In a cultural context where the model of interdependence prevails, emo-tion regulaemo-tion centers on socially engaging emoemo-tions, on the well-being of other persons, and on maintaining harmony in the group. Attempts to maintain security are largely dependent on acceptance by the group.
In contrast, in a cultural context where the model of independence pre-vails, emotion regulation centers on socially disengaging emotions, on self-esteem, and on individuals' well-being. The development of emotion regulation in non-Western cultures is related to empathy, interpersonal accommodation, and norm orientation. The development of emotion regulation in Western cultures is related to autonomy and self-expression (see Table 4.1).
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Table 4.1 Cultural differences in emotion regulation and socialization Western Countries
11
The socialization and development of emotion regulation differs in these cultural contexts. In Western cultures, the most important goal for the development of emotion regulation usually is to promote one's autonomy and affirm positive views of the self. The most important goal for emotion regulation in many non-Western cultures is to adapt to social expectations and obligations by accommodating the individual self and protecting the collective self (see Table 4.1). Feeling with the other, under-standing the emotions of the other, and taking into account social rules, social roles, and duties is the primary pathway to the development of emotion regulation in cultures favoring the model of interdependence.
Throughout this chapter we have emphasized ways in which members of Western or non-Western communities regulate emotion. In so doing, we have glossed over important differences between Western communi-ties and between non-Western communicommuni-ties. Equally or more important, we have neglected differences within cultures.
Cultures are not homogenous systems (see critical review by Oyser-man, Coon, & Kemmelmeier, 2002), and descriptions of values on the cultural level should be differentiated from belief systems on the sub-group and individual level (e.g., cohort effects and differences related to socio-economic status have to be taken into account; Trommsdorff, Mayer, & Albert, 2004). Therefore, it makes sense to assess emotion reg-ulation of individuals within as well as between cultures. An interesting study would be to test whether different wa ys of regulating emotion occur during goal-oriented behavior, depending on the respective goal prefer-ence. Cultural differences in the priority given to beliefs in independence and interdependence can be seen as a cultural frame which influences social customs and formal institutions and thereby permeates socializa-tion and the development of emosocializa-tions (see Table 4.1 for a summary of the cultural differences).
We end this chapter by considering two findings that have interesting implications for one another. First, suppressionJlack of expression of neg-ative emotion is more common and more valued in non-Western cultures.
Second, emotional distress is more common in those non-Western cultures (see Trommsdorff et aI., 2007, for children). If, as we claim, people in non-Western cultures are more effective at suppressing negative emotions, why do they experience more distress? There is evidence that this distress is situation-specific. It is most likely to occur in unfamiliar situations (i.e., in novel circumstances in which people cannot rely on previous experi-ence and social norms), and in situations where people are likely to "let their guard down" (i.e., in informal situations and/or in the presence of intimate others). Even though non-Westerners are more effective at sup-pressing (or not exsup-pressing) emotions, they apparently pay a price for
ex-111 ercising this strategy. Yet, the price paid is limited to particular situations, suggesting that the adverse effects of suppression may be less robust among non-Western individuals.
There is reason to believe that the price paid for suppression is sup-pression rebound-the tendency of suppressed thoughts and feelings to reassert themselves, due to effortless monitoring processes. While the function of monitoring is to enable suppression (maintaining vigilance for the to-be-avoided thoughts) the inadvertent effect is to increase awareness of the very thoughts one wishes to ignore. Wenzlaff and Wegner's (2000) work on suppression provides ample evidence of this rebound dynamic, at least in Western communities. The findings reviewed above suggest that these dynamics may be universal, or at least that they also occur in several non-Western communities. The finding that, in non-Western com-munities, these dynamics are manifest only in particular situations points to the likely interplay of universal dynamics (suppression rebound) and culturally influenced processes (the limited situations in which rebound manifests itself and, thus, the decreased likelihood of its occurrence). Our focus throughout this chapter has been the prevalence of that interplay.
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