Qiangic languages Qiang Qiang

The strategies of Qiang polar questions include final question particles

2 A survey of polar interrogative strategies

(always accompanied by a rising intonation), X-neg-X structures (only in Taoping Qiang)², and alternative structures.

The most common polar question particle in Qiang is a; in alternative questions, disjunctive elements are used between disjuncts are not real disjunctions but particles. Different varieties of Qiang differ a great deal (Liu 1998: 2), the following table summarizes the polar question system in the dialects of Qiang.

Table 2.16. Polar questions in five varieties of Qiang

Varieties Q particles X-neg-X Alternative References Taoping

Question particles are not phonologically clear-cut. They are fused with the previous syllable, and make it difficult to tell the boundary between a grammatical morpheme and a question particle. The final question particle ŋua in Yadu Qiang is an example of this kind, which does not seem to be derived from the copula ŋuə plus a, or from the third person non-actor marker ŋuə plus a (LaPolla with Huang 2003: 179).

In polar questions of Qiang, final question particles are found to be accompanied by a terminal rising intonation, however, it is the opposite in guesses, for example, in Puxi Qiang, final polar question particle ba is used together with terminal falling intonation, not a rising one as a or ma applies (Huang 2007: 168).

Pumi (Primi)

In Lanping Pumi^兰坪 (Pumi is also knonwn as Primi) polar questions, final question particles, alternative structures, and interrogative verb morphology are used.

2 X-neg-X questions are very rare in Qingic languages.

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Two common question particles are ma¹³ and a¹³. Alternative questions are of X disj Y structure (see Lu 1983: 81-2, 88; Lu 2001: 196-7, 204; Fu 1998:

71-4).

Interrogative verb morphology seems to vary among individual dialects of Pumi. For example, Lu (1983, 2001) reports that in the Jinghua^菁花 dialect of Pumi, it uses a prefixing ε¹³; whereas Fu (1998) reports that in the Dayangcun大 阳村 dialect of Pumi, it uses both a prefix ε⁵⁵ and a suffix, which is a mixture of interrogative mood, person, and number, e.g. -siε³¹, -ʒuε(ŋ)⁵⁵, and -ʒuε³¹, though both Jinghua and Dayangcun are spoken in the same town, i.e. Hexi Township (Lanping County, Yunnan Province).

(86) Lanping Pumi (a, Lu 1983: 54, 2001: 165; b-c, Fu 1998: 71, 73) a. nε¹³ ŋãu⁵⁵ ε¹³-bõ³⁵? (Jinghua dialect)

2SG money Q-have

‘Do you have money?’

b. ȵe²⁴ ŋəuŋ⁵⁵ ε⁵⁵-boŋ³¹? (Dayangcun dialect) 2SG money Q-have

‘Do you have money?’

c. ȵe²⁴ dʒɿ²⁴to⁵⁵ ʃɿ⁵⁵-ʃuε³¹? (Dayangcun dialect) 2SG market go-Q.2SG.FUT

‘Are you going to the market?’

In the Dayangcun dialect, alternative questions vary according to tenses; in particular, a V dia³¹ mə⁵⁵ V structure is used in the past tense, while a V dia⁵⁵ ma⁵⁵ V structure is used in other tenses.

(87) Lanping Pumi (Dayangcun dialect; Fu 1998: 74) a. tə⁵⁵gə⁵⁵ ʃɿ⁵⁵ dia⁵⁵ mə⁵⁵ ʃɿ⁵⁵?

3SG.M go or NEG go

‘Did he go (there)?’

b. sʉ²⁴ diuŋ⁵⁵ dia³¹ ma⁵⁵ diuŋ³¹? fruit have or NEG have

‘Are there any fruits in the tree?’

There is a further division in interrogative strategies in the Dayangcun dialect, mainly because of honorific. Compare the following questions:

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(88) Lanping Pumi (Dayangcun dialect, Fu 1998: 74) a. ȵe²⁴ dzi⁵⁵ ε⁵⁵-dziu³¹-si⁵⁵? (high to low)

2SG meal Q-eat-PST

‘Have you eaten?’

b. ε⁵⁵pu⁵⁵, dzi⁵⁵ dzɿ⁵⁵qu³¹ dia⁵⁵ mə⁵⁵-qu⁵⁵? (low to high) grandfather meal eat- HON or NEG-HON

‘Grandfather, have you had your meal?’

c. ȵe²⁴ dzi⁵⁵ dziu⁵⁵ dia⁵⁵ mə⁵⁵ dziu⁵⁵? (equal)

2SG meal eat or NEG eat

‘Have you eaten?’

rGyarong

Polar interrogative strategies in rGyarong include question particles, alternative structures, and interrogative verb morphology.

The structure of alternative questions is X prt? Y, and the most common question particle is mə, which does not necessarily appear at the sentence-end, it can also take a pre-predicate position (in this case, changed into mo; see Lin 1993: 391-2), normally next to the final place, because rGyarong is a SOV language.

(89) rGyarong (Lin 1993: 391-2)

a. no kə pa tə-ŋos mə?

2SG Han people 2-be QP

‘Are you Han (nationality)?’

b. no kə pa mo tə-ŋos?

2SG Han people QP 2-be

‘Are you Han?’

c. no na-pu mə mʃor?

2SG child QP beautiful

‘Is your child beautiful?’

An interrogative prefix, mo-, can also be placed before a verb stem to form a polar question.

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In Muya, an infix æ⁵⁵ is added between the verb stem and its suffix(es) (see examples b-d below); when it is perfective second person, the perfective prefix of the verb will have its tone changed into 15 (the vowel in the prefix is also changed in some cases); when it is third person perfective, an infix æ⁵⁵ is added between the verb stem and its suffix sə³³, or an infix a⁵⁵ is added in between if there is a final question particle ra⁵⁵ (see examples e-h; Huang 1991b: 120-1).

(91) Muya (Huang 1991b: 121, 2007c: 917)

‘{Has he/Have they} done (this)?’

‘{Has he/Have they} done (this)?’

If the polarity value of a copula (ni^53/33 or ŋɐ^24/33 ‘be’) is questioned, æ⁵⁵ functions as an interrogative prefix.

(92) Muya (Huang 1991b: 121, 2007c: 917) næ mə³³ȵæ⁵³βə³³ æ⁵⁵ŋɐ³³ / æ⁵⁵ni³³? 2SG Muya Q-be / Q-be

‘Are you Muya people?’

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Ergong

Interrogative verb morphology is also reported in Ergong. In future and present tenses, the prefix a- is attached; in the past tense, the vowel of the prefix turns to be eː, and the verb takes a high rising tone (Huang 1991a: 37; Sun

a- is also used as an interrogative suffix, assimilated into the preceding syllable, cf. a-ra-gu and ra-ga (< gu-a) ‘Do you want to write?’, a-lʒe-n and lʒe-na ‘Did you come?’ (Huang 1991a: 38).

Ersu

Sun (2007c: 966) reports that Ersu uses final question particles, X-neg-X, alternative structures, and interrogative verb morphology in its polar question system, though he included only two real examples of interrogative verb morphology (noting the difference in word order between them).

(94) Ersu (Sun 2007c: 962)

a. tiã⁵⁵jĩ⁵⁵ thε⁵⁵wo⁵⁵ nε⁵⁵ dzo⁵⁵ro⁵⁵-a⁵⁵-gε⁵⁵? film DEF 2SG watch-Q-FUT

‘Would you like to watch this film?’

b. tiã⁵⁵jĩ⁵⁵ thε⁵⁵wo⁵⁵ nε⁵⁵ kha⁵⁵-a⁵⁵-dzo⁵⁵ro⁵⁵? film DEF 2SG PST-Q-watch

‘Did you watch this film?’

Namuyi

In Namuyi (also known as Namuzi /næ⁵⁵mu³³zɿ³¹/), polar questions can be formed by final question particles (e.g. ja³³), interrogative prefixes (e.g. a³³-) on a verb (complex), and alternative structures.

(95) Namuyi (a-c, Huang and Renzeng 1991a: 169; d, Liu 2007: 981)

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a. nuo³¹ dzæ³⁵ dziu⁵³ji⁵⁵ ja³¹? 2SG meal eat QP

‘Do you want to eat?’

b. nuo³¹ ʁuo⁵³dzʉ³¹ mo³¹ a³³-dʑi⁵⁵? 2SG Tibetan people Q-be

‘Are you Tibetan?’

c. nuo³¹ mo³³ ʂɿ³¹ dzi⁵³ a³³-ntɕhi⁵⁵ mæ⁵⁵-ntɕhi⁵⁵? 2SG horse meat eat Q-have NEG-have

‘Did you ever eat horse meat?’

d. no⁵³ jy⁵³qo³¹ vu⁵⁵ dʐɿ³¹ be⁵³ ja⁵⁵, 2SG home wine eat go PRT

ŋa⁵⁵ jy⁵³qo³¹ vu⁵⁵ dʐɿ³¹ be⁵³ se⁵⁵? 1SG home wine drink go or

‘Shall we drink some wine at your home or my home?’

Note that (c) also uses a V neg V structure, which is very economic in expressing an interrogative meaning; and in (d), the alternative question takes a disjunction at the end, i.e. of structure X prt, Y disj, which is different from most languages in China.

Shixing

Interrogative verb morphology a in Shixing is used according to the following rules (based on Huang and Renzeng 1991b: 190-1).

Table 2.17. Shixing interrogative verb morphology Person Tense Form Examples

2 Future -gæ (< gɜ + a) ni⁵⁵ dzɜ³³-gæ⁵³? ‘Do you want to eat?’

Present -a ni⁵⁵ ri³³ hao⁵⁵ dzə³⁵-ji⁵⁵a³³? ‘Are you eating?’

Past -a-PRT ni⁵⁵ dzə³⁵ a³³sɿ³³ (a³³dzə³⁵sɿ³³)?

‘Have you eaten?’

3 Future -a-ɦũ³³ thi⁵³ hao⁵⁵ dzɜ³³-gɜ⁵⁵pɜ³³tɕi³³a³³ɦũ³³? ‘Does he want to eat?’

Present -a-ɦũ³³ thi⁵³ hao⁵⁵ dzɜ³³-ji³³tɕi³³a³³ɦũ³³?

‘Is he eating now?’

Past -a-PRT thi⁵³ hao⁵⁵ dzɜ³³ tsha³⁵-wu³³a³³dʑõ³³? ‘Had he eaten?’

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Zhaba

Final question particles are so far the only strategy reported in Zhaba polar questions. mɪ³³ is frequently used, and mε³³ is used only in the future tense of the third person. The following is an example of kə⁵⁵tsɿ¹³ ‘eat’ (Huang 1991c: 84).

Table 2.18. Final particles in Zhaba polar questions Person Question particles

2 nʊ⁵⁵ tsiε¹³ (< tsɿ³³ jε⁵⁵) mɪ³³? (2SG eat QP) ‘Do you want to eat?’

nʊ⁵⁵ kə⁵⁵-tsɿ¹³ mɪ³³? (2SG eat QP) ‘Did you eat?’

nʊ⁵⁵ tsɿ¹³-tʂə⁵⁵ mɪ³³? (2SG eat-PROG QP) ‘Are you eating?’

3 ŋʊ⁵⁵ʐʊ⁵⁵ tsɿ³³-tʂə⁵⁵ mε³³? (3SG.M eat-FUT QP) ‘Does he want to eat?’

ŋʊ⁵⁵ʐʊ⁵⁵ kə⁵⁵-tsɿ³³-tʂə⁵⁵ mɪ³³? (3SG.M eat-PSTQP) ‘Did he eat?’

ŋʊ⁵⁵ʐʊ⁵⁵ tsɿ³³-tʂe⁵⁵ mɪ³³? (3SG.M eat-PROG QP) ‘Is he eating?’

When the predicate happens to be a copula, then mɪ³³and mε³³ are flexible and can be used interchangeably in the second person, but not in the third person, in which mɪ⁶ is used, with a change in tone.

(96) Zhaba (Huang 1991c: 89)

a. nʊ⁵⁵ te⁵³wu³³ ʐε³³ mɪ⁵³ / tʃi³³ mε⁵⁵? 2SG te⁵³wu³³ be QP be QP

‘Are you te⁵³wu³³?’

b. ŋʊ⁵⁵ʐʊ⁵⁵ ndʐa³³pi⁵⁵ ʐε³³ mɪ⁶? 3SG.M ndʐa³³pi⁵⁵ be QP

‘Is he ndʐa³³pi⁵⁵?’

Guiqiong

Guiqiong is spoken in the Luding County and the Tianquan County in the Sichuan Province, southwest China, with roughly 7,000 native speakers. This language is a “family language” or “village language”, as Guiqiong people (a subgroup of Tibetan) mainly use the language among family members or villagers. Most Guiqiong people also speak Chinese (Sun 2007d: 1019).

According to Sun (2007d: 1029-30), Guiqiong polar questions can be

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formed by final question particles, X-neg-X structures, though no real examples are given.

Lawurong

In Lawurong, polar interrogative strategies include final question particles, alternative structures, and interrogative verb morphology.

A common final question particle is ɕu⁵³ if the previous syllable ends with a vowel, which turns to be tɕhu⁵³ if the previous syllable ends with a consonant.

Alternative question take X prt disj Y prt or disj X disj Y structure (see Huang 2007: 87-8, 127-8).

(97) Lawurong (Huang 2007a: 127, 132)

a. ȵe⁵³ ja³³le³³ ɕə⁵⁵ dzi-n³³, bre³³ ɕə⁵⁵ dzi-n³³? 2SG steamed.bread or eat-2SG rice or eat-2SG

‘Do you want to eat steamed bread or rice?’

b. ŋgə³³ɟji⁵³ so⁵⁵ rə³³-və-j⁵³ ɕu³³? mə³³rə⁵³ ni-j⁵⁵ ɕu³³? 1PL continue DIR-go-1PL QP or rest-1PL QP

‘Shall we keep on going or take a rest?’

An interrogative morpheme ji⁵⁵-/ɕə⁵⁵- could also be added onto a verb or a modal verb to form a polar question (Huang 2007a: 87-8).

(98) Lawurong (Huang 2007a: 127)

a. ȵe⁵³ dʑa⁵⁵ nə³³-ji⁵⁵/ɕə⁵⁵-the-n⁵³? 2SG tea PFT-Q-drink-2SG

‘Did you drink tea?’

b. ȵe⁵³ cçə⁵⁵mȵi³³ dʑa⁵⁵ tə³³ nə³³-the-n⁵³ nε³³-ji⁵⁵/ɕə⁵⁵-zdir⁵⁵? 2SG this.kind tea DEF PFT-drink-2SG ever-Q

‘Did you ever drink this kind of tea?’

Note that in (b), ji⁵⁵/ɕə⁵⁵ is placed inside the modal verb nε³³zdir⁵⁵ ‘ever’.

Queyu

Queyu has an interrogative morpheme a⁵⁵, which is used according to different tenses and/or aspects (Wang 1991: 59-60), as the following table shows.

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Table 2.19. Queyu interrogative verb morphology Tense Formation Examples

Future a⁵⁵-V ȵe¹³ a⁵⁵pɕε¹³ro? ‘Do you want to watch?’

V-a⁵⁵-PRS ȵe¹³nə pɕε¹³re⁵⁵ a⁵⁵ʒo? ‘Are youPL watching?’

Present V- PRS-a⁵⁵ɕtə / a⁵⁵shi³¹

ȵe¹³nə pɕε¹³re⁵⁵ʒo a⁵⁵ɕtə / a⁵⁵shi³¹?

‘Are youPL watching?’

Past FUT-a⁵⁵-V ȵe¹³ka⁵⁵ (< kɯ⁵⁵a⁵⁵) pɕε¹³ro⁵⁵? ‘Did you watch?’

Alternative questions in Queyu are found to take a X disj, Y structure.

(99) Queyu (Lu 2007: 1074)

ȵe³⁵ tshõ⁵⁵di⁵³ ɕõ⁵³tʂɿ³⁵ da³⁵nə⁵³, tsε³⁵ tshõ⁵⁵di⁵³ ɕõ⁵³tʂɿ³⁵? 2SG meeting go or 3SG.M meeting go

‘Will you or he attend the meeting?’

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Im Dokument Interrogative Strategies : An Areal Typology of the Languages of China (Seite 113-123)