( 0,6) (1) 1
248,2 146,5 59 3,0 2,1 1 1
144,0 141,3 98 2,0 2,2 1 2
57,0 47,4 83 7,4 9.0 13 19
330; 9 309,2 93 6.9 6.7 2 2
15,6 6,8 44 ( 0.8) ( 0,6) (5) 9
323,3 281,1 87 15,2 11,7 ?1) f l
603,2 704,4 . 1) 3,9 6,7 l 1' 1
52,3 57,8 111 3,2 2.8 6 5
72,9 101,1 139 5,6 12,0 3 12
63,1 77,1 122 29,8 35,4 47 46
69,6 78,8 113 20,9 23,7 30 30
84,3 69,7 83 23,7 23,8 28 34
