6. Factors Influencing Form and Extent of Saving
6.2 Psychological Factors
6.2.2 Sense of honor (Izzat)
Social identity and behavioral rationality of the community under study revolves around the fundamental concept of Izzat.263 Izzat may be glossed as prestige, honor, esteem, reputation, status. It is the level of prestige for a person, family or biraderi in the others’
eyes. It is a matter of life and death. There is a saying in the native language, „one may lose life but not Izzat.“ There exist different criteria for measuring it at individual, family or biraderi level (MERREY 1986:38).
Izzat can be considered as one of the "limited goods" (FOSTER 1967:293)264 in developing societies. It is just like a nil sum game where one wins at the expense of others. Everyone not only defends what he already has, but struggles hard to maximize it. The success of one means a loss for someone else. The same struggle from every side creates an atmosphere of competition, thus resulting into tussles, tension and jealousy.
This concept of maximizing "Izzat"265 can also be understood as an instrument of psychological satisfaction of rural people, which could better be understood with the help of one of PASCHKE’s (1961:55) principles, that a variety of driving forces acting from all sides determine the behavior of a saver.266 The achievement of success and superiority is an essential component of the human instinct. Villagers do not face the competitions of academic life and career as the urban community, where "Izzat" may be acquired on the basis of professional competency. They have a small specific field and limited opportunities to be renowned and prestigious. Those who do not possess any impressive introduction try to be a part of a bigger group (biraderi), whose remarkable title is shared equally by every member and can be used as one's own introduction. Despite this, there are a few more acts which add to Izzat267(Diagram 19):
− political status of the family and their sympathies towards villagers;
− possession of influence through contacts with important government officials;268
− demonstration of the household’s economic prosperity, e.g., the remittances received by the family of a migrant worker in oil states is an unprecedented addition to its social status.269
− extraordinary lavish expenditure on the marriage ceremonies of children;270
− demonstration of the generous behavior271, especially for lower professional strata;
263 According toMERREY (1986:38), Izzat is the most common and broadest term; there are others but they tend to have more restricted meanings. The term has obvious affinities, conceptual and historical with the Middle Eastern and Mediterranean concept of ‘honor’ (see PERISTANY 1966 for example).
264 Cf. MERREY (1986:38).
265 At this point MERREY (1986:40) classifies the concept of Izzat into ‘false izzat’ and ‘true izzat.’ ‘True izzat’ refers to the more positive characteristics included in the concept, while ‘false izzat’ includes more negative behaviours such as undercutting others and creating fear in others.
266 See also Section 2.1.2 for a detailed discussion of the saving motives as an expression of behavioural principle.
267 The addition to Izzat is usually associated with the use of force as well. There is a famous Punjabi saying, ‘Whoever holds the stick owns the buffalo.’ Force is not resorted to frequently; it is enough to create the impression that one may use it in times of tension. Gujar biraderi, although economically better than Malik biraderi, were feared because they usually demonstrate their willingness to use force.
268 Such influence is usually acquired by entertaining the guests lavishly at a wedding, whether they are government officials or relatives - even to the point of bankruptcy.
269 See FIEGE (1995: 44).
270 See also EGLAR (1960:91ff).
− counseling services;
− conformity to cultural norms and traditions;
− practice of religion, religious generosity272, building a mosque, etc.
Malik Anwar and his two brothers own a joint citrus orchard and belong to a middle income class. The household rigidly follows the tradition of their grandfather, who was popular for his extravagance. People still recall the celebrations organized by him. The Malik brothers celebrate his anniversary with the same pep and show to maintain his honor. Last year, they invited all neighboring villages to a lavish feast and arranged cars to distribute food to the distant areas. Consequently, they had to take a loan of Rs. 90,000 to pay for the celebration.
As to the question of what is the ultimate outcome of the accumulation of ‘Izzat,’
LÖFFLER (1992:55) views it as a way of winning social contacts (e.g., with mobile credit officers, patwari, etc.) which represent a compulsory component or a prerequisite for any possible investment.273 Such relations are found to be very valuable within the context of any planned economic activity:
− „[...] I found evidence of people investing in social relations in order to improve their access to labor, credit and various forms of property. [...]
investment in social relations may have long-term effects on output by influencing the organization or management of productive activity“ (BERRY 1989: 213 ).274
− The same is true in the case of lavish expenditure on wedding ceremonies as well: „even the large expenditure associated with weddings has to do with penalties and signals associated with mutual guarantees of continued relationship“ BERRY (1989: 213 ).275
− The higher economic status of marginal farm households having non-farm workers also results in a higher social status, as compared to those having a similar amount of land but no agricultural worker (KLENNERT 1988:416).
− „If an agriculturist, besides having agriculture as his major pursuit, starts some kind of business, he will have more prestige than an agriculturist totally dependent on land income“ (RAZA 1969:31).
− Off-farm employment is reduced to non-agricultural work in marginal farm households since, for reasons of status, members belonging to the esteemed
‘castes’ accept paid work at another farmer’s only in cases of great misery (KLENNERT 1988:416).
271 This generosity is specifically towards the individuals (who are obliged then to render support).
MERREY (1986:39) writes in connection with rural Punjab, „disputes are often taken to the police; the person or group that can avoid jail or being beaten by the police, while getting the opponent punished and spending the least money doing it, ‘wins.’ Such cases often become very long and expensive but they continue even when people are aware that after so much trouble and expense they will have nothing tangible to show.“
272 Merrey (1986:39) views religious generosity such as building of a mosque as a means to earn ‘ respect’
for piety, but it is not itself a source of izzat; pious acts score points in a different game.
273 PLATTNER (1989:210; cf. LÖFFLER 1992:55) also shares the same views, „ [...] that a long-term personalized relationship is economically superior in certain environments.“
274 Cf. LÖFFLER 1992:55.
275 Cf. LÖFFLER 1992:55.
− Non-farm labor in a small-scale village industry or in road construction is not readily taken up by members of certain marginal farm households because of their ‘caste’ status.
First of all, as stated before, prestige gives a psychological satisfaction of having something more than others. Everyone tries to maximize his and to weaken that of others.
Even if he does not succeed in winning more for himself, he tries hard to win the game by weakening others276. A saying in the native language may describe the situation more clearly, "If my neighbor's wall falls, it is good - even if it falls on me."277Apart from this satisfaction, possession of prestige imparts strength and authority which may further contribute to leadership.
A person has to possess a maximum of Izzat to be a leader. All types of leadership, except religious, emerge from the individuals’economic superiority. The introduction of basic democracies in the rural areas of Pakistan tried to bring a substantial structural change in the rural leadership pattern, but the actual structure is still based upon heredity, caste, class and possession of wealth. Someone with virtually all qualities of a leader, could not acquire a leading position unless he possesses enough money to advance loans to the people and create a dependent class around him.278The provision of legal, social and economic security to this class plays a multipurpose role in the election campaign or at other events where numerical strength is required.
Within the context of a relation between sense of honor and saving, it is obvious from the above-mentioned discussion that all acts such as political status, social contacts, lavish expenditure on ceremonies, etc., which contribute to honor are simultaneously extravagant and hence exert a negative influence on saving.
In a materialistic society like that of Pakistan, honor means possession and demonstration of wealth. People usually appreciate the courage of organizers who dare to borrow for organizing a lavish feast. A person who spends more than his capacity is considered honorable, without any consideration of its aftereffects on his household economy.
276 Opposition is never legitimate in the western parliamentary sense: it is always personal and aimed at weakening others or strengthening one’s own position (MERREY 1986:39).
277 Cf. MERREY (1986:38).
278 Every leader possesses his own vested interests in working for the benefit of his followers. Very often, these persons keep their own interest in mind first and attract followers, who are then obliged to them, by helping them in settling court affairs or offering security against their enemies or the police.
Diagram 19: Accumulation and impact of honour in rural sphere
High education
level
Possession of real
estate
Possession of gold
Lavish exp.
on marriages
Counseling services to
poor
Hospitality
Loan
advance-ment to poor
Honor Pilgrimage
to Mecca
Leadership
Important
contacts Authority
Social Status
Psycholo-gical satisfaction
Political status
Source: author’s own survey
It is evident from the quantitative analysis (Section 6.1.1.9) that an increase in income does not neccessarily stimulate the rate of saving. It may increase the saving potential of a household, but may simultaneously stimulate consumption expenditure in a rural household. The quantitative results referred to above also show a positive correlation between income and consumption which is stronger than between income and saving.
The local rural ideology perceives saving as a planning of one’s own development, while generosity is perceived as an interest in others’ welfare, which is considered a virtue. In simpler words, it may be concluded that a constant desire of accumulating honor has a negative relation with saving. It results not only in an extravagant utilization of a household’s existing resources, but also restricts the earning possibilities to a few honor-oriented tasks.