The topic of this paper is Italian Fascism as reflected in the daily newspapers of Estonia in the years 1919–1940. The material has been taken from the newspapers: “Päevaleht” (“Daily Newspaper”), “Postimees” (“Postman”), and “Vaba Maa” (“Free Land”); also from “Rahvaleht”
(“People’s Paper”) of the period when it served as a substitute for “Vaba Maa”. Before the birth of Fascism in Italy, the country of its birth was looked upon as an example in Estonia. The Fascists tried to acquire the glory of G. Garibaldi, who had been honoured in Estonia, too. The daily newspapers of Estonia also sometimes associated Fascism with his example. Although Fascism is usually less estimated, during the rule of Fascism in Italy Estonian newspapers sometimes began to look at life in Italy as making progress in comparison to the earlier history of Italy – Italian people were seen as becoming more disciplined, more sporting, and taller; the voice of Italy better heard in the world. Generalizations about the whole history of Italy were made, they claimed that nothing happened there without exaggerations. Fascism was not recommended for Estonia, but it was written that Estonia needed B. Mussolini, the leader of the Italian Fascists.
In Estonia Nationalism was honoured and in connection with Italy Fascism was looked upon as a synonym of Nationalism. Of the internationally well-known political currents Fascism was also viewed in connection with socialism, later with corporatism, which had more or less influential supporters in Estonia. In different articles based on their own or foreign analysis, under the term
‘Fascism’ was also meant an organisation fighting against communism or socialism (especially in the earlier period), a current in political life being at enmity with democracy, the carrier of the idea of Greater Italy, something peculiar only to Italy, a creator of order and discipline, a searcher for freedom and individual initiative through violence, the equivalent of Russian Communism or Prussian etatism in Italy, a style of rule similar to that of Napoleon III based on external splendor, continuation of the traditions of ancient Rome, and a peculiar form of democracy.
When it has been said that the main newspaper of the veterans league wrote positively about Italian Fascism, the newspapers studied in this paper included both positive and also negative attitudes. Although it is still not possible to know everything about Italian Fascism, much new information about it has become available after World War II. As a result of that the evaluation of Fascism has become more negative than it was in the pre-war press. But from there one can also find information, which makes the picture opening in the general dissertations of Fascism more exact.
Thus the reading of some of B. Mussolini’s speeches for example may put things into different light.
During the research the idea, that B. Mussolini wanted to avoid World War II because of the Rome’s international exhibition began to seem dubious. And so did the idea that the road to World War II was opened by the Italo-Ethiopian war. The evidence for dating the beginnig of Italo-German rapprochement or Italy turning racist also cannot be ignored.
The main facts about Italian Fascism presented in the press were correct, but, as for details, there were many mistakes. At the very beginning of the Fascist movement, nothing was written about it. In the 1920s the main attention was rightly focused on the introduction of the term of Fascism, and on the domestic policy of Italy. In the first half of the 1930s attention was concentrated on three crises – the Great Depression, the conflict between the Italian state and the Catholic Church, and especially the Ethiopian War. In the late 1930s the theme of Italo-German relations became central, Italian participation in the Spanish Civil War also needed attention. Great attention was paid to the person of B. Mussolini, at the same time there was relative silence around other Italians. The role of B. Mussolini in the Fascist movement and the history of Italy were overestimated. His personal qualities were shown mainly in a groundlessly good light. As the head of the government and as the leader of Fascists he was sometimes regarded as irreplaceable. The story of his life was shown as something untruly heroic. Untrue facts showing Italian Fascism in a good light were published. For example, the number of the members of the Fascist movement at the moment of coming to power was overestimated. The murder of G. Matteotti was shown only as an act of personal revenge. The de jure recognition of the Fascist government by the Catholic Church was announced too early. During the Ethiopian War, it was wrongly claimed, that the use of chemical weapons was legal, but the information of its usage came earlier than it really happened. It was claimed that the war was over before the whole country was conquered and the hostilities quietly went on. In the bibliographed articles almost no information can be found about the blood-shed in Libya. In case of the famous Germany-trip of B. Mussolini it was erroneously declared that he had never before visited foreign countries. In general, the military power of the Fascists was
shown unrealistically big. The headings were often inaccurate, exaggerated and reflected as real, while they were only probable. The newspapers were better familiar with those subjects, which were introduced by the Fascists themselves – exhibitions, demonstrations, campaigns for autarchy, increase in population, and soil improvement; also with logical comparisons between Italy and the rest of the world – discussing whether democracy or dictatorship is better. But at the same time nothing certain was known about developments behind the closed doors – about the planning of military actions against foreign powers. Relatively little was said about the repressions. Neither did they know anything about the predicable plan of the King of Italy for a coup d’ėtat. The inexactnesses in the information and evaluations were caused by the censorship in Italy, also by the speed needed in a journalist’s work in daily newspapers.
Predictions were made about the future of Fascism, of which some became true, others not. In connection with the “March on Rome” armed clashes were expected, which did not come. After B.
Mussolini’s nomination as the Prime Minister it was rightly expected that the crisis of power would stop for a longer period. Doubts about the perspectives of Fascists’ rule arose after the murder of G.
Matteotti in June 1924 and the crisis following that. In connection with the revolutionary events in January 1925, when B. Mussolini gave in to the extreme Fascists, and took responsibility for the crimes of Fascists, at the same time strengthening his power, the perspectives of the Fascist government were estimated to be better again. There were doubts about the perspectives of Fascism in case of the fall of B. Mussolini, which proved to be grounded, at least in connection with World War II. The newspapers could predict the withdrawal of Italy from the League of Nations, and the turn to the road of war.
One gets the impression that Estonians outside the press were also rather friendly towards Italian Fascism – marks of distinction and presents were exchanged, the possibilities of studying Italian were sought. But E. Laaman had to answer a reader praising Italian Fascism for antisemitism that his conception was not correct. There were no persistent differences among different daily newspapers under investigation, although during the era of crisis in the first half of the 1930s,
“Postimees” seemed to choose a bit more critical material for its news and there were some differences in views about corporatism in general. For the sources of information the newspapers had to use excessively those of the Fascists but now and then their oponents’ sources could also be used, although mainly in the 1920s and in connection with the international events.
Most of the published articles were anonymous. In the bibliography of H. Runnel there are 850 interesting subjects and out of those 542 (64%) are without the author’s name. Actually, the per cent
of anonymous writings was even bigger. The part of the chief editor of “Päevaleht”, H. Tammer was important, which shows the significance of the topic for his newspaper. The part of E. Laaman, the chief editor of “Vaba Maa” and “Rahvaleht”, was also important, but “Postimees” had no such kind of author, although its leader J. Tõnisson also took part in the discussion about Italian Fascism.
From the moral point of view, one of the more critical articles was written by A. Jürgenstein in
“Postimees” from the moral point of view. The readers could become acquainted with the viewpoints of the Estonian diplomats K. Soans and H. Hellat, and those of P. Brenna, the official representative of Italy, who spoke with some pride about the Fascist movement before its coming to power. Nespapers published an interview with F. Nitti, one of the Italian opposition leaders. Many critical articles against Fascism were published by an Italian historian G. Ferrero. Of the Fascist authors texts by B. Mussolini himself and the leading journalist of Italy V. Gayda were published. A letter sent by an Estonian W. Tamm from Italy spoke about B. Mussolini in the superlative, but the editorial board distanced themselves from his views. A speech including inaccuracies by E. Ein, who had lived in Italy, was published. As for the opinion of professionals, Major General J. Tõrvand commented on the Italo-Ethiopian War. His opinion was that the decision to start the war was well grounded. W. Churchill’s writings, published in Estonian newspapers, were critical and relatively well-informed. Of the defenders of corporatism writings by Juhan Vilms were published. The most productive correspondent in Italy was H. Fr. with his articles in “Postimees” in 1937–1938.
Materials from the news agencies were often presented by newspapers without their own analyses. Comments were written mainly by the members of editorial boards. The authors of the travel reports based their news largely on the information they got from the people with whom they had spoken in Italy. Travel reports, which did not mention the political matters at all, were quite numerous. The newspapers had no unique view about Italian Fascism and they were not very agressive when presenting their views. Fascist Italy was treated as a friendly country, where many things were wrongly done. It can be said that if the aim was to preserve the democracy of Estonia, Italian Fascism was shown in a too positive light. The positive evaluations were caused by the struggle against Communism, the wish to make the greater achievements of Fascists an example for the people, the wish to preserve good relations with a great nation, and positive evaluation of stability created there. At the same time, when the corporatist example for Estonia were discussed, the three newspapers were mainly critical, they also considered democracy better than dictatorship.
The researched newspapers give evidence of a more critical attitude in socialist newspapers and of more positive appraisals in the newspaper of the Farmers Party. But it can be said that Italian
Fascism could hide much of his darker sides from the foreign world, but it could not convert considerable number of Estonians into fascists.