Participant Performing Researcher (PPR) Method

Participant performing researcher is a method for collecting data suggested by Na’Allah in 2009. While participant observer dates back to the 20^th century and was developed by cultural anthropologists, PPR is a recent method. Na’Allah who proposed the PPR method suggests that there is huge difference between the participant observer and PPR. Whilst the former means the researcher sits with the informants to observe them, the latter means that the researcher takes part in the performance. In his opinion, using the observation method, the researcher cannot collect first-hand information but remains simply an observer. He emphasizes that the observer often collects second-hand data in contrast to the participant performing researcher who takes part in the performance. Na’Allah suggests that the observation method should be left in the hands of anthropologists, whereas PPR should be employed by researchers in performance studies, in particular, African performance studies (Tanzania in this case). Na’Allah, in his own words, says,

“In order to understand oral performance, observation of events is not enough. We need to be part of action and experience it so that we can have a first-hand understanding of it or have those who have experienced it present the knowledge of it to us, thus making our knowledge second hand but reliable in the sense we have acknowledged it as other peoples’ interpretation of their personal experience . . . The problem is that the status of observer is not the same as that of performer. It is wrong, in my opinion, to call observant participant as anthropologists often do. An observant is an observant, and a performer is a performer . . . at least in African performance research. The performance studies scholar interact the same level as primary performers, get to know them on their grounds, listen to them, and perform with them at the level of their inner and outer most circle . . . when it is time for them to throw themselves into the social

17

cultural, spiritual and artistic performance frenzy, he or she should freely throw him or herself with them; and only after that can he sit down to analyse only aspects of their life performances to which he or she has been a part of ” (2009:36-37).

Indeed, following Na’Allah’s argument I found it worth employing this technique to observe ngoma performances in order to experience first-hand how young people avail themselves of ngoma to combat their plight of denial of space along with the challenges they come across in their endeavours.

My double role as a dancer and researcher was incredibly beneficial to me. It helped me to gain a practical understanding of the issues facing young people in ngoma groups and the strategies they employ to overcome their problems. Besides gaining first-hand knowledge of the issues I was researching, I found that the method was useful for minimizing the gap between the researcher and the researched. For instance, when I introduced myself as the researcher, at first, young dancers, particularly females, kept their distance. However, as soon as I joined the group and began to dance with them the gap slowly began to narrow. The more I danced with them, the closer we became. Then, I noticed that the relationship was developing between us that filled the gap mentioned above. Finally we became friends, which simplified my life as a researcher, especially when it came to discussing sensitive issues.

Dancing together, being tired together, eating together and staying together for so long at rehearsals and performances as well as in our social lives made them slowly forget my role as a researcher, which gave them the freedom to share their private lives with me.

Being transparent about their private lives I became conscious of several dynamics including why the number of male dancers surpasses that of females. Moreover, I got to participate in meetings discussing sensitive issues like the earnings and division of roles of groups.

Participating in sensitive issues was beneficial for gaining an understanding of how the earnings were divided between males and females and why. While taking part as a member of the group, youth told me about the injustice, oppression and exploitation occurring in groups and how they impact their struggle for space via ngoma. Through the intimate relationship established I gained an understanding of the consumption of intoxicating substances during performances and why young people indulged in it. A detailed discussion about intoxicating substances is presented in chapter six.

Although PPR is very useful in research which involves performance, the technique has its limitations. It challenges the researcher as it demands him or her to play a double role. When

18

using this method I was obliged to play the role of a dancer and researcher. I sometimes experienced a conflict of roles. This was especially the case when I had to dance and at the same time record events. In some cases the method was unproductive as I found myself pulled towards dancing and so forgot my role as a researcher, which is why I employed an assistant to record live performances. The research assistant was of great help when I had to collect data from the audience while the performances unfolded on the stage. The photo below elucidates the point.

Figure 1: Researcher in live performance with Alamano group, field photo by Elizabeth Singile PPR requires the researcher to live the same life as the dancers during rehearsals and performances. Therefore, the researcher has to eat, dance and do everything the dancers do (ibid 37). The Hayahaya ngoma group could be cited here as an example to illustrate the point. This group, which is in Dar es Salaam, tends to cook and eat together during rehearsals, which creates equality and unity among the members. I observed that because they shared whatever little they had, it created a feeling of family and a sense of being loved, cared for and treasured by those who had not experienced that.

The study observed that they rehearsed twice a week, Tuesdays and Fridays from 10 am to 6 pm. During this time the members lived like a family and cooked together. It should be noted, however, that the cooking was not done every time they met for rehearsals. Cooking was done when there was something to cook. This is especially the case when the group got a deal to perform somewhere. Thus the money sometimes was given to the cook who could prepare something for the group. In some cases the members themselves decided to bring something with them to be cooked for the group. If no money had been generated or no member came with something to cook, it simply meant no lunch. So everybody had to be tolerant while rehearsing on an empty stomach and wait for dinner at home. Group members were already used to rehearsing without lunch and had learned how to cope with the situation. As for me, it

19

was not easy. In my first days in the group I suffered from missing lunch as I started losing energy. In fact, it took some time for me to get used to dancing without eating something.

Besides PPR, I employed a questionnaire to collect data from dance professionals.