A number of literature about sacred space explain its heterogeneity and that it (sacred space) is constructed either through divine experience or situationally sacralizing space, time, objects, and human relations. Eliade (1987) opines that the way a religious person experiences space is different from that of the non-religious, and that the religious person experience sacred space as a centre point where religious humans have access to the gods, a symbolically highest point closer to heaven or underworld227; and that due to modernity, all space has become homogenously secular. Foucault (1986) argues that the space in which we live is not homogeneous; that it is a world of a number of oppositions, qualities and quantities, namely transparent versus dark space, high versus low space, celestial and terrestrial spaces, free versus restricted space, moving versus still space, private versus public space, and family versus social space; and that in spite of the fact that humans have the knowledge of delineating, desanctifying, or secularizing space, the entire cosmos is yet to be completely secularized because holiness still plays important role in how humans create or distinguish space. He concludes that behind all these space oppositions is the idea of the sacred; that there are heterotopias, something similar to sacred places, but not exactly sacred.
Of all spaces, Foucault is interested in spaces that have relation with other spaces but in inverted or unreal relation and categorizes them into utopia and heterotopia: the former is a fictional, unreal or nonphysical space, which has special relation with all other sites; not a
227 This is an allusion to the biblical reation of the world that was formless, empty and full of darkness. Details in Genesis 1 verses 1-2; John 1 verses 1-5.
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neutral relation, but the one that represents, contests and forms the opposite of all other sites/place/space. The latter (heterotopias) are enacted unreal places, in which all the other real sites that can be found within the culture (that have been existing since the founding of human society), are at the same time “represented, contested and inverted” (Foucault 1986:24). The author then categorizes heterotopia into crisis and deviation heterotopias: the former are sacred, forbidden, restricted, privileged or reserved places for age grades;
menstruating, pregnant, elderly, widows and widowers. These, according to the author have been replaced in our time by the heterotopias of deviation. The latter (heterotopias of deviation) are places for the deviants in the society, namely prisons, psychiatric centres, and rehabilitation homes. The author concludes that heterotopias can be found in all human societies; it can change in functions and meaning over time; it can contrast with several other different and incompatible places; it can be temporal or eternal; not easily accessible like a public place; and it has multiple functions.
Van der Lieu (1986:393) while agreeing to the heterogeneity of space, sees sacred space as a position of power where the effects of power repeat themselves or are being repeated by man;
a place of worship, a sacred position, which “remains holy even when it has been long neglected”. Eliade (1987) agrees that space is heterogeneous and goes further to explain that the sacred shows itself to us in a strange encounter with the supernatural forces (hierophany);
that humans sacralise space according to their previous orientations; and that sacred space is relational because what is sacred to religious persons can be neutral to non-religious persons.
Graber (1976) does not deviate from the heterogeneity of space, but says that for us to understand the idea of sacred space there should be a separation between religious experience (personal encounter with sacred power) and activities of religious institutions. In this section, the spirituality of the Aladura within the context of their construction and appropriation of their sacred spaces is presented.
4.1.1 C&S
Spatial construction and appropriation are central to the expression of beliefs and practices of the C&S. Sacred spaces are socially constructed and sacralised for religious worship. God reveals places where he wants to complete his intervention in a particular crisis situation of an individual or group.228 Across various strands of the C&S, sacred space is constructed according to divine instructions. Previous researches show that the construction and appropriation of sacred space particularly hill-top and mercy ground have been found among
228 Interview with S. Adejumo, 11 September, 2012, Lagos.
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the C&S (Peel 1968; Omoyajowo 1982). Peel (1968:58) and Omoyajowo (1982:76, 130) mention the construction of Olorun Kole Hill in Ibadan following the appearance of an angel in 1912 to a hunter named Egunjobi on the hill and the angel’s prophecy that there would be war and epidemic that would affect the environment. Yet, its construction is borne out of self initiative and desire to effectively commune with God in a serene environment for greater results.229 The Ile Adura prayer house or church, private home Altars, Ile Aanu mercy ground, Ori oke Mountain top, Aginju wilderness, and other set-aside spaces are, for the C&S members, sanctified and sacralised meeting points of human dialogue with God for effective prayer outcome. According to Eliade (1987:20), space to a religious man is not homogenous;
there are interruptions and breaks in it; “some parts of space are qualitatively different from others”; that the sacred space is “the only real and real-ly existing space”, which possesses existential value for religious man, while all other space is profane, “the formless expanse surrounding it”.
Mercy ground, mountain top, and river banks are spaces where most ‘special prayers’ are carried out. This does not foreclose the importance of prayer house where worship and other religious activities are ordered. Importantly, mountain top or hill top is not necessarily a physically high place. It is rather a place that is sanctified and dedicated for prayer, which becomes a ‘high place’ because members claimed that it is spirit-filled above the larger social space. Eliade (1987) says it is a symbolically highest point where the religious human experience the presence of the gods. However, the construction of sacred space, particularly the hill top, is a common phenomenon among various strands of the C&S churches. Up to the time of his demise in 1933, Orimolade did not erect a church building, but there was a registered group and a permanent place of gathering. Meeting in designated sanctified places for spiritual warfare and exhortation was a common thing that Orimolade and his group were always doing.230 The countless number of C&S formations with their respective constructed sacred places probably made the construction and appropriation of sacred space very popular among the Aladura.
Sacred mountain tops are constructed by individuals and groups who claimed to have received divine instructions in that regard. Hill tops are named after the towns in which they are located. Orioke Erinmo is a mountain top named after the town in which it is located, Erinmo near Ilesha. Others include orioke Sobi near Ilorin, orioke Agelu near Iseyin, orioke Iragbiji near Osogbo, orioke Iragberi near Ejigbo and Ilobu, and orioke Horeb in Kaduna. Mount
229 Ibid.
230 Ibid.
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Horeb in Kaduna has been relocated to Ile Igbon, Oyo State. The spate of religious crisis in Northern Nigeria, particularly the Kaduna religious crises compelled the CSMC to relocate it to Ile Igbon. It was relocated to a place that members claimed God revealed, some three years back (2009), to the spiritual father of the organization Samuel Adefila Abidoye. Abidoye recounted the sudden outbreak of violence on the 9th of April 2011, shortly after Nigeria’s general elections during which lives and properties were lost including the destruction of the Mount Horeb site.231 Mount Horeb is currently located at Orile Igbon, about 24 kilometres away from Ilorin. Orile Igbon is a small town situated between Eyenkorin and Ogbomosho.
The church had its maiden worship at the new Mount Horeb, Orile Igbon on May 25th, 2011.
Orioke Olorunkole is a sacred hill top in Ibadan. The sacred hill top took its name from the natural cave-like shape. It has two parts: one part has a cave from which the sacred space derived its name. It is a house, which God has built (Olorun ko ile, God built a house). The cave is deep and its length has not been estimated. The other part is a selected place where most spiritual leaders meet to address crucial needs of their clients. Olorunkole hill is regarded by devotees who converge there as a located space of power where people commune with God without domestic or industrial disturbances. According to van der Leeuw (1986:394-395), such a natural place that is not built with hands but “hollowed out into such spaciousness by natural causes” will make one feel the divine presence; “your soul will be deeply moved by an inkling, a presage, of the divine”; that such location remains sacred and retains its power if humans have not reduced it to an inanimate thing, “deprived of its power”.
Located close to the University of Ibadan, the hilly sacred space has for many decades played host to lots of “Aladura men of power” and solution seekers across religious boundaries.232 In the past, it was an annual event when charismatic men and women, the rich, average and the poor in Ibadan and other parts of Nigeria climb up for special prayers for about three to seven days. Close to the date of the annual worship on the sacred hill, prophets inform their regular and casual clients to meet them on the hill top where prophets jointly engage in spiritual warfare against wicked forces that are militating against their clients.233
There are self-acclaimed prophets who do not own a church but who have made the hill top a church where they usually attend to clients who believe very much in their charismatic power, and there are those who claimed to have received the call to construct or use a sacred hill top.
231 Interview with Samuel A. Abidoye, 15 May, 2011, Jos.
232 Interview with O. Bayewu, 17, May 2012, Sango.
233 Ibid.
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Not every founder of a C&S church owns a sacred hill top, and it is not a must that a sacred mountain has to be used before prayers can be answered by God.234
In his description of the characteristics of sacred space, Foucault (1986:24-26) opines that heterotopias abound in every culture, can be made to function in a different fashion, and are not easily accessible because there are strings of regulations attached to their opening and closing. Attached to the use of the sacred hill are restrictions that enjoin body and ritual purity among male and female individuals that climb up its top for worship. Currently, Olorun kole hill top is synonymous with a commercial centre where self acclaimed prophets showcase their spiritual enterprise. It is a place where divine revelations attract lots of money and where problem ridden individuals get to know more prophets for future acquaintance and spiritual solutions. Olorun kole hill-top is also a place where prophets test both their divine gifts and acquired spiritual powers, and where they harness and declare the intervention of unseen powers in people’s problems.235 In Yoruba beliefs, isolated hill tops are havens for unseen forces or apparitions who at one time offered protection to the people during wars, longevity, and fertility (Awolalu 1979:48). Similarly, there is recognition of higher angels among the Aladura members and that higher angels prefer isolated and dedicated spaces where they meet to jointly work efficaciously for the deliverance of individuals in crisis situations.236
Mercy ground (Ile aanu) is a designated space within the premises of the church where individuals or groups offer special prayers according to divine instruction. Members regard the place as holy and it must not be desecrated by dirt or the use of shoes. God reveals his chosen places of encounter to the prophet. He may choose a river bank, a wilderness or a particular spot within the church premises as a contact spot where he wants to finish his work in the life of a person or a group.237
Redefining the sacred space is a common trend among the Aladura churches that were visited.
Cement floor has replaced bare and unsmooth ground, while cement blocks have replaced sizeable stones used in demarcating the boundary of a sacred space. Microphones and musical instruments are used during worship on Olorunkole and Horeb hill tops. Canopies are provided to shield worshippers from rain. Electricity is provided from mobile generators to
234 Interview with O. Bayewu, 17, May 2012, Sango.
235 Ibid.
236 Ibid. Informant however laid claims to divine discern in this regard. According to her, “If you are in spirit, you can feel and see the angels at work in a spirit-filled space”, which Eliade (1987:20-24) refers to as hierophany.
237 Interview with Ayoola Ologodidan, 03 September, 2012, Lagos.
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Figure 28. CSMC Challenge, Ibadan Mercy ground. Photograph by T. Baiyewu July 2011 power microphones and musical instruments and to light the place especially if activities are programmed for days and nights.
Members of the C&S have expressed their reservations for the use of mountain-top due to its abuse by self acclaimed healer prophets because such prophets take their clients to the sacred place for deliverance in return for money and other benefits. However, hill-top has remained a place for spiritual warfare, a spiritual refuge for solution seekers, and a place for fast reception of positive prayer outcome.238 Mercy grounds are noted for their modern architectural design.
Although they are not roofed, the portraits of Jesus Christ, the designs of the altar, the concrete floor of the space, and the painting of the low and perforated walls convey the influence of modernization.
However, the modernists of C&S churches express their ambivalence towards the appropriation of designated sacred spaces for effective prayers. The CSBM deviates from the common belief and practice of appropriating mountain tops for special prayers. The church does not have one and does not plan to have it. However, the church does not see anything wrong in setting apart a special place for communing with God so long as it meets the biblical standard. Oyedepo justified his argument with biblical instances where Jesus Christ had to leave his disciples for a secluded place for prayers, and Moses went up the Mountain to commune with God, but stressed that these and other biblical examples of the use of sacred
238 Interview with O. Bayewu, 17, May 2012, Sango.
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space have been jettisoned by some self acclaimed prophets.239 The CSE does not reject the use of mountain top for special prayers and does not have one either. The church places strong emphasis on divine instruction as the basis for its construction and usage.240 However, the church according to divine instruction constructed a “hill top” within the church premises.
This serves the same purpose as the one created on a mountain top outside the city. This is according to the belief that “a sacred space that is constructed according to divine revelation is spirit-filled; spiritually elevated above the physical ground and is a designated space where believers encounter divine power for delivery and mercy”.241
4.1.2 TCLA
The construction and use of sacred space like hill-top, mount Tabieorar, mercy ground, home alters, sea shores and the use of sacred ojbects such as staff of office, rosary, water and others have been found in TCLA (Turner 1967:101-109). The church has not deviated from this idea, but the aesthetic of sacred space has changed over time. In TCLA, members expressed belief that special prayers on mercy ground attract quick divine reception. The primate founder Josiah Ositelu, acting on God’s command, constructed mount Tabieorar (MT) in 1937 in Ogere. Since then it has become a pilgrimage centre where members and non-members visit annually beginning from 9th to 22nd of August of every year. There are claims that yearly, people give testimony of what God has done for them after visiting the place.
Mount Tabieorar is not a physical mountain. It is a flat land quite secluded from the town.
Members consider it as a spiritually high place where prayers attract fast reception from God.
At its inception, it was a relative forest of trees and shrubs. The great multitude of ‘pilgrims’
to the sacred place and the challenge of modernization compelled the church to transform the place. Mount Tabieorar occupies a vast flat land along Lagos-Ibadan Express Way.
MT is fenced and has a number of halls where each group members engage in spiritual warfare for the period of the Tabieorar festival. The councils of Reverends, Evangelists, Pastors, Deacons, and Deaconesses have their respective halls. The church fixed toilet facilities for attendees to use; it provides generator to supply light and power the musical instruments of the choir group. It is attended by male and female, young and old, and visitors from other Christian denominations and religions. Members and visitors are enjoined to observe the church restrictions on the use of sacred places.242 On the 22nd of August, various
239 Interview with Gideon Oyedepo, 12 October, 2011, Lagos. He alluded to Matthew 14:23; and Luke 9:28;
Exodus 19: 1ff to justify the use of sacred hill tops.
240 Interview with O. Bayewu, 17, May 2012, Sango.
241 Ibid.
242 Interview with Tunde Gbogboade, 25 May, 2012.
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groups come out to the Tabieorar ground. The primate reads out some divine messages to attendees. It is also an opportunity for people to give their testimonies. After August 22, females are not allowed to enter the main Tabieorar ground. A sub-section of the sacred ground is walled to create a private ground for the females. This is to protect the privacy of men from women and vice versa whenever they want to role naked or in their white garment.
The Victory Night Ground (VNG) is a sacred ground that the church constructed during the tenure of the third primate, Olusegun Ositelu. It is separated by a foot path from the MT. It is an evangelical ground. Services are conducted on the third Friday of every month. It is intended to bring people of other faiths and Christian denominations together in Ogere and also from other parts of Nigeria. On the VNG, the church relaxes its restrictions: menstruant members and visitors are allowed into the place of worship; attendees are at liberty to enter the worship centre with their shoes on; and it is not mandatory to wear white garment. It can be regarded as an interdenominational worship centre. Strategically, it is a ground for soul wining for Christ and particularly for the TCLA.
The mercy ground (orile aanu) is a place where a person or a group of persons can role on the ground naked or in white garment to express one’s humility before God, mutilating the body to show one’s helplessness and sense of remorse for sins committed; and an expression of punishment of the self before God. The naked rolling or rolling in white garment is a way of requesting special attention from God and quick solution to problems. Users of mercy ground are enjoined to comply with instructions guiding its usage. Men and women are not expected
The mercy ground (orile aanu) is a place where a person or a group of persons can role on the ground naked or in white garment to express one’s humility before God, mutilating the body to show one’s helplessness and sense of remorse for sins committed; and an expression of punishment of the self before God. The naked rolling or rolling in white garment is a way of requesting special attention from God and quick solution to problems. Users of mercy ground are enjoined to comply with instructions guiding its usage. Men and women are not expected