Enfrid Islami
Despite the fact that Macedonia has come a long way since the armed conflict in 2001, the relationship between ethnic Albanians and Macedo- nians inside the country keeps reminding outsiders of its fragility. 19 years after declaring independence from former Yugoslavia, its struggle for identity, besides slowing down the rhythm of necessary reforms needed for Macedonia’s membership aspirations, has also brought back a question which most people thought was settled long ago. Who does Macedonia really belong to?
Troubled by the coexistence between ethnic Albanians and Macedoni- ans; an ongoing struggle for identity - evidence for which is the name dispute with Greece - and efforts to become a member of NATO and the EU; the country is finding it hard to address all these issues simultane- ously. At the same time, this struggle seems to be preventing Macedonia from becoming a factor of stability in the region as well as on the inter- national arena. Macedonia should aim at making the final step from a security threat to a country exporting stability into the region.
The Balkans has always represented a troubled neighbourhood, and Ma- cedonia was reminded of that lesson the hard way in 2001. It takes little to trigger discontent both on the political and social level in this neighbourhood. In the Balkans these questions often never get solved. It has been said that the Balkans are indeed the only place on earth that has not decided to let go of its past. Countries in the region should realize that EU integration and NATO membership is not a magic stick. It will not immediately solve all problems. But it will certainly provide for bet- ter circumstances to negotiate on them. A civilized, diplomatic discus- sion is undoubtedly better than the use of force to settle disagreement.
The future of these countries is closely interconnected, whether it is membership to the EU, or simply interregional cooperation in the social and economic sphere.
Internal problems
Although Macedonia has indeed come a long way from the armed con- flict of 2001, which was settled by the signing of the Ohrid Agreement,1 the process of implementing reforms in the country has been stalling.
Macedonia was granted the candidate status in 2005,2 and the country was expected to continue the implementation of necessary reforms in crucial areas such as its judiciary, fight against corruption, minority rights etc. Seven years later, Macedonia sees itself at the same stage in matter of EU membership with Montenegro and Serbia, which both started their journey towards integration much later. Inter-ethnic rela- tions (ethnic Albanians and Macedonians) are still the main cause for most of the internal problems in the country. The failure of the Macedo- nian government to successfully implement requirements stemming from the Ohrid Agreement in 2001, often stir up relations between the central government and territories where the Albanian population consti- tutes a majority. At the same time, quotas reserved for minorities in local and central administration are not always properly met, which also leads to discontent and unrest in the country.
Certainly, the name dispute with Greece has prevented the country from moving forward on its aspirations to become a full fledged member of NATO. However, the impression is that the Macedonian government has used this dispute as an excuse to leave membership, both to the EU and NATO, aside for the moment. That would be the only explanation why the speed of reforms implementation has decreased, which would in turn justify why the EU, still, after seven years, has not given Skopje a start date for accession talks. Many analysts in the country consider the cur- rent stagnation as the source of the current crisis in Macedonia. They also believe that accession to NATO, and possibly opening of accession talks with the EU, would certainly help diffuse ethnic tensions within the
1 Framework Agreement. 13.08.2001, available at:
http://faq.macedonia.org/politics/framework_agreement.pdf (Accessed on 07.10.2012).
2 Candidate Status for Macedonia: Osservatorio Balcani and Caucasio : Available at:
http://www.balcanicaucaso.org/eng/Regions-and-countries/Macedonia/Candidate- Status-for-Macedonia (Accessed on 09.10.2012).
country. The hope is that after accession to the alliance, and the opening of accession negotiating talks for the EU, energies would be focused elsewhere, rather than in dealing with internal inter-ethnic issues. In the case of the EU, government efforts will most likely have to be addressed at fulfilling the necessary conditions for full membership in the Euro- pean family. Whereas in the case of NATO, Macedonia will have to rise up to the challenge of meeting responsibilities as a full fledged member of the North Atlantic Alliance in terms of providing security in the re- gion and beyond.
In recent years we could see a rise in populist movements across the Balkans. This trend of populism is often adopted by political parties in the region either to hold power, or to attract voters support in times of elections. The election of Tomislav Nikolić as the president of Serbia raised concerns in the international community about the willingness of the new president to give up on Kosovo and to continue reforms in view of Serbia’s integration process. Undoubtedly, a strong reliance on popu- list ideology and support from die hard nationalist eventually led Nikolić to win these elections.
As a consequence of the current financial troubles, Greece also has to deal with the rise of nationalism, represented mostly by the Golden Dawn party, which has adopted an increasingly tough approach towards the issue of immigrants in the country ever since Greeks elected them to the parliament in the last two general elections.
Therefore, not surprisingly, for the first time after many years, we see the emergence of nationalist parties in Albania. The emergence of the Red and Black Alliance is expected to have a substantial effect in the composition of the next legislation which is to come out of the general elections in the country in 2013. As such, that could be considered as a general trait for the region. As it often happens, there seemingly is a lack of willingness among the Balkan countries to let go of their past. This often ends up being an impediment in their way to socio-economic de- velopment, mostly represented by membership in the EU, NATO. Mem- berships, which not only guarantee stability and security in the region, but which also could be the pillars of economic development for these
countries. This seems to have been the case for VMRO-DPMNE in the recent years as well.
One of the other important factors which have led to internal stagnation in terms of reforms implementation lies in the lack of political dialogue within the Macedonian political environment. There seems to be a lack of willingness from the Macedonian part to accept the possibility of the adoption of a common multiethnic state. The approach that the govern- ment has taken on the interpretation of the many ethnicity related inci- dents that have happened in the recent years in the country, has certainly added to the doubts of the international community, as well as to a lack of trust from ethnic Albanians. It seems as if the ruling Macedonian par- ty, (VMRO-DPMNE) has been adopting populism as an important means to holding political power in the country. What the Macedonian government does not seem to realize is that coexistence between the two ethnicities, is not only necessary, but it is a must for building a func- tional and democratic state.
Albanian-Macedonian relations
Like almost all relations between Balkan countries, the one between Macedonia and Albania has had its ups and downs through the years. As Albert Rakipi, Executive Director of the Albanian Institute for Interna- tional Studies, says 3
“Relations between Albania and FYROM ever since the independence of the latter have been as good as good can be in the Balkans. It is not that there have been no problems between the two countries but Albania has shown a European spirit and approach to solving these problems.”
Diplomatic relations with Albania are normal at current. High ranked public officials from both countries exchange visits on a regular basis.
The presidents and prime ministers, countries meet at regional forums, and high ranked political figures meet with their counterparts on a nor- mal basis. One of the pillars of this diplomatic relationships is certainly the presence of ethnic Albanians in the country. Political Tirana un-
3 Albert Rakipi PhD- European Integration à la Macédoine: Tirana Times, available at: http://tiranatimes.com/news.php?id=3564&cat=3 (accessed on 09.10.2012).
doubtedly has an influence on ethnic Albanians in Macedonia. However, the influential role of Tirana in this perspective has been weakening.
This is mainly a consequence of the ethnic Albanian political institutions in Macedonia having achieved a certain degree of maturity, thus slowly, but surely, pushing Tirana out of the main picture.
Another factor contributing to the weakening of the position of influence of political Tirana vis-à-vis Macedonia and ethnic Albanians living there is the approach taken by political elites in Albania. The political ap- proach which could be seen recently in Albania, has been one that aimed at positioning the country at an equal distance between ethnic Albanian parties in Macedonia. This has made for a change from previous ap- proaches from Tirana, which often enough resulted at rising tensions ethnic Albanians themselves in Macedonia, as well as between them and Macedonians. In terms of bilateral relations, we can certainly consider this a positive development.
Good relations between the countries are also a result of their respective efforts to adapt to the good neighbouring politics as required by authori- ties in Brussels. It must also be said that the political willingness of the Macedonian government to create a common multiethnic state, and the way it addresses the ethnic Albanians issue in the country, has a direct effect on the relationship between the two countries. Whenever the Ma- cedonian government has attempted to benefit politically from inter eth- nic incidents, the relationship between Skopje and Tirana has gotten tense. This is better shown by the latest incidents which stirred a massive wave of discontent among public opinion in Albania towards Mace- donia.
There have also been periods of time when the relations between the countries have been shaky to say the least. In 2008, the Macedonian government decided to put in place a visa regime with Albania, a deci- sion which created a lot of tension among ethnic Albanians in Mace- donia, as well as in Tirana. The issue was later settled by an official visit of Prime Minister Gruesvki in Albania a few months after the decision was taken. Still, that helped to show that relations between Macedonia and Albania are fragile and are constantly determined by the policy mak-
ing in Skopje when it comes to bilateral relations, as well as the ap- proach the government decides to take when dealing with ethnic issues.
Albanian-Macedonian economic relations
On the economic level relations between Albania and Macedonia have been increasingly important for both countries. In the last 10 years Ma- cedonia has been able to position itself as the second country in terms of exports into Albania. According to statistics from the4 Albanian Ministry of Economy, exports towards Macedonia in 2012 made up 15.9% of total exports toward CEFTA countries. Regarding imports, Macedonia represents 21% of total Albanian imports from CEFTA countries, posi- tioning itself in the 3rd position, after Croatia, and Serbia. Most of the imports from Macedonia come from the sector of agriculture and the food products in general. Taking advantage of a more modern and thus productive agriculture sector, Macedonia has been able to introduce its products to the Albanian market more easily and in larger quantities.
This has allowed Macedonian farmers to acquire a large share of the market in Albania. Statistics show that in the first 10 months of 2011, the total value of investments of Albanian business in Macedonia amounted to 2 million Euros. In the first 3 months of 2011, exchange between the two countries increased by 30 per cent. Translated in more specific amounts, that means a total export of 22 million Euros for Alba- nia towards, Macedonia, and at the same time, a 46 million Euro turnout on imports from Macedonia to the Albanian markets. The exchange is mostly focused on agricultural and light industry. Article 40, of the CEFTA agreement, signed by several countries in 2006, and required the all signing countries to introduce measures which would alleviate costs of imports and exports between them, before May 2009. In this perspec- tive, in 5May, 2009, Macedonia and Albania removed custom tariffs for
4 Albania’s Trade Relations with Regional Countries: Available at:
http://open.data.al/sq/lajme/lajm/lang/sq/id/388/Marredheniet-Tregtare-te-
Shqiperise-me-Vendet-e-Rajonit-%28anetare-te-CEFTA%29 (Accessed on 10.10.2012).
5 Albania-Macedonia, without Custom Tariffs: Koha Jone: Available at:
http://www.kohajone.com/html/artikull_38552.html (Acessed on 09.10.2012).
goods imported and exported between them. This move has played an important role in the further improvement of economic exchange, mostly in the agricultural and light industry sectors.
Albania has also represented a valuable economic access point to the west for Macedonia, mostly by granting access to the port of Durrës to Macedonian businesses, Macedonia often enough uses its relative prox- imity to the port of Durrës, as an added value to attract foreign investors in the country. As the relations with Greece came to a freeze after the emergence of the name dispute, the normal access to sea, the port of Thessalonica, all of a sudden became unavailable for Macedonian busi- ness. At this time, the Albanian government granted Macedonia access to the port of Durrës, showing a friendly approach in view of the re- quired good neighbourhood policy advocated by the European Union.
The general impression however, is that economic exchange between the two countries can and should be extended even further. Although, con- sidering the last developments of agriculture production within Albania, the possibility that Albanian farmers will be able to meet national de- mands will shortly turn to reality. Consequently there will be less and less need for foreign imports, particularly in the agricultural sector, in- cluding imports from Macedonia. This will necessarily require a new approach in matters related to economic cooperation between the two neighbours. First data on exports and imports between Macedonia and Albania have already confirmed the trend, with exports and imports with Macedonia showing a slight decrease in the first four months of 2012.
However, the recent decrease in economic exchange between the two countries could also be attributed to the ongoing European financial cri- sis. Although the level to which small, developing economies in the re- gion (Greece is a different matter altogether) are affected from it, is cer- tainly less severe than their western counterparts.
A gloomy perspective?
The first half of 2012 showed how fragile the situation in Macedonia really is, and unless appropriate measures are taken by the government tensions are sure to rise even further. From the moment the coalition led
by Gruesvki’s VMRO–DPMNE was confirmed in the last general elec- tions, the ethnic tensions between the Albanian population and Macedo- nians have seen a sudden rise. The series of incidents began on February 28th, when two young ethnic Albanians were shot dead by a Macedo- nian police officer in a dispute over a parking lot, in Gostivar. While there was no reaction from Tirana’s officials on this case, the Macedo- nian Ministry of Internal affairs was quick to dismiss the killing on the basis of self defence from the police officer after being attacked by the two victims. Unfortunately, this was only the first of many incidents to come, which would worsen the situation and the already volatile rela- tionship between the two ethnicities in the country. On 13 March 2012, 5 bodies were found near Lake Smilikovski in Skopje.6 Initial investiga- tion on behalf of the Macedonian police concluded that the bodies are a result of a murder. According to the Macedonian Ministry of foreign affairs, all 5 victims belonged to minor age, and were Macedonian na- tionals. On the day of the incident, Albanian and Macedonian media in Skopje reported a highly flared up situation and consequently a number of ethnic based clashes during the night.
What emerges from the latest ethnic clashes is that although the signed Ohrid agreement looked good at least on paper, its implementation still lacks of the expected results. There seems to be a lack of willingness from VMRO DMPNE, to engage in mutually beneficial reforms which would bring the two ethnicities closer to each other. At the same time, it seems to be that Albanian parties, be it the opposition, or the party which is part of the ruling coalition, are more interested in participating in the blaming game, rather then engaging in a proactive effort to protect Al- banian interests inside the country. Apart from the lack of insecurity and safety that people on both sides fear as a result of constant flare ups of ethnic hatred, the Macedonian society is suffering from the existence of what experts in the region define as two “parallel” societies. As time goes by, it is getting more difficult to bring these “parallel” societies together, even on important matters such as European integration.
6 Killing Heighten Ethnic tensions in Macedonia: New York Times Available at:
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/16/world/europe/killings-heighten-ethnic- tensions-in-macedonia.html?_r=0 (Accessed on 10.10.2012).
Conclusion and recommendations
When it comes to inter-ethnic relations within Macedonia there are a few things that to be taken into account as seen from the Albanian perspec- tive. First and foremost, the political willingness of the Macedonian side to agree to a multiethnic state is the basis for creating a functioning de- mocratic state.
The Macedonian side should definitely give up on proposing and im- plementing one sided laws which could incite anger and discontent amongst ethnic Albanians. The recent law for Macedonian special forc- es, the so called7 “branitella law” was only the latest proof of this behav- iour. The piece of legislation was drafted by VMRO DPMNE, and aimed at guaranteeing special rights and privileges to members of the Macedonian special force during the 2001 conflict. This triggered dis- content from ethnic Albanian representatives in the parliament, both the ones in power (Democratic Union for Integration) as well as the opposi- tion (Democratic Party of Albanians). These parties requested and sug- gested amendments to the law, which would guarantee the same privi- leges and rights for Albanian members of the National Liberation Army as well. The difference on opinion over this piece of legislation threat- ened the stability of the ruling coalition.8 Former Prime Minister Lupco Georgievski himself warned of the risk of introducing laws of a ho-
The Macedonian side should definitely give up on proposing and im- plementing one sided laws which could incite anger and discontent amongst ethnic Albanians. The recent law for Macedonian special forc- es, the so called7 “branitella law” was only the latest proof of this behav- iour. The piece of legislation was drafted by VMRO DPMNE, and aimed at guaranteeing special rights and privileges to members of the Macedonian special force during the 2001 conflict. This triggered dis- content from ethnic Albanian representatives in the parliament, both the ones in power (Democratic Union for Integration) as well as the opposi- tion (Democratic Party of Albanians). These parties requested and sug- gested amendments to the law, which would guarantee the same privi- leges and rights for Albanian members of the National Liberation Army as well. The difference on opinion over this piece of legislation threat- ened the stability of the ruling coalition.8 Former Prime Minister Lupco Georgievski himself warned of the risk of introducing laws of a ho-