SECOND SECTION
3.1 Phoneme Realization
The performance of the actors playing the role of foreigner displays alteration in realizing many EA phonemes. In this paragraph I will deal with the most frequent of them, i.e. the reflexes of Classical Arabic (CA) uvular stop */q/, the EA voiced velar stop /g/, the voiceless pharyngeal and glottal fricatives /ħ, h/, the voiced labiovelar glide /w/, the voiced alveolar stops /d, ḍ/ and the voiceless postalveolar fricative /ʃ/.
Such variation distinguishes the speech of foreigner-speaking communities not only from the EA-speaking community, but sometimes from each other as well.
3.1a The CA uvular stop */q/
On the reflexes of the CA uvular stop */q/ in EA, Vollers (1890: 7–8) writes:
Q (’’) hat im gesammten ægypto-arabischen Sprachgebiet einen dreifachen Lautwerth:
a) in der städtischen Sprache lautet es meist wie Hamzä (daher hier die Umschrift mit einem doppelten ’ ).
b) auf dem platten Lande und im Sûdân lautet es meist wie gîm. Man kann also ohne Bedenken Wörter, in denen e in ’’ auftritt, fellâḥisch mit g sprechen, um auf dem Lande besser verstanden zu werden, z. B. ’’irś = girś, Piaster; ’’âl = gâl, hat gesagt; ’’ûl = gûl, sage!
c) die der ältesten Sprache eigene Aussprache als tiefes, gutturales k (hier q) hat sich in Aegypten strichweise, besonders bei Beduinen erhalten, und wird in gelehrten und gebildeten Kreisen theilweise traditionell nachgeahmt.37
37 “Q (’’) has in the entire EA language area three phonetic values: a) in the urban speech is mostly like hamza (therefore is transcribed here with double ’ ); b) in the countryside and in Sudan sounds mostly like gīm. Thus, without concern, one may pronounce words with ’’ in fellāḥi as g and he / she will be better understood in countryside, i.e. ’irš = girš ‘piaster’; ’āl = gāl ‘he said’; ’ūl = gūl ‘say!’; c) the
Similarly, Woidich (2006a: 12) affirms the presence of the CA */q/ in Cairene Arabic today in certain educated lexemes from Standard Arabic (SA) and, in two variants: simply as /q/ or as velarized /k/, i.e /k̴/:
[q] postvelar, Verschlußlaut, stimmlos; marginal, in Bildungswörtern aus dem Hocharabischen: ilQur’ān ‘der Koran’; inqilāb ‘Umsturz’; qaṛya
‘Dorf’; ṛaqam ‘Nummer’. Nicht selten wird /q/ als velarisiertes [k] = [k̴]
gesprochen: iḳtiṣadiyya ‘wirtschaftlich’.38
Otherwise, it is realized as a voiceless laryngeal (or glottal) stop (Woidich 2006a: 12).
When we come to how CA uvular stop */q/ is realized by foreigners represented in Egyptian cinema, we notice a big difference that distinguishes them from the mainstream EA realization. Furthermore, the performances of the three EA-speaking foreigner communities vary among themselves. Examples of various realizations by the three communities are as follows:
(1.a) Qāwūq Bāšā TR: ʔixrɑs ʔabuuk saqqa maat
*/q/ > /q/ [Kavuk Paşa] shut-up.2SM father-your.2SM water carrier died.3SM
‘Shut up! Your father, the water-carrier, has died.’
ḪristuGR: ʔana Xristo farraʔtu li-l-foʔɑrɑ sabʕa [Χρίστος] I Christo distribute.1s to-the-poor.PL seven
wiqqa baccalà
oka baccalà
“I, Christo, will distribute to the poor seven okas of baccalà (dried and salted cod fish).”
Rosetta IT: ʔinṭɑliq fi l-mɑjjɑ ħabiibi!
go-free.2SM in the-water beloved-my
“Release yourself in the water my darling!”
Ḫamīs FT: maʕquul afandim maʕquul reasonable sir reasonable
“Reasonable sir! Reasonable.”
(1.b) Golson TR: jalla haydi kollu ʔeṭlɑʕ fooʔ
*/q/ > /ʔ/ [Gülsen] come-on come-on TR all go-up.3SM upstairs
especially among Bedouins, and it is traditionally imitated to some extent in scholars and educated circles.”
38 “[q] post-velar, plosive, voiceless; marginal, in educated words from Standard Arabic: ilQur’ān ‘the Quran’; inqilāb ‘overturn’; qaṛya ‘village’; ṛaqam ‘number’. Not seldom /q/ is pronounced as velarized [k] = [k̴]: iḳtiṣadiyya ‘economic’.”
“Come on! Come on! Everyone goes upstairs!”
Margrīta GR: iz-zooʔ bitaaʕuh kamaan kuwajjis kitiir
[Μαργαρίτα] the-taste of-it as-well good very
“Its taste is very good as well.”
Tortorella IT: maʕleʃʃə laakin ʔalbi ṭɑjjib
never-mind but heart-my kind
“Never mind! My heart is kind anyway.”
(1.c) Marku GR: ʔenta wassaxt il-kamiis wi l-bɑntɑloon
*/q/ > /k/ [Μάρκος] you.SM dirtied the-shirt and the-trousers
“You dirtied the shirt and the trousers.”
Maria IT: ʒiina benti ṣɑddɑktu kalaamuh
Gina daughter-my trusted words-his
“My daughter Gina trusted his words.”
(1.d) MatthaiosGR: sabʕa yoom gabl il-xadsa
*/q/ > /g/ [Ματθαίος] seven day before the-accident
“Seven days before the accident.”
Balabī‘u FT: ji-igi j-laaʔi l-maxall magfuul ji-gii-lak he-comes he-finds the-shop closed
he-comes-to-you
taani joom dagnə bitaaʕu kibiir
second day beard of-his big
“He comes and finds the shop closed, [so] he comes to you the day after with his beard longer.”
In fact, compared to about 60 occurrences of CA uvular stop */q/ realized as glottal stop /ʔ/, the actors playing the role of Turks realize it more than 385 times in the corpus as a uvular stop /q/, where it corresponds to a glottal stop in EA. So we find, for example,
/baaqi/ ‘remaining’, /bunduq/ ‘hazelnut’, /banaadiq/ ‘air-guns’, /ħaqq/ ‘truth’, /miʃaqlib/
‘upside down’, /maʕquul/ ‘reasonable’, /quul/ ‘say! (2S.M)’, /quum/ ‘get up! (2S.M)’, /bi-l-quwwaat/ ‘with force’ and /dilwaqti/ ‘now’; instead of /baaʔi/, /bunduʔ/, /banaadiʔ/,
/ħaʔʔ/, /miʃaʔlib/, /maʕʔuul/, /ʔuul/, /ʔuum/, /bi-l-ʔuwwa/ and /dilwaʔti/ (see Hinds &
Badawi 1986: pp. 92, 106, 106, 215, 472, 590, 722, 723, 725, 950 respectively).
Some of the realizations of the CA uvular stop */q/ as such in EA can be justified by mere classicism, i.e. /ja-qif/ ‘he stands up’ and /ʔa-qtul/ ‘I kill/’, in place of the EA /jo-ʔɑf/ and /ʔa-ʔtil/. Others may be justified by either classicism or codeswitching to Ottoman Turkish (OT) lexemes (of Arabic origin), i.e. /burtuqaal/ ‘orange’, /daqaaʔiq/
‘minutes’, /ʕirq/ ‘vein’, /fɑqɑṭ/ ‘only’, /muqabalaat/ ‘meeting(s)’, /munaqaʃaat/
‘discussion(s)’, /nuquud/ ‘money’ (for OT counterparts see Redhouse 1890: 456, 908, 1295, 1392, 1936, 1986, 2099 respectively).
Other cases, however, are not explicable on these two bases. For example, we find a lexeme such as /maxluuʔ/ realized with the glottal stop instead of the uvular stop even though it exists in OT: قولخم makhlūk ‘created, creature’ (Redhouse 1890: 1780, transliteration original). More curious is the case of /maqzuun/ instead of the EA /maʔzuun/ ‘official authorized to perform Muslim marriages’ (Hinds & Badawi 1986:
17), where we have an original glottal stop, not a CA uvular stop */q/. This is, undoubtedly, a case of hyper-correction, since the lexeme exists even in OT with a glottal stop: نوذأم me’zūn (Redhouse 1890: 1654).
Analogically, if an EA lexeme borrowed from OT contains a uvular stop /q/, it is expected to be maintained in the speech of an EA-speaking Turk, even if it is realized in EA with a glottal stop /ʔ/. Thus, we find in the corpus the EA lexeme /ʔɑrɑgooz/ ‘puppet (show)’ (see Hinds & Badawi 1986: 691) realized by a Turkish character as /qɑrɑgooz/
as it is originally from OT: زوك هرق (karagöz in TR) (Redhouse 1890: 1450, see also Geyikdagi 2000: 12).
Nevertheless, as in the case of CA */q/, we find an actress playing the role of a Turk saying /ʔuuzi/ ‘lamp’ (Hinds & Badawi 1986: 721) with a glottal stop despite being a borrowing from OT ىزوق qùzu (Redhouse 1890: 1486, see also Geyikdagi 2000: 13).
Also, we see another actor playing the role of a Turk saying /qɑvɑntɑɑt/ instead of the EA /ʔɑwɑnṭɑ/ ‘trickery, deceit’ (Hinds & Badawi 1986: 45), which is already a borrowing from Turkish avanta (Hinds & Badawi 1986: 45, see also Atalay 1999: 1941). This is also another case of exaggeration, as the lexeme in both languages has a glottal stop rather than a uvular one.
Furthermore, we have 45 occurrences of CA uvular stop */q/ in the register of the actors playing the role of Turks that also maintain the uvular stop in EA, i.e. /qɑrɑɑr/
‘decision’, /ʔiqtirɑɑħ/ ‘suggestion’, /ʔo-qsim/ ‘I swear’, /musiiqa/ ‘music’, /qanuun/ ‘law’
(see Hinds & Badawi 1986: pp. 692, 692, 700, 720, 824 respectively). If we add this number to the number of uvular stops (which are realized as glottal stops in EA) in the same register, they amount to about 430 occurrences versus 60 occurrences of /ʔ/ < CA
*/q/, about 9:1 ratio. This, essentially, makes the sound /q/ one of the relevant features of this register.
The register of the actors playing the role of Greeks displays different behavior. The CA uvular stop */q/ is mainly realized as a glottal stop, as the mainstream realization in EA. Such realization occurs nearly 420 times. In second place comes the realization of the CA uvular stop */q/ as a velar stop in 105 occurrences:
• 90 occurrences with the voiced velar stop /g/, i.e. /gahwa/ ‘coffee’, /galb/ ‘heart’, /digiiga/ ‘minute’, /dagn/ ‘beard’ and /baagi/ ‘remaining, rest’.
• 15 occurrences with the voiceless velar stop /k/, i.e. /kamiis/ ‘shirt’, /ʔokka/ ‘oka’, /dakiika/ ‘minute’, /dilwakti/ ‘now’ and /fakir/ ‘poor’.
Thus, the relation between the realization of the CA uvular stop */q/ as a glottal stop /ʔ/
versus its realization as a velar stop voiced /g/ or voiceless /k/ is at 4:1 ratio.
Moreover, we have a few instances of the CA uvular stop */q/ maintained as such, namely five occurrences:
• twice in a proper name: /Qɑṭr-in-nada/ ‘Qaṭr-il-Nadā’;
• twice in two variants of one lexeme: /ʔuqqa/ ~ /wiqqa/ ‘oka’;39
• once in a context of code-mixing EA-SA as the character is imitating a TV sports commentator /nu-nqiluha/ ‘we transmit’ (2).
(2) Bīǧu GR: nu-ziiʕ ʕalajkum maʕrɑkit Baxbuux il-kobrɑ
we-broadcast for-you battle Baḥbūḥ the-greatest nu-nqiluha ʔilajkum min midaan kabareeh lajaali
we-transmit-it to-you from field cabaret nights
l-xɑẓẓ dilwaʕti ʔexna fii ʕezz il-maʔmaʔa
the-luck now we in peak the-turmoil
“We’re broadcasting for you Baḥbūḥ’s great battle. We transmit it to you from the field of Lucky Nights Cabaret. We are now in the peak of turmoil.”
39 Hinds & Badawi (1986: 953) actually give two variants in the Arabic script, namely uqqa and wiqqa, and only one variant is transcribed phonetically: “ةّقأ ،ةَقو wiꞔꞔa /n pl -aat, wiꞔaꞔ/ [obsol] oka, unit of
Again, the fact that we encounter in the register of the Greek characters the four reflexes of the CA */q/ that exist in different diatopic varieties of EA reflects the unique characteristic of the Greek community: the omnipresence throughout Egypt (vide supra
§2.2b), especially in rural areas and in Alexandria.40
The register of the actors playing the role of Italians, on the other hand, resembles more the mainstream performance of native Egyptians. The CA uvular stop */q/ is mainly realized as a glottal stop, i.e. /ʔalb/ ‘heart’, /ʔɑmɑr/ ‘moon’, /ʔawi/ ‘very’, /dilwaʔti/
‘now’, /ji-ʔdɑr/ ‘to be able to’, in a total of 35 occurrences. The CA uvular stop */q/ is maintained as such in two cases: /ʔiqaama/ ‘residence visa’, as it is actually pronounced in EA (Hinds & Badawi 1986: 724), and /ji-ntɑliq/ ‘to release oneself’ where the Italian character was just imitating the pronunciation of the Egyptian character.
We also have three occurrences of the /k/ reflex of CA */q/: /ṣɑddɑktu/ ‘I believed’
and two toponyms /Kanṭɑret id-dekka/ ‘Qanṭarit-il-Dikka’ and /Bulaako/ ‘Būlāq’. The three are realized in EA with the /ʔ/ reflex.
Table 2
Reflexes of CA */q/ by different linguistic communities
Greeks Turks Italians
*/q/ > /q/ 5 (1%) 38541 (86%) 2 (5%)
*/q/ > /ʔ/ 420 (89%) 60 (13%) 35 (86.5%)
*/q/ > /k/ 15 (3%) 1 (0.5%) 3 (7.5%)
*/q/ > /g/ 90 (17%) 1 (0.5%) —
Total 530 447 40
3.1b The voiced velar stop /g/
Historically, in Egypt, different variants corresponding to the CA ج ǧ, i.e. the voiced postalveolar affricate /ʤ/, have always coexisted: mainly the voiced velar stop /g/; the voiced postalveolar affricate /ʤ/; and the voiced postalveolar fricative /ʒ/ (see Woidich
& Zack 2009 for full discussion). The two variants /g/ and /ʤ/ seem to coexist in Egypt from the very beginning (Behnstedt & Woidich 2018: 70ff.).
40 The /q/ reflex of CA */q/ is attested as having been found in isolated areas on the Mediterranean coast like Rosetta and Baltī ̣m, in the oases of the Western Desert, and it is reported at the end of the nineteenth century in the Fayyūm and Banī Swayf areas south of Cairo. The /ʔ/ reflex is used in Cairo, the central Delta, and along the eastern branch of the Nile. We find the reflex /g/ in the west and the east and in Alexandria (until the first half of the twentieth century) (Behnstedt & Woidich 2018: 70, 78).
41 There are more than 45 cases where the lexeme may be realized with /q/ in EA.
In fact, in this regard Spitta-Bey (1880: 5–6) describes the situation in Egypt as follows:
Gym, umschr. g = ج entspricht dem deutschen trockenen g und ist correct durch das Anlegen der Zunge an den vorderen bis mittleren Theil des Gaumens auszusprechen. Jedoch kommt auch die härtere, mehr im hintern Theil des Gaumens hervorgebrachte, Aussprache vor; andererseits wird es vielfach, wie im deutschen, wie unser Jod oder Dj gesprochen; die harte Aussprache ist für fehlerhaft zu halten. Die jetzt bei den meisten Arabern der Städte und den Beduinen gebräuchliche Mouillierung des g kommt bei dem Bewohner des Nilthales gar nicht vor; er hat durchweg die trockene Aussprache, die er wahrscheinlich seinen Voreltern aus Jemen und Negd verdankt: in einem Theile Jemens und im Negd wird noch jetzt ähnlich gesprochen. […] Hier in Aegypten bemühen sich zwar einige, die etwas Bildung haben und besonders die, welche türkisch verstehen, das g gequetscht auszusprechen; allein das Volk selbst spricht anders, und auch in der rituellen Korânrecitation wird die trockene Aussprache mit Recht beibehalten.42
In their turn, Woidich & Zack (2009: 41) summarize the situation in contemporary Egypt this way:
Within contemporary Egypt we find /g/ in the standard variety as spoken by urbanized persons, which is based on the dialect of the capital Cairo and its surroundings, as well as in modern Alexandria, the central parts of the Delta, in the north-eastern Delta in a corridor stretching along the Damietta branch of the River Nile, and south of Cairo in the Provinces of Fayyūm and Bani Swēf. Other rural areas show one of the other allophones indicated above [i.e. /ʤ/, /gʲ/, /d/, /ʒ/, /z/, /j/, /ɟ/, /ʧ/, /ʦ/].
Indeed, the corpus of this study confirms that: the only allophone to correspond to the CA */ʤ/ in EA is the voiced velar stop /g/. Other allophones occur in just three instances:
• the voiced postalveolar fricative /ʒ/ in /ʒineeh/ ‘Egyptian Pound’ by an Egyptian peasant from the Delta and /ħaaʒe/ ‘something’ by a man from Upper Egypt;
• the voiced postalveolar affricate /ʤ/ in /ʤineeh/ ‘Egyptian Pound’ by another man from Upper Egypt.
42 “Gīm, transcription g = ج corresponds to the German hard g and is correct to pronounce by applying the tongue against the anterior to middle part of the palate. However, the harder pronunciation, further back in the palate, also occurs; otherwise, it is often pronounced, as in German, like our J or Dj; the hard pronunciation is held to be erroneous. The softening of g, which is now common among most Arabs of the cities and the Bedouins, does not occur in the inhabitant of the Nile valley; he has without exception the hard pronunciation which he probably owes to his ancestors from Yemen and Najd. In a part of Yemen and in the Najd the pronunciation is still the same. […] Here in Egypt, some educated people, especially those who understand Turkish, endeavor to utter the squeezed one; but the common people themselves speak differently, and even in the ritual recitation of Quran the hard pronunciation is rightly
As for the foreign communities speaking EA, we have two different behaviors regarding the realization of the EA reflexes which correspond to the CA */ʤ/. The Greek and Italian characters in Egyptian cinema realize it principally as a voiced velar stop /g/, as in mainstream EA. There are two exceptions to this, both from Greek characters:
• /ʒurnɑɑl/ ‘newspaper’ which is a lexical borrowing from the French ‘journal’, following the original /ʒuʁnal/ and not the EA /gurnɑɑl/ (see Hinds & Badawi 1986: 157, al-Dusūqī 1920: 2/354, Taymūr 2001: 3/30);
• /ja haʒʒə pawlo/ ‘o Saint Paul’, which is a wordplay on the similarity between the voiced palatal fricative /ʝ/ in the Greek term Άγιε Παύλο /ˈa.ʝi.e ˈpavlos/ ‘Saint Paul (voc.)’ (see Babiniotis 1998: 53, 1360) and the voiced postalveolar fricative /ʒ/ in the EA /ħaʒʒ/, which is a variant, especially by a religious person, of /ħagg/
‘title of, and form of address or reference to, a pilgrim’ (Hinds & Badawi 1986:
191).
(3.a) Kāẓim TR: ʕaadil beek rɑɑʤil mɑħẓuuẓ
/g/ > /ʤ ~ ʒ/ [Kazim] ’Ādil bey man lucky
“Mr. ‘Ādil is a lucky man.”
Raḍwān TR: ʔal-ħamdu-l-llah Nadja muʃ mawʒuud
[Rıdvan] thanks-to-God Nadya NEG.PART present.F
“Thanks God, Nadya is not present.”
Gimmēz FT: ʔɑqwaali ħɑẓrɑtukum mahabiil maʒaniin sayings-my you.PL crazy.PL mad.PL
“My answer is (that) you (pl.) are crazy, mad.”
(3.b) Nāzik TR: ʕaadil beeh rɑɑgil ʕanduh zooʔ
/g/ > /g/ [Nazik] ’Ādil bey man by-his taste
“Mr. ‘Ādil is a man of (good) taste.”
Yanni GR: ʔana ma-ne-ʕrɑf-ʃ xaaga tanja
[Γιάννης] I don’t-know thing other.F
“I don’t know anything else.”
Cavallo IT: ʔana rɑɑgil fiih damm
I but in-it blood
“I’m a considerate man.”
Yet, we have seen in the previous paragraph that the realization of the CA voiceless uvular stop */q/ by the actors playing the role of Greeks displays a 4:1 ratio between the two reflexes, the voiced velar stop /g/ and the glottal stop /ʔ/. Therefore, we expect to have the same ratio here between the reflexes of the CA voiced postalveolar affricate /ʤ/, namely the voiced postalveolar affricate ~ fricative /ʤ ~ ʒ/ and the voiced velar stop /g/:
The distribution of /g/ ~ /ǧ/ parallels within Egyptian territory that of /’/ ~ /g/ (Old Arabic *q), in the sense that the two phonemes show an implicational relationship: /g/ (< *g) implies /’/ or /q/ (< *q), and a dialect with /ǧ/ ~ /ž/ (< *g) will have /g/ (< *q) (Woidich & Zack 2009: 41).
The absence of other allophones of the voiced velar stop /g/ causes an overlapping of two reflexes of two distinguished phonemes.
The register of the actors playing the role of Turks differs from that of Italians and Greeks. Since OT has always had a close connection with several varieties of Arabic, it is not surprising that “loanwords from Arabic and Persian once formed more than 80 percent of the vocabulary of written Ottoman Turkish” (Thomason 2007: 666).
As a matter of fact, Ottoman Turkish (and Modern Turkish) has a voiced velar stop /g/ (Persian ‘گ’ in OT and ‘g’ in TR), a voiced postalveolar affricate /ʤ/ (Arabic ‘ج’ in OT and ‘c’ in TR) and, mainly in borrowings from Persian and French, a voiced postalveolar fricative /ʒ/ (Persian ‘ژ’ in OT and ‘j’ in TR) (Redhouse 1884a: 35, 38, 41, Kāmil 1896: 8–9, Yavuz & Balcı 2011: 22, Kornfilt 1997: 484-5). Accordingly, the three common reflexes in EA, namely /g/ and /ʤ/ and /ʒ/, corresponding to the CA voiced postalveolar affricate */ʤ/, are three distinct phonemes in Turkish and, among them, only the voiced postalveolar affricate /ʤ/ corresponds to its identical counterpart in CA.
Therefore, in all common lexemes between EA and OT, we expect to find the CA voiced postalveolar affricate */ʤ/ to be maintained as such43 by a Turk who interacts in EA. Common lexemes, on the one hand, may exist because they derive in both languages from CA origin. Here are some examples from the corpus:
• /tɑɑʒir/رجات tājir (Redhouse 1890: 473) instead of the EA /taagir/ ‘merchant’
(Hinds & Badawi 1986: 184);
43 In this paragraph, I do not consider the difference between the two allophones /ʤ/ and /ʒ/ for two reasons. In the one hand, for an Egyptian, both are connected with Classical and/or Standard Arabic and, on the other hand, the actors do their best the pronounce the affricate allophone but few of them achieve success in that. Actually, we find more often the fricative allophone /ʒ/ rather than the affricate
• /mavʒuud/ دوجوم mevjūd (Redhouse 1890: 2025) instead of the EA /mawguud/
‘existing’ (Hinds & Badawi 1986: 184);
• /ʒamiil/ ليمج jemīl (Redhouse 1890: 678) instead of the EA /gamiil/ ‘beautiful’
(Hinds & Badawi 1986: 172);
• /ʒahannam/ منهج jehennem (Redhouse 1890: 694) instead of the EA /gahannam/
‘Hell’ (Hinds & Badawi 1986: 179);
• /ʤaamiʕ/ عماج jāmi‘ (Redhouse 1890: 636) instead of the EA /gaamiʕ/ ‘mosque’
(Hinds & Badawi 1986: 170).
On the other hand, common lexemes may exist due to lexical borrowing from OT into EA, like these examples extracted from the corpus:
• /ṭɑbɑnʒaat/ <from OT هجنابط (in TR tabanca)> ‘pistol’ (Redhouse 1890: 1231) instead of the EA /ṭɑbɑngɑ/ (Hinds & Badawi 1986: 533);
• /lavanʒijja/ ‘housemaid’, compound of ناويل līvān ‘court’ and the suffix denoting a profession or occupation يج -ji (see Redhouse 1890: 1649, 695) instead of the EA /lawangijja/ (Taymūr 2001: 5/301).44
The realization of the CA voiced postalveolar affricate */ʤ/ as /ʤ/ or /ʒ/,45 however, extends to more lexemes not falling within these two categories. We find, for instance, words that do not exist in Turkish: e.g. /tɑhʒiṣaat/, which is for the EA /tɑhgiiṣ/ ‘to tell boasting lies, brag’ (Hinds & Badawi 1986: 900) or /ʒajj/ for the EA /gajj/ ‘coming’
(Hinds & Badawi 1986: 184), and /ʒiib/ for the EA /giib/ ‘bring!’ (Hinds & Badawi 1986:
184). We also find other lexemes that do not exist in Turkish although there may be lexemes of the same Arabic root, like /faʒrejjaat/ for the EA /fagrijja/ ‘(time of) dawn’
(Hinds & Badawi 1986: 642), where رجف fejr ‘dawn’ does exist in Turkish (Redhouse
(Hinds & Badawi 1986: 642), where رجف fejr ‘dawn’ does exist in Turkish (Redhouse