Perceived Reasons of Armed Groups to Commit Rape

Finally, the victims where asked what they believe are the motives of the perpetrators. A list was

56 read to the respondents to ask for the reasons they believe account for the rape they suffered.

Again multiple answers were permitted.

Table 3: Perceived reasons for rapes

For what reason do you think you were raped (attacked)? Percentage YES

to displace me and / or my community 57 %

to instill fear within my community 57 %

to steal 52 %

to transmit diseases (like HIV/AIDS) 48 %

to abduct me and / or others 43 %

to destroy 43 %

to gain or destroy magical power 33 %

to be sexually relieved 29 %

just for fun 19 %

to impregnate me 9 %

to punish my community 5 %

do not know 5 %

In the eyes of most women there were multiple reasons why they were raped. These included strategic purposes as well as opportunistic behavior. To displace communities, instill fear within them and punish them as well as to gain or destroy magical power can be seen as strategic objectives. The first two ranked highest amongst the participants’ answers. Fewer women than expected reported that the rapes were to punish their communities. Often the women did not consider their communities to be parties in any way to the conflict.

To transmit diseases (like HIV/AIDS) and to impregnate women could also be deemed strategic objectives of rape. Taken together, 57% of the women thought these were reasons why they were raped. If these are indeed strategic objectives of sexual abuse, the long-term goals behind these strategies need to be clarified.

Another explanation for sexual violence is that it happens within an atmosphere that encourages or allows armed groups to rape women even though rape serves no further purpose. Such opportunistic factors could include combatants raping women when they abduct them or loot their property. Slightly fewer women believed these opportunistic factors were reasons for the rape. However, most women saw both opportunistic and strategic factors as reason for rape.

57 Furthermore, almost one-third of the women believed the combatants raped them to be sexually relieved and 19% thought they were raped ‘just for fun’. Though these explanations were not given as often as others, their frequency is still alarming and points to the enormity of the culture of violence and sexism present in the Eastern DRC. Women themselves are considered a

‘lootable resource’ (Leatherman, 2007).

5. Conclusion

The main finding of this article is, that in the eyes of the victims the rapes serve a multitude of different proposes and ultimately aim at inflicting maximum pain and destruction. From the victims’ perspective it appears, that no particular group of women or girls is signaled out and targeted, but rather, any girl or woman can be attacked and raped at any time. As one participant put it: "When people start whispering about war, women will be raped."⁹ That is to say for the victims, rape in the DRC appears to be both endemic and indiscriminate.

From the victims’ perspective sexual violence is not only a part of the war, it is war. Herzog (2009) made a similar observation for war-time rape in general. This might be the main reason, why it was difficult for the participants to attribute any meaning or strategy to sexual violence.

Frequently whole groups of civilians are victims of rapes and other crimes. These crimes often take place at the same time. This concurrence makes it more difficult to understand the function of rape, as it cannot be separated from lootings, killings and pure annihilation.

The presented data suggest that the rape of girls and women is a coordinated activity of armed groups. The perpetrators of rapes are heavily armed and militarily organized amongst themselves during their attacks. That both rapes and other crimes against civilians are typically carried out by groups of combatants underscores the fact that these crimes are part of their modus operandi and not reserved for particularly cruel or undisciplined individuals. It would be crucial to gain a better understanding of the function gang rape plays in this context. Additionally, the exploration of the, potentially systematic, use of alcohol and psychoactive substances might merit attention.

Time and again testimonies are recorded of girls and women who have been raped in the most

9 Interview 03/02/09 with the woman who was given code 23

58 brutal ways. These testimonies are of outmost importance, and rightly appeal to the emotions of many. To properly understand the reasons for sexual violence and the different dimensions of these crimes, we furthermore urgently need proper epidemiological data and more structured interviews with both victims and perpetrators. Crucially, we need to investigate, how opportunistic and strategic reasons for rape might interact. There is no question that the human rights of girls and women are violated on a daily basis in the DRC, presenting victims’

perspective on this crime, is only a very first step to systematically understand it.

59 III.

Psychological Rehabilitation of Ex-Combatants in Non-Western, Post-Conflict Settings

Anna Maedl, Elisabeth Schauer, Michael Odenwald, Thomas Elbert

Published as:

Maedl, A., Schauer, E., Odenwald, M., & Elbert, T. (2010). Psychological Rehabilitation of Ex-Combatants in Non-Western, Post-Conflict Settings. In E. Martz (Ed.), Trauma Rehabilitation after War and Conflict: Community and Individual Perspectives (pp. 177 - 214). New York: Springer.

0. Abstract

Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programs are part of most international peace-building efforts and post-conflict interventions in developing countries. Well over a million former combatants have participated in DDR programs in more than 20 countries; the vast majority of them in sub-Saharan Africa. The impact, however, has remained disappointing.

A significant portion of ex-combatants suffers from severe psychological distress, including PTSD, depression, substance dependence, and psychotic conditions. These individuals are heavily impaired in their daily functioning and are therefore at a high risk for failing to reintegrate into civilian society. This has far-reaching consequences for the process of reconciliation and peace-building within their communities and post-war areas at large. It might even fuel cycles of violence that reach into the next generation.

Psychological components of DDR programs are frequently neither sufficiently specific nor professional enough to address re-integration failure and the threat of continuing domestic or armed violence. This paper presents examples from post-conflict settings, in which specific and targeted mental-health interventions and dissemination methods have been successfully evaluated, including Narrative Exposure Therapy and Interpersonal Therapy. It suggests a comprehensive community-based DDR program, which offers mental health treatment for

60 affected individuals as well as community interventions to facilitate reintegration and lasting peace.